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I argue that Joseph O'Neill's Netherland is a novel offering fascinating criticisms of white, Eurocentric perspectives when understood within the context of research about conservative Caucasian responses to racial, ethnic, and national diversity. Narrator Hans situates readers in post-9/11 New York and tells the story of leaving his predominantly white Manhattan milieu to join a cricket league. Originally from The Netherlands, Hans comes to the US from London, and the vast majority of the characters he interacts with are first-generation Americans; he is also the only Caucasian in his cricketing circle. Within his immersion into New York's diversity, we see Hans's racial conservativism, which emerges from his elite Western European experience and education. By taking a narratological approach to the novel, I go against the grain of recent criticism about the novel (including articles published in this journal) and assert that Netherland is critical of its central character. O'Neill draws on formal strategies of juxtaposition and implication to reveal the shortcomings in Hans's thinking, even while showing Hans making efforts to deepen his relation to history's Others. Thus we see O'Neill make whiteness meet itself by meeting otherness, simultaneously exposing the ways facile celebrations of diversity can mask the deeper problem of global inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China enjoys considerable popularity in the Middle East and Africa, not only among elites but also at street level. This article draws on international relations theories to explain this general pattern, as well as intra- and interregional variation. Every approach has something to contribute, but international political economy more so than realism. Constructivist theories are particularly useful in explaining China's popularity in the Middle East and Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an age of increasing political polarization, the Affordable Care Act (ACA) stands out as one of the most politically divisive pieces of legislation in recent history. Unlike previous laws making changes to the US health care system, public views of the ACA did not improve measurably as people gained experience with the program, but remained deeply divided on a partisan basis in the more than eight years since its passage. In this article, we examine how the complexity of the law, lack of understanding by the public, and elite partisan messaging have contributed to this enduring partisan divide, and discuss what the future may hold for the measurement of public opinion on major health care legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the relation between self‐serving elite behaviour and citizen political participation. It uses a fixed effects approach to analyse the association between portfolio investment in tax havens and voter turnout, using data from 213 parliamentary elections in 65 countries for the period 1998–2014. For well‐functioning democracies a positive relation between the use of tax havens and voter turnout is found, suggesting that self‐serving elite behaviour is associated with citizen political mobilisation rather than voter apathy. The estimated relationship is stronger in the period after the 2008 economic crisis, when elite behaviour was a particularly salient issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hydraulic fracturing ("fracking") has recently become a very intensely debated process for extracting oil and gas. Supporters argue that fracking provides positive economic benefits and energy security and offers a decreased reliance on coal‐based electricity generation. Detractors claim that the fracking process may harm the environment as well as place a strain on local communities that experience new fracking operations. This study utilizes a recently conducted survey distributed to a sample of policy elites and the general public in Arkansas and Oregon to examine the role of cultural value predispositions and trust in shaping the perceptions of risks and benefits associated with fracking. Findings indicate that cultural values influence both trust and benefit‐risk perceptions of fracking for both policy elites and the general public. More specifically, we found that trust in information from various sources is derived from the intrinsic values held by an individual, which in turn impacts perceptions of related benefits and risks. We also found that while the overall pattern of relationships is similar, trust plays a larger role in the formulation of attitudes for policy elites than for the general public. We discuss the implications of the mediating role of trust in understanding value‐driven benefit‐risk perceptions, as well as the disparate role of trust between policy elites and the general public in the context of the policy‐making process for both theory and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Opposed theories of relations between business and government in advanced capitalist democracies are predicated on contrary assumptions concerning the capacity of the managers and directors of large corporations to act upon their political interests. An assumption of corporate rationality presumes that the corporate elite is largely incapable of identifying and promoting its common political objectives; an assumption of classwide rationality presumes that such a capacity is present. This article examines these and related assumptions about the internal social organization of the corporate elite in the United States and Great Britain. Inclusive and diffusely structured networks of economic and social relations among the largest corporations are found in both countries to provide a foundation for a special segment of the elite whose political interests transcend individual firms and whose internal cohesion facilitates expression of those interests in the political process. This politically dominant segment enters into contact with government in ways that favor promotion of classwide policies and disfavor more parochial outlooks. Challenge to the position of large business, whether from the labor movement in Great Britain or the national government in the United States, is shown to have further consolidated the political capacities of this segment. Though corporate rationality still characterizes much of the internal organization of the corporate community, classwide rationality now characterizes its highest circles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarly accounts of elite–mass communication often suggest that political sophistication is a necessary condition for adopting the attitudes of partisan elites. Some have also suggested that political knowledge promotes religious–political issue constraint among religious identifiers. This paper contributes to the political sophistication literature by piloting and testing a new measure, religious–political sophistication (RPS), assessing knowledge of church teaching on particular political issues. Using original measures launched on the 2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, I show that for evangelical Protestants and Roman Catholics, RPS (in conjunction with frequent church attendance) depresses support for abortion rights and same-sex marriage. Moreover, I argue that assessing RPS this way is not fatally contaminated by unsophisticated respondents interpolating that their clergy must share their political positions. Results suggest religion-and-politics scholars should adopt RPS measures to gain a greater understanding of the unique sources of political communication upon which religious identifiers draw. