Search

This study investigates the capacity of Brazilian diplomats in Brazilian embassies around the world between 1994 and 2022. Data requested from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs by the Integrated Platform for Ombudsmanship and Access to Information (Fala.BR) was used. The data was tabulated, and the embassies with diplomats were grouped into five regions: Africa, America/Caribbean, Asia/Oceania, Europe, and the Middle East. The results demonstrated that, despite the strong increase in the number of embassies in Africa during the period, the proportion of diplomats in African embassies remained significantly lower compared to other regions. While the average number of diplomats in embassies in Africa with a career member assigned was always less than three, in Europe, it reached almost six, and in America/Caribbean, it exceeded this number. The results also demonstrated a strong growth trend in the number of diplomats stationed in embassies in America/Caribbean in the first terms of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (26%), Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (29%), and Dilma Rousseff (25%), and a slow but permanent increase in the number of embassies with diplomats stationed in Asia/Oceania between 1994 and 2018 (10 to 24). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fate of diplomatic gifts after their presentation can reveal patterns of instability and shifting narratives on the items themselves and how they were perceived and received at the time. Often, these important pieces of material evidence disappear or are decontextualised from their exchange. This has been the case with the Persian embassy to Louis XIV's court at Versailles in 1715, where the gifts that were presented to the Sun King were thought to have been lost. This paper traces the afterlives of two of the gifted items: a string of pearls and two gold boxes of mumia. Each of these gifts were retained by the French administration and can be tracked through the eighteenth century. Their journeys reveal much about their evolving significances and the re‐evaluations that occurred once they entered the French collections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ḥawliyyaẗ Kulliyyaẗ Al-Adāb: Ǧāmiʿaẗ Binī Sūwaīf is the property of Beni Suef University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Summary: On 1 October 2004, a new Royal Netherlands Embassy building opened in Warsaw, Poland. Its striking, contemporary appearance surprises and seduces at the same time: glass, concrete and wood artfully intersect in a sophisticated design that champions transparency and openness. This four-year building project commissioned by the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs was entrusted to the highly acclaimed Dutch architect Erick van Egeraat (b. 1956). His carefully conceived architectural programme invites a wider discussion on the ways in which embassy architecture can support the aspirations of modern diplomacy. To this end, this article situates the Dutch Embassy building within the wider context of Dutch–Polish diplo-matic relations and examines how its design contributes to defining the practice of Dutch diplomacy. It also proposes a comparative view of trends within Dutch embassy architecture by considering other contemporary ex-amples in South America, Central Europe and Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: What can the historical study of early American legations in Europe tell us about how the United States approaches its embassies in the world today? Embassy buildings today represent over two hundred years of American trial and error in constantly shifting foreign political environments. They are, by their nature, intended to straddle multiple modalities: public and private; political and personal; global and local. It was because of their deliberately fluid representational states that the first American diplomatic missions to Europe could attempt to bridge the paradigm of aristocratic and democratic approaches to embassy curation abroad. As the first modern post-colonial democracy, the diplomatic agents of the US experimented with the placement, decoration and occupation of their ministerial spaces. In doing so, they innovated strategies of fluidity still seen in American embassies today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: Built by the architect Louis Montoyer in Vienna between 1803 and 1808 for the Russian ambassador to Austria, Andrey Razumovsky, the famous Razumovsky Palace would become the centre of anti-Napoleonic diplomacy in the early nineteenth century and a fixture in Vienna's lively cultural scene. This article first discusses how the ambassador used his embassy as a meeting place for formal and informal diplomacy that contributed to Russia's positioning against Napoleon long before the Grande Armée invaded the empire. Secondly, the architectural outline of the Razumovsky Palace is linked to the different cultural functions of the embassy that underpinned and strengthened Razumovsky's diplomatic network. The final section of the article explores the role of the Razumovsky Palace as a determinant factor in the ambassador's decision to leave diplomatic service and remain in Vienna until his death in 1836. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

