Search

Khomeini, the leader of the 1979 Islamic Revolution, sought to chart out an independent course for Iran in regional and global affairs: 'neither East, nor West, the Islamic Republic.' Khomeini's successors have often attempted to compromise with the West by undertaking economic reforms aimed at reintegrating Iran into the imperialistic capitalist world economy. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, signed in mid-July 2015, brings Iran new opportunities but it also greatly compromises the ideological, philosophical and economic foundations of Khomeini's Islamic Republic. After four decades of anti-imperialist struggle, Iran has now largely come back to the fold of imperialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Iran is the largest economy that is not currently included in the World Trade Organization (WTO). This paper addresses why Iran has not yet joined the WTO and whether it is ready to join. Iran's interaction with the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in 1948 marks the beginning of the relationship between Iran and the WTO. To determine why Iran has not yet entered the WTO, the role and penetration of powerful members of the WTO and Iran's economic position are examined. To determine whether Iran is ready to join the WTO, literature is reviewed concerning the effects of joining for the five most-affected major industries in Iran. The major disadvantages of joining the WTO are described as short-term effects, and the advantages of joining are described as long-term goals. Currently, no clear scheme has been offered to handle the negative effects on the Iranian economy. As the major player, the Iranian government could achieve the long-term goals with a realistic and well-planned strategy or miss the mark through its inattention to the critical economic effects. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Young people play an important role in shaping Iran's politics but have only a marginal role in its economy. Youth (ages 15–29) are more than one-third of the country's population and are better educated than the generation they are replacing, while accounting for more than two-thirds of the unemployed. Demographics have thrown the marriage market out of balance, with a “shortage of men” of about 25 percent, while economic pressures have reduced the ability of youth to get married and form families. The higher education system has expanded to absorb ever greater numbers of youth but because education quality is low this has not helped in reducing unemployment. The demographic pressures have amplified since 2008 when the economy entered a period of stagnation. The economic crisis has hit Iran's youth particularly hard, especially those from lower economic backgrounds because the country's rigid formal labor market preserves jobs for older workers. The record number of youth entering the labor market has to wait longer for a regular job or has to take up part-time and informal jobs. In either case, their difficulties in marriage and family formation are intensified. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents a cohort analysis of the earnings of Iranian men who entered Iran's labor market near the time of the 1979 Iranian Revolution. The possible role of the Revolution in Iran's decade-long economic downturn in the 1980s is examined. The authors are largely concerned with the relationship between age and earnings in Iran. Both macroeconomic and microeconomic data are utilized by the authors. Along with male earnings, per capita household expenditures since the Revolution are examined.

The purpose of this study is to analyse the degree of poverty in Iran and how it changed over time during the second, third and fourth (first three years) five-year national development plans (1995-2007). It does this by documenting overall poverty levels and poverty within regional subgroups, using the micro-level data set of household expenditure survey conducted by the Statistical Centre of Iran (SCI) in 1995, 1999, 2004 and 2007. I have found an increase in all poverty measures in rural regions and a decrease in urban areas during the second development plan (1995-1999). The country as a whole also experienced a considerable poverty reduction over the third development plan (1999-2004) under Khatami's presidency. However, all poverty measures suggest that during Ahmadinejad Administration (2004-2007) poverty has risen. This paper also examines the distribution of poverty breakdown by the regional status of households in Iran. The incidence, intensity and severity of poverty are higher in rural than urban areas in Iran. Regional decompositions show that although poverty was spread throughout the country, the intensity of poverty in some provinces such as Systan-Balochestan, Kermanshah, Kordestan, Hamadan and Ilam was more pronounced. The results also suggest that the contribution of the 'southeast' and 'west' regions (including above mentioned provinces) to the national poverty were increased during the second, third and fourth plans. This might be attributed to the fact that these provinces were more affected by eight-year long Iran-Iraq war, immigration of refuges from neighbours countries and drought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the author discusses the political, economic and social similarities between the Soviet Union and the Islamic Republic of Iran. He is critical on Mikhail Gorbachev's economic, social and political reforms, which caused the collapse of the Soviet Union. He notes the value of the U.S. and Western allies' diplomacy to compel Iran to abandon its nuclear energy program. He adds that the U.S. military and the threat of nuclear annihilation reinforced the role of diplomacy.

Examines Iran's economy during World War II in relation to the controversial issue of the devaluation of the rial. Roles played by opponents in the controversy; Significance of the controversy in shedding light to Iran's economic problems; Misconceptions about exchange rates and their effects on Iran's economy.