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Domestic internal security missions have become a centrepiece of Brazil and Mexico’s counter-narcotic efforts. Relying on a set of interviews, this article addresses narratives of elites engaged in the decision-making process and implementation of military operations to counter drug trafficking crimes in Rio de Janeiro and Tijuana. In spite of different levels of drug trafficking organisation and international ramification, this article points out the existence of shared narratives of growing insecurity and criminal strength in Brazil and Mexico, justifying state military reaction against a perceived national security threat. The article thus suggests the relevance of civil–military elites’ perception in defining public policies’ instruments and, ultimately, in upholding the militarisation of security in democratic regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Existing literature shows that Republicans in the mass public demonstrate greater ideological inconsistency and value conflict than Democrats. That is, despite a commitment to the conservative label and abstract belief in limited government, Republican identifiers' substantive policy attitudes are nonetheless divided. Conversely, Democrats, despite registering lower levels of ideological thinking, maintain relatively consistent liberal issue attitudes. Based on theories of coalition formation and elite opinion leadership, we argue that these differences should extend to Democratic and Republican Party activists. Examining surveys of convention delegates from the years 2000 and 2004, we show that Democratic activists' attitudes are more ideologically constrained than are those of Republican activists. The results support our hypothesis and highlight that some of the inconsistent attitudes evident among mass public party identifiers can be traced to the internal divisions of the major party coalitions themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The organizational culture elite is studied as a new elite group emerging within a stable neo-corporatist state. Does this new elite adopt existing modes of operation or place itself at bay from the more established elite groups? The emergence of and changes in the culture elite are discussed from a historical perspective in terms of social background, recruitment processes, occupational careers, gender composition, political outlooks, lobbying, and media strategies. The culture elite is systematically compared to two other elites: the university elite, the most similar among the elites, and the economic elite, assumedly representing the greatest contrast. Despite special characteristics in the social situations and political views of the culture elite, it is concluded that the mode of operation of this group indicates a high degree of adaptability to the general system of elites. A main reason is assumed to be the integrative power and liberal quality of the state in a neo-corporatist regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Influential recent scholarship assumes that authoritarian rulers act as perfect agents of economic elites, foreclosing the possibility that economic elites may at times prefer democracy absent a popular threat from below. Motivated by a puzzling set of democratic transitions, we relax this assumption and examine how elite uncertainty about dictatorship-a novel and generalizable causal mechanism impacting democratization-can induce elite support for democracy. We construct a noisy signaling model in which a potential autocrat attempts to convince economic elites that he will be a faithful partner should elites install him in power. The model generates clear predictions about how two major types of elite uncertainty-uncertainty in a potential autocratic successor's policies produced by variance in the pool of would-be dictator types, and uncertainty in the truthfulness of policy promises made by potential autocratic successors-impact the likelihood of elite-driven democratization. We demonstrate the model's plausibility in a series of cases of democratic transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Agraria is the property of Historia Agraria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Some studies of policy representation test hypotheses about the relationship between citizens' views and elites' positions on multiple issues by proceeding one issue at a time. Others summarize citizens' and elites' preferences with 'ideology scores' and test hypotheses with these. I show that approach is flawed. It misinterprets citizens' ideology scores as summaries of policy preferences, but these scores actually measure ideological consistency across areas: how often citizens' ideal policies are liberal or conservative. Examples show how attending to this distinction overturns conventional wisdom: legislators appear similarly moderate as citizens, not more extreme; however, politically engaged citizens appear especially moderate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religion has increasingly become important in conflicts worldwide. Religious leaders may play a key role in mobilizing believers as they can call for peace or instigate violence. But what makes religious leaders support peace or promote violence? Drawing on a survey poll of 102 religious leaders in Juba, South Sudan, this paper represents virtually the first attempt to study the correlates of pro-violence opinions of religious elites in a more quantitative manner in a developing country. The paper analyzes when and why some religious leaders support faith-based violence while others do not. Employing a unique combination of innovative measures, our results have many implications for mobilization processes. We find that leaders’ support for faith-based violence is largely independent of individual demographic or personal determinants but is closely related to religious attitudes. Tolerance toward other faiths and secularism reduce pro-violence attitudes. Muslims seem to be more ready to support faith-based