An embassy is a government organization located abroad and is tasked with carrying out diplomacy towards the accredited country where the embassy is domiciled. The XYZ Embassy is located on the African continent and has an organizational structure consisting of the Ambassador and several diplomats and local staff. As is the general condition of XYZ country in all countries, the XYZ Embassy is also experiencing problems especially related to ICT, such as the XYZ Embassy's IT infrastructure is inadequate, the quality of electronic goods is not good, limited ICT resources, poor energy resources, information systems that are not yet integrated and limited ICT procurement and maintenance budgets. The aim of this research is to evaluate ICT governance at the XYZ Embassy using the COBIT 5 framework so that a capability level assessment can be carried out and a Gap Analysis can be obtained and provide recommendations for improving ICT governance at the XYZ Embassy. Some of the benefits of conducting research include assessing the condition of needs in ICT management at the XYZ Embassy, helping to measure the capability level of ICT management, and recommendations in efforts to maximize and optimize the use of ICT using COBIT 5. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper empirically investigates the impact of Turkey's embassies on trade with sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). It uses a panel data set that covers 28 African countries for the period of 2002 to 2020 in order to measure if the opening of an embassy increases Turkey's exports to relevant countries. The study found a positive relationship between exports and diplomatic representation via embassies. More precisely, the empirical results indicate that the presence of an embassy in an African country increases Turkey's exports to this country by 108%. The study also found that the presence of business councils has the same positive effect on Turkey's export performance albeit at a moderate level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tempo (1413-7704) is the property of Universidade Federal Fluminense, Departamento de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Lasting for over a decade, the Long Turkish war (1593–1606) temporarily disrupted the diplomatic contacts between Habsburgs and Ottomans. Like any other agreement between Vienna and Istanbul, the peace treaty of Zsitvatorok (1606) left various controversial questions unresolved and provided further issues to negotiate. The present article aims at outlining and analyzing the main challenges the Habsburgs diplomats in Istanbul were faced with during the first two decades after the reestablishment of permanent diplomatic contacts (1608) following the end of the Long Turkish War. The study focuses on the diplomatic mission of Johann Jakob Kurz von Senftenau (1623 – 1624). The choice to examine this particular mission in detail is due both to the good volume of preserved archival documents on its progress, and to the fact that it is among the lesser-known Habsburg embassies in Constantinople from the beginning of XVII century. Along with the ever ongoing negotiations of disputable articles of the peace agreements, rebuilding the intelligence network, and organizing save transportation of the diplomatic correspondence to the Imperial court in Vienna emerge as tasks of primary importance. The financial struggles in times of inflation and the frequent change of Ottoman rulers also stand out as main challenges for the Habsburg diplomats to handle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Historica. Historia Medieval is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos Dieciochistas is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bylye Gody is the property of Cherkas Global University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de História da UEG is the property of Revista de Historia da UEG, Editora UEG, Universidade Estadual de Goias and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

He argues that, although the Brexit rhetoric of "Global Britain" has led many Brexiteers to advocate a revival of old partnerships, in particular with Commonwealth countries, the small developing island states of the Pacific which once belonged to the British empire are, in fact, not very high up on Britain's list of post-Brexit priorities. Diplomatic departures: negotiating Britain's international outreach in the contemporary world While the Algerian government had wanted Britain to "do a de Gaulle" in Rhodesia, British politicians and diplomats never perceived France as a possible or viable model for Britain in relation to its settler colonies. [...] having an Embassy or post flying the British flag really matters, and creates an effect that can never be replicated by a diplomat with a laptop however hard they work.'[13] Pledging to reverse the closures that had occurred during the Labour years, his ambition was "to signal that where Britain was retreating, it is now advancing"[14] - seemingly in line with trends in British society, with 56% of the general public believing in 2012 that the UK should aspire to be "a great power".[15] Much of the expansion was envisaged in Asia, Africa and Latin America, and the public advised that expansion would have to come at the cost of savings in Britain's European network (including by withdrawing from subordinate posts). [Extracted from the article]

In terms of presenting the actions and power practices initiated during the first ruling period of the DP government for voter approval, the 1954 elections were a race that foreign missions also carefully followed. A number of developments happened before the elections and raising the political tension in Turkey were eagerly awaited in how the voters would meet. Developments such as the seizure of the property of the RPP, the closure of the People's Houses, and the closure of the Nation Party strained the relationship between the government and the opposition during the 1954 elections. The reports to be forwarded to the foreign ministry which were prepared by the UK Embassy in Ankara closely following the political developments in Turkey, provides the opportunity to look at the mentioned period from a different aspect, since it contains some issues that will affect the voting preferences of the citizens before the elections of 1954. In this process, the strategies used by the parties to influence voter preferences, the embassy reports discussing developments such as how foreign policy affects domestic politics and, in this context, the questioning of the ruling and opposition party on the Western alliance on the Petroleum Law, which was issued for the first time in 1954, deserves to be taken into account in terms of revealing the political economy of the time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article contributes to the discussion of Russia's public diplomacy efforts to transmit and diffuse certain narratives to foreign audiences online. Utilizing the case of understudied Russia's public diplomacy strategies concerning Asian countries, the study analyzes what narratives Russia's embassy projected to the Japanese public from 2013 to 2019. The findings demonstrate that although the embassy gives preference to positive self-description over active advocacy, it constructs Russia's image through history-dependent narratives. This practice is unlikely to contribute to the understanding of modern Russia, which its political elites are striving for. The study contributes to the overall understanding of the narrative composition that Russia constructs as a part of its public diplomacy efforts. The article also brings together elements of qualitative and quantitative methodology to conduct a content analysis of narratives online, which paves the way for further investigation of social media public diplomacy practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Czechoslovakia, as the successor state of Austria-Hungary, inherited numer- ous problems. One of the most difficult was undoubtedly the question of the coexistence of minorities in a common state; in particular, the German mi- nority had a considerable impact on the cohesion of the state. As a result, the newly established foreign embassies in Prague monitored the relations between Czechs and Germans closely throughout the entire period of the First Republic. The development of Czech-German relations was also monitored by the Spanish embassy, and this topic became one of the most commented on in the reports sent by diplomats to Madrid. The present study therefore provides an insight into the functioning of the Spanish embassy in Prague during this period. It focuses not only on the frequency of such reports, but also analyses what topics diplomats paid attention to. The study also takes into account the effects of both the changes in the political regime in Spain between the found- ing of Czechoslovakia and the outbreak of the Civil War and the high turnover. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Late Middle Ages, the formation of embassies between two sovereign entities was carried out by delegates who required powers of attorney to be considered official representatives and procurators. This article analyses sixty-four documents issued by the Castilian Royal Chancery throughout the late medieval period, revealing their function, as well as how they were formulated and issued. Such analysis allows deeper insight into how the Castilian Royal Chancery adapted its practices for the creation and issuance of documents as rare as they are important. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During Trump Administration, he introduced and used "America First" as his guidance in conducting US Foreign Policy. The "America First" emphasizes pursuing national interests and using force to achieve security and prosperity. However, Trump's decision to relocate the US Embassy and recognition Jerusalem as Israel's capital city was contradictory with his "America First" strategy. The author's main question is that What sort of norm shaped US embassy relocation policy? It seems dispensationalism played pivotal role in influencing US embassy relocation policy. Dispensationalism believe that the restoration of Israel is a necessary precondition for the Lord's return and that the Jews must return to their homeland to be regathered as a nation. Trump's motive to adopt Dispensationalism as part of conducting US foreign policy was driven by the urgency to maintain his voting bloc after 2016 US Election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After concluding the Polish-Soviet repatriation agreement (6 July 1945), the Soviet Union (the USSR) started preparing for the evacuation of Polish exiles: victims of the Soviet deportation from the years 1940–1941. It soon became apparent that those who wanted to return to Poland were required to undergo the procedure of changing citizenship. The exiles had to prove they had been Polish citizens prior to 17 September 1939. The majority of them did not have the documents that could confirm this, thus, the planned repatriation was under threat. In the autumn of 1945, the Polish Embassy in Moscow took action to make the procedure of changing citizenship easier, and finally mass repatriation began. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Historia del Derecho is the property of Instituto de Investigaciones de Historia del Derecho and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Government and their affairs have been recognized with their formal antic and frequently engaged with old-styled decision or action. With the power of social media and internet, things aren't going with traditionalism forever, because now event Japanese embassy also uses creative touch in engaging with Indonesian Citizen in Japan. To perform their task properly, their service is accompanied by colorful cartoonish illustrations whether it's for notification, event announcement, or encouraging Indonesian citizen to do certain action. This kind of communication method by Japanese Embassy for Indonesia can be called as creative public communication. The content analysis allows us to understand that animation isn't only part of entertainment, but it opens a path to effective public communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction. In the 1740s–1780s, decentralization processes within the Kazakh Khanate led to that it was involved into somewhat troubled foreign policy relations. The period of struggle for political independence witnessed the emergence of Abylai — among most authoritative leaders of the Kazakh Khanate — as a key political decision-maker of the Great Steppe. His son Uali joined and continued the process of developing diplomatic relations between the Kazakh Khanate and the Qing Empire. In the future, it was a balanced strategy of diplomatic maneuvers under conditions of dual citizenship that constituted the basis of the latter ruler’s administrative agenda across Kazakh lands. Goals. Thus, the study aims to examine Abylai and Uali’s diplomatic relations with the Qing Empire. The paper shall also explore archival materials for data pertaining to diplomatic endeavors of Uali which are scarce enough as compared to those on Abylai’s activities. Materials and methods. The work focuses on documents stored at the Historical Archive of Omsk Oblast, Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire, and Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts. Quite a number of the documents from the Historical Archive of Omsk Oblast have been declassified only in 2019, and were never introduced into wide scholarly circulation. The newly obtained records reveal certain historical facts, including about certain diplomatic endeavors definitely adding to the little-known personality of Khan Uali. The currently available documentary evidence dealing with the events of the 18th–19th centuries virtually shed no light on Uali’s role in historical processes. Our search for information about activities of this historical figure shows how poorly investigated the latter is. The study employs the principles of scientific and historical knowledge, with due regard the value approach. Results. The Kazakh-Qing land-related negotiations after the collapse of the Dzungar Khanate continued with the establishment of trade and economic relations — to witness an increase in mutual diplomatic missions. So, Abylai faced an opportunity to obtain the Qing citizenship as a basis for further development of ties with the Manchu imperial palace. The Qing citizenship of Kazakh rulers Abylai and Uali did significantly expand room for political maneuver of theirs. Abylai is still considered to be a key figure in establishing Kazakh-Qing diplomatic relations, he who had taken the bulk of the responsibility — in this matter — among the then individuals of power and influence in the Steppe. Whereas, the role and activities of Uali remain little-known when it comes to discuss diplomatic relations between the Kazakhs and neighboring states.

This research carries out an analysis of the websites published by MENA countries' embassies with a presence in Spain, in order to understand whether they practice digital diplomacy. Such activity is a low-cost, wide-ranging public diplomacy tool. The analysis covers a two-year period (2020-2022) that coincides with the Covid-19 pandemic, a context that prompted the digitization of many sectors. The article contributes to the literature on Arab and Israeli digital diplomacy, as well as on digital diplomacy as practiced by embassies. Specifically, this exploratory analysis examines the webpages and published press notes of four countries' embassies, including Saudi Arabia, Israel, Morocco, and Qatar. These countries were chosen because they have the most robust websites in Spanish, together with the fact that they were the MENA countries whose governments pioneered the use of Twitter as an instrument of digital diplomacy. The article examines the topics and interpretations provided by the press notes published on these embassies' websites. A discourse analysis methodology with references to the original sources is applied. Topics and interpretations are classified into four types of public diplomacy: media diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, niche diplomacy and nation branding. The conclusion is that the MENA countries studied neglect digital diplomacy on their websites in Spain, missing out on the opportunities it represents. The apparently four most digitized embassies in this group have errors on their webpages and often only publish messages from their respective foreign ministries, focusing on regional and internal issues rather than on their bilateral relationship with Spain. This is especially true of Saudi Arabia and Qatar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the discourse on the Facebook page of the Embassy of the Republic of Korea in the United States and discusses how the ROK Embassy constructs its public diplomacy by highlighting its international role and its ROK-U.S. relationship. This research conducted a simple content analysis and a discourse analysis