violence, probably given their minority status and other peculiarities of Islam in (South) Sudan. Surprisingly, interreligious activities do not reduce support for violence but increase appreciation for peaceful protest. Generally, determinants of peaceful protest substantially differ, suggesting that any support for violence follows its own distinct logic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper begins by outlining the basic altitudinal differences between the elite and the rest of society. Understanding these divergent views does not require resorting to arguments that reply upon error, ignorance, manipulation, or differences in individual character. Instead, both elites and others are correct in their understanding of these processes because they overgeneralize from their own experience. The major proposition of this paper is that if we compare the economic conditions of the average American and to that of the elite, we find that they are, in important ways, the inverse of one another. During times when Americans as a whole were experiencing economic advancement and mobility, elites were comparatively stagnant. And today, as most Americans are locked in place, elites observe tremendous mobility. The counter-cyclical character of the elite has important implications for our understanding of elite culture, and elite response to inequality and redistribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses survey data collected in 2010 and conducts a systematic comparative analysis of the perceptions of the EU by the Chinese general public and the elite. Most ordinary Chinese citizens do not understand the EU very well, but their impressions of the EU are very positive and they also hold good expectations for the future of China–EU relations. The Chinese elites and ordinary citizens differ significantly in terms of ‘favoring the EU’ or ‘favoring Russia’. The multivariate model indicates that EU travel experience, annual income level and Internet dependence have significant positive effects on ‘favoring-EU’ feelings. Those who have EU travel experience, higher levels of annual income and greater opportunities to obtain information via the Internet are more likely to be ‘favoring-EU’. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This response piece is informed by recent public discussions concerning the BBC ‘Great British Class Calculator’ – a survey which seeks to rethink traditional ways of categorising class for the 21st century. This article focuses on how individuals feel about, and respond to, their class location. Drawing on data from a two-year study about the black middle classes, it is argued that class identity cannot be fully understood without taking account of the intersecting role of race. Specifically, exposing how white identity and white racial knowledge work to inform and protect the boundaries of middle class and elite class positions (to the disadvantage of minoritised groups) remains central to advancing race equity and genuine social mobility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article casts a sceptical eye on the seemingly glowing reputation of the United States amongst the elites of Greater Syria during the First World War era. It argues that although this reputation was based on genuine appreciation of good deeds performed by Americans in the region, it was also based on a mistaken impression of the nature of America's global role in this era and was most likely not as emphatic as it sometimes appears in the historical record. In doing this, the article seeks to raise questions about the place that such utterances should occupy in histories of the modern Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article introduces this thematic issue of the journal, which focuses on biographies of people who lived in multiethnic or colonial empires, and offers reflections on such topics as the theory of biography as a genre, the mental maps of elites involved in imperialism, and their self-perception and self-presentation.

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Political Science / Revue Canadienne de Science Politique is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An essay is presented on the history of the social construction of Latin America from the early 19th century through the 1860s. Particular focus is given to the role that anti-imperialism, transnationalism, race and democracy played in the development of the conception of Latin America. An overview of Latin American elites' perspective on Latin American identity is provided.

The paper consists of six parts. The first part discusses the major reasons for the presence of a conventional sociopolitical Baloch culture in Iran. The second part presents a profile of the Iranian Baloch elites, dividing them into four major groups: the Sunni clerics or molavis, tribal chiefs, the educated, and the wealthy. The third discusses the challenging relationship which exists among the Baloch elites. The fourth describes the elites' attitudes towards the Baloch society's norms. The fifth determines the elites' orientation towards state and politics. And finally the paper ends with conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In an effort to understand why the relative usage of relational and legal contracts differs across societies, this article builds a political economy model of legal development where legal quality of contract enforcement is a costly public good. It finds that legal investment tends to be too small under elite rule but too large under majority rule in comparison with the socially optimal level. Furthermore, elite rule, low legal quality, and high-income inequality may form a self-perpetuating circle that hinders economic development. In contrast to the conventional view, this article suggests that the often-observed association between heavy reliance on relational contracts and under development is most likely caused by the presence of elite rule rather than by a more collective-oriented culture per se because it is optimal for societies better at using relational contracts to start legal investment relatively late and to have lower quality of legal enforcement. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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The article explores the history and perspectives of Argentinian germanophile intellectuals and elite during World War I, with a focus on the Argentinians Ernesto Quesada, Juan P. Ramos, Alfredo Colmo and Ernesto Vergara Biedma. The author discusses how the ideas of the four intellectuals evolved throughout the period of the war, including their attitudes regarding Argentina's neutrality in the war and their support of German culture. The author emphasizes that 1917 was a pivotal year in the evolution of attitudes in Argentinian society, regarding Germany and its role in the war.