to study 182 posts published on the Embassy's Facebook page in Korean, English or both between October 25, 2019, and October 25, 2020. Results indicate that different languages can be strategically used to communicate with different audiences, though sometimes such communication was exclusionary. Importantly, the activities of the ambassador showcased the areas where the host country draws its strongest relations. History and global challenges such as COVID-19 play critical roles in understanding the ROK-U.S. relationship and their shared interests as strategic partners. This research shows that use of social media, in this case Facebook, requires various considerations in terms of strategic communication to boost relationships with strategic partners and the global reputation of a country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research carries out an analysis of the websites published by MENA countries’ embassies with a presence in Spain, in order to understand whether they practice digital diplomacy. Such activity is a low-cost, wide-ranging public diplomacy tool. The analysis covers a two-year period (2020-2022) that coincides with the Covid-19 pandemic, a context that prompted the digitization of many sectors. The article contributes to the literature on Arab and Israeli digital diplomacy, as well as on digital diplomacy as practiced by embassies. Specifically, this exploratory analysis examines the webpages and published press notes of four countries’ embassies, including Saudi Arabia, Israel, Morocco, and Qatar. These countries were chosen because they have the most robust websites in Spanish, together with the fact that they were the MENA countries whose governments pioneered the use of Twitter as an instrument of digital diplomacy. The article examines the topics and interpretations provided by the press notes published on these embassies’ websites. A discourse analysis methodology with references to the original sources is applied. Topics and interpretations are classified into four types of public diplomacy: media diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, niche diplomacy and nation branding. The conclusion is that the MENA countries studied neglect digital diplomacy on their websites in Spain, missing out on the opportunities it represents. The apparently four most digitized embassies in this group have errors on their webpages and often only publish messages from their respective foreign ministries, focusing on regional and internal issues rather than on their bilateral relationship with Spain. This is especially true of Saudi Arabia and Qatar.

This article is devoted to comparing two major hostage crises – at the airport of the Ugandan city of Entebbe (1976) and at the American embassy in the Iranian capital, Tehran (1979-1981). Both crises are characterized by great complexity, the involvement of hostile states, as well as the large-scale rescue operations (the successful Israeli one in Entebbe and the failed American one in Iran). A comparison of these crises should have aroused quite natural interest. However, a review of previous research shows that the Ugandan and Iranian crises are, at best, compared in terms of dramatic attempts to free hostages by force. This sharply narrows the problem, obscuring its features, the study of which would not only add to the understanding of the purely «antiquarian» details of the widely known special forces operations, but also help to study and, if necessary, provide a balanced response to the challenges of new hostage crises. Here it is suggested to expand the scope of the analysis to include understanding the crises in Entebbe and Tehran (and hostage crises in general) as political phenomena in the first place. Consequently, a number of political parameters (criteria) were put forward to compare the two crises, to determine those factors under the influence of which a possible confrontation around the hostages may acquire certain features (escalate sharply, slow down, shift its direction, etc.). The external and internal political parameters of the Ugandan and Iranian crises and their political consequences were considered. The absence of readymade strategies for countering hostage-takers and, accordingly, the importance of flexible approaches to such challenges in the future were emphasized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Eight letters of Symmachus's correspondence are the only sources for the senatorial embassy that in 402, in the middle of Alaric's first invasion of Italy, arrived at the court of Milan. The motivations and the outcomes of this legatio are unknown. The aim of this paper is to reconstruct the historical and social setting that led the Roman aristocracy to feel the urgency to talk with the emperor Honorius and his regent Stilicho. Besides Symmachus' letters, two sources are examined: Claudian's verses on the Gothic invasion and the epigraphic evidence for the restoration of the Aurelian wall. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Official memorandum from the Federal Chancellery/Foreign Affairs and telegram in digits to the Austrian Embassy in Washington, Vienna, Austria on February 21, 1957. It mentions information to Secretary-General by telegraphic instruction from Washington that so far the following states have agreed to draft a joint report through their missions. It also mentions accredited diplomatic missions was without precedent and of course must lead to violent Hungarian reactions.

Copyright of Revista de Historia (07169108) is the property of Universidad de Concepcion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)