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Assuming that migration threat is multi-dimensional, this article seeks to investigate how various types of threats associated with immigration affect attitudes towards immigration and civil liberties. Through experimentation, the study unpacks the 'securitization of migration' discourse by disaggregating the nature of immigration threat, and its impact on policy positions and ideological patterns at the individual level. Based on framing and attitudinal analysis, we argue that physical security in distinction from cultural insecurity is enough to generate important ideological variations stemming from strategic input (such as framing and issue-linkage). We expect then that as immigration shifts from a cultural to a physical threat, immigration issues may become more politically salient but less politicized and subject to consensus. Interestingly, however, the findings reveal that the effects of threat framing are not ubiquitous, and may be conditional upon ideology. Liberals were much more susceptible to the frames than were conservatives. Potential explanations for the ideological effects of framing, as well as their implications, are explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comparative research suggests that in some settings the conspicuous flaunting of one's assets is expected, while "unconspicuousness" is likely to be interpreted in terms of diffidence or lack of wherewithal. Conversely, in other contexts, distinction may require studied understatement, and an excessive concern with display of rank would eventually undermine one's reputation. Yet, social theorists have often tended to see only one side of the coin. The purpose of this article is to highlight complexity and propose various hypotheses for dealing with significant variations in elite behaviour, with a view to developing non-dogmatic interpretations of the logics underpinning conspicuousness and unconspicuousness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the 19th century Chinese elites' perspective on role that the putatively sectarian nature of Chinese Catholicism, which is also referred to as the Heavenly Lord sect, played in the Taiping Rebellion of 1851-1864. The Chinese government's relationship with Christian missionaries is discussed. The article often cites the historian and Professor Paul A. Cohen's research on the Taiping Rebellion.

The purpose of this study was to investigate the psycho-social attributes of elite African women volleyball athletes.These psycho-social attributes included ,the influence of significant others, reasons for specializing in volleyball, motives for participation and players? retirement prospects. Questionnaires were administered to 100 players from 10 countries who participated at the 16th Africa Cup of Nations for senior women held in Nairobi, Kenya. Data were analyzed using descriptive statistics, i.e. frequencies and percentages. Results indicated that the players had late entry into volleyball, 78% of them were influenced by family members to play volleyball, 81% continued to play the game due to success, and 64% envisaged that they would pursue careers outside sport after retiring from competitive volleyball. The study recommends the retraining of physical education (PE) teachers to design and implement volleyball talent identification and nurturing programmes. PE teachers and coaches should guide young volleyball players to further their education alongside playing volleyball so that they can have alternative career choices upon retirement. Further studies need to be conducted to unearth the technical and tactical shortcomings of elite women volleyball players in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines widely held assumptions among scientific elites positing that there is an increasing discrepancy between those with specialized knowledge and laypersons, that governmental policy is increasingly shaped by scientific research and its practitioners, and that these trends pose a threat to representative democracy. This article asserts that modern liberal democratic societies are characterized by enabling structural changes that have expanded the forms of and means for citizen action, and simplified civil society's access to specialized knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the relationships that exist between Argentinians of European descent and indigenous peoples within the nation. It is attested that indigenous populations have been marginalised while those of European lineage have come to represent a powerful class of social elites. The author examines how this paradigm has impacted the ethnic identity of native Argentinians, who are allegedly perceived as barbarians. The social conditions and elements of language that perpetuate these concepts are discussed.

This article discusses the unequal distribution of the Belgian elite social class in Belgian towns and rural areas during the years leading up to World War One. The living patters of these individuals and the amount of time they spent living either in the country or in the cities, and the reasons why, is examined. The distinction is made between the "nobility" classes and the "bourgeois" classes and the differences that existed in the habits of each are outlined. The question of whether or not these two aspects of society mingled, and if so to what degree, is focused on.

The article examines why peacebuilding missions often fail to build a democratic infrastructure as well. It is attested that missions mandated by the United Nations (UN) and other international organizations have strived to develop not only peace in countries affected by civil wars, but also democracy. Potential reasons provided for the lack of success in developing democratic governance include the difficulty of engineering a society capable of maintaining a liberal-democratic regime in only a few years and a lack of resources among postwar societies. The author urges that elites in postwar countries are often reluctant to advocate for democracy and that democratic procedures threaten the authority of these societies.

The article discusses the role of television broadcasting in the efforts of Mexican elites to enforce social values and an image of modernity in the run-up to the 1968 Summer Olympic Games held in Mexico City. Social conditions and the national self-image of Mexico from the time of the 1920s Mexican Revolution up to the 1968 Olympic bid are discussed, including the cultural and socioeconomic gap between the country's European-descended elites and its struggling masses. Also discussed are the short television films sponsored by the Mexican Olympic Organizing Committee, featuring the popular comedic television character Cantinflas and intended to educate the public about appropriate behavior during the Olympics.

In this article, the main contents of this special issue are introduced. In particular, we introduce a definition of the concept of European citizenship system (ECS). Then, we move to a discussion of the national elites in four South European countries—Greece, Italy, Portugal, Spain—and examine their views about Europe. Finally, we illustrate how, through the use of original data, the other articles will analyse the views that guide these national elites' construction of the ECS, with the purpose of explaining variations within and across countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to analyse the attitudes of Italian political and economic elites towards European citizenship through the results of a survey conducted in 2007. We begin with a discussion of the changing patterns of pro-Europeanism among Italian elites, within the framework of the recent deep transformations of the domestic political system. In order to understand how these transformations have affected the elites' attitudes towards European citizenship, we investigate the analytical dimensions covered in this special issue: identity, representation and scope of governance. We reach the conclusion that the Italian elite are still characterised by a clear pro-European profile. However, some hints of change are evident: in comparison with politicians, economic elites are more certain about their degree of support. Moreover, a growing difference emerges within the political class, as centre-left MPs are more oriented towards full pro-Europeanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main aim of this article is to show to what extent it is possible to talk about the South European member states as a homogeneous region with respect to the topics of European citizenship addressed in this special issue. In particular, we will address this problem by exploring both the level of homogeneity of the attitudes developed by national elites within this area, and the level of distinctiveness of such attitudes compared with the pan-European trend. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Elite perceptions about Europe are very important in understanding the current trajectory of the European integration process, as well as the future perspectives for the continent. In this article, we present the main descriptive results of an empirical analysis looking at the attitudes of Spanish political and economic elites along the three dimensions of the IntUne project: representation, identity, and scope of governance. We examine the set of explanatory factors that may account for such attitudes. These factors are also tested through multivariate analyses. The 2007 IntUne project survey is used as the main database. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to present and discuss the data for Portugal of the IntUne survey on elite attitudes towards European integration. Despite some differences between the Portuguese and the European results of the survey, we find that the concept of 'compound citizenship' (M. Cotta, 'A “compound” model of citizenship? European citizenship in the eyes of national elites', Lisbon IntUne General Assembly, 27-30 November 2008) may be applied to the perceptions of Portuguese elites regarding the European Union, and the postulated combination of an indirect European citizenship with a direct one is also verifiable in Portugal. We hypothesise that this European 'compound citizenship' is not conflictive with national citizenship, possessing instead elements for strengthening the linkage between them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the attitudes of Greek political elites towards the European Union (EU) and compares them with the views of public opinion. Data were collected in 2007 through personal interviews with 90 MPs and a public opinion survey (IntUne project). The attitudes of MPs are discussed with regard to three dimensions of European citizenship: identity, representation, and scope of governance. There are traditionalists, formalists, and liberals among the MPs. Their trust in EU institutions and their perceptions of EU policy areas and levels of policymaking are strongly influenced by political ideology and party affiliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Italy, as in most western countries, a growing number of people have started consuming not only according with their personal taste or following economical criteria. Critical consumption stresses the importance of ethical and public criteria as a core value for consumer's choices. This article focuses on integrative function of consumption. We will show that there are various categories of critical consumers which usually buy fair, sustainable and ethical products. Someone is more sensible to style and fashion of ethical shopping; others consumers look for a better coherence between their values and their everyday life; others ascribe to critical consumption a transformative and political meaning. Grounding our analysis on some classical theories on consumption and elites, we will discuss the main features of the last group of consumers, showing how it can be considered a sort of elite able to bridges emerging values and political roles in the institutional sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Universitas Humanística is the property of Pontificia Universidad Javeriana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)