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Drawing on data from an ethnographic study of the introduction and implementation of a flexible work policy intended in part to improve gender equality at a STEM professional organization, I develop grounded theory on how managers' gender shapes their implementation of such initiatives. I identify an equality policy paradox in which women managers, who openly support gender equality, are more likely than men managers to limit the policy. This apparent contradiction between intentions and actions is reconciled through an interactional role-based mechanism. Specifically, in this setting women managers encounter barriers to developing technical expertise, client relations, and respected authority. They respond by engaging extensively with subordinates, which allows them to effectively manage by brokering information (as an alternative to technical and client-facing tasks) and cultivating cooperation (as an alternative to formal authority). The policy undermines these interdependent activities; reflecting this, women managers generally oppose it. Men managers tend not to experience these constraints, and they focus on technical and client-related tasks that are largely independent of subordinates. The policy maintains these activities; reflecting this, they implement it. By identifying the equality policy paradox and the mechanism underlying it, this study advances theory on managers' implementation of equality-related practices and policies as well as theory on gender and management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender equality measures are now common in the policies of European film industries and can be an important tool for rendering visible gender inequalities. Recent research, however, indicates that top-down institutional gender mainstreaming might mean better conditions for some women in certain aspects, but structural inequalities tend to remain, including lack of an intersectional approach. In this article, these issues are addressed by analysing gender equality policies currently implemented in the Swedish and Spanish film industries. Following Carole Lee Bacchi's argument that the way in which a problem is represented must be analysed backwards, by looking at the solutions suggested, we unpack what inequalities gender equality measures render visible and, in so doing, highlight the aspects that remain invisible. We also discuss how such problem representation plays out for women in the film industries of both countries and consider the counter-practices women deploy to cope with continuing gender inequality in the film industries of Spain and Sweden. Our main argument is that Swedish and Spanish gender equality policies, despite having increased the presence of women film workers, still fail to render visible the structural basis of inequalities cemented by androcentric film governance structures and a male norm around which the film industry has been built. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ameryka Łacińska Kwartalnik Analityczno-Informacyjny is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose: An analysis of the situation of women on the Polish labour market and identification of arguments in favour of measures supporting the professional activation of women. Design/methodology/approach: This study is an overview and attempts to analyse the situation of women in the Polish economy on the basis of recent Polish and foreign reports. Findings: Macroeconomic benefits and the potential to improve business performance are arguments in favour of measures to activate women in the labour market, to support their career development and to promote gender diversity in companies to attract talent. Research limitations/implications: The paper identifies the micro- and macro-economic benefits of increasing women's participation in the labour market. Practical implications: The author characterises the changes taking place on the labour market in the context of the situation of women, with particular reference to Polish socio-economic policy regulations and European Union directives on equality policy. Originality/value: Given the dynamic changes on the Polish labour market, which is already facing very strong supply pressures, seeking solutions to encourage as many people as possible on the labour market, including women, to remain economically active for as long as possible is a necessary condition for the development of the modern economy. Harnessing the potential of women brings tangible results for economies and businesses, hence measures should be taken to redress the gender imbalance in various areas of the wider labour market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The analysis of the employment situation of Polish women after the COVID-19 pandemic and identification of measures in the area of labour market equality policy, both at the legal level, i.e. national and European Union regulations, as well as good practices in this area applied by enterprises. Design/methodology/approach: This study is a review and attempts to analyse the professional situation of women on the Polish labour market after the COVID-19 pandemic, based on the latest Polish and foreign reports. Findings: Current social and economic changes create conditions for a greater participation of women in the labour market, including in management. Gender equality measures concerning formal guarantees of equal treatment of women and men in the professional sphere should ensure the equal participation of women in the labour market. The problem of gender inequality in the labour market described in this paper needs to be looked at from a broader perspective than just legal or social justice. It should be seen as an opportunity to harness the potential of women as a force for economic growth and the development of businesses and entire economies. It is therefore worth pursuing and promoting all measures aimed at increasing women's participation in the labour market, including in management positions. Research limitations/implications: The paper points out the benefits of taking pro-equality measures and supporting the conscious use of gender diversity as one of the organisational values. This should serve as a starting point for considering ways to avoid wasting the potential that makes up half of Polish society. Methods supporting gender equality in organisations were identified - both internal company regulations to ensure favourable working conditions for women, and those at the level of Polish socio-economic policy and European Union directives which make it easier to combine work and family responsibilities. Arguments are also provided for increasing the proportion of women in managerial positions with a view to gender diversity, which promotes the efficiency of companies and national economies. Practical implications: the author presented good practices of companies in terms of gender equality policies. Originality/value: Given the dynamic changes on the Polish labour market, which is already facing very strong supply pressures, seeking solutions to encourage as many people as possible on the labour market, including women, to remain economically active for as long as possible is a necessary condition for the development of the modern economy. Harnessing the potential of women brings tangible effects to economies and businesses, and therefore measures should be taken to redress the gender imbalance in various areas of the wider labour market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on the insights of narrative analysis to critically review recent changes to UK government equality policy through three examples: the announcement of a new equality strategy, changes to the governance of the Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC), and the establishment and report of the Sewell Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities. I argue that these policy initiatives and the narratives justifying them signal moves to further weaken the UK government's formal commitments to protections against discrimination. This involves not only the familiar argument in favour of a limited, liberal model of individual equality of opportunity, but is also about bolstering normative whiteness in the face of growing calls for a reckoning with the UK's legacy of colonialism, slavery and deep-seated racial inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article empirically charts how a discursive construction of the separation of race and racial justice organizing, and "intersectionality" serves to uphold white supremacy and efface intersectional marginalization among people of colour. Undertaking the first study of how UK policymakers and practitioners in equality organizations understand and operationalize "intersectionality", it maps "generic intersectionality", which is delivered to benefit "all". Through empirical examples, its detrimental effects for racial and intersectional justice are demonstrated. First, it is used as a rationale for a relinquishment of a focus on race/racism; racial justice organizations are constructed as uniquely incapable of doing intersectionality. Second, "neutral", "unspecific" representatives are constructed as those capable of knowing about and doing intersectionality. Intersectionally marginalized people are constituted as non-credible knowers and doers of intersectionality. Generic intersectionality is a novel use of intersectionality, which gives a new name to liberal sameness and constructs its beneficiaries as a monolithic, white "everyone". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Yearbook of European Integration / Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Public Management / Zarządzanie Publiczne is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Despite the broad scope of literature on the topic of women in STEM, women in male-dominated spaces within academia are rarely given the opportunity to speak openly about their disadvantages in the toxic STEM culture. The current study implements a Critical Utopian Action Research method, Future Creating Workshop (FCW), with undergraduate women in STEM in order to highlight women's voices in the context of their experiences in their undergraduate STEM programs, and develop a salient and timely action plan with women in STEM that capitalizes on their strengths and works towards dismantling barriers to their STEM participation. Four key themes that arose from the FCW that highlighted barriers women in STEM majors face: (1) Social Inequalities, (2) Research Accessibility, (3) Unwelcoming Academic Environment, and (4) Lack of Confidence. A fifth theme, 'Need for Mentorship,' developed from the action phase of the FCW, in which the women came up with suggestions for programming moving forward. The current study is couched in a larger participatory action research project, Participatory Opportunity for Women Researchers in Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (POWER in STEM). The purpose of POWER as a whole is to understand the lived experiences of women in STEM at the University of Cincinnati, and mobilize this knowledge to create an action plan that will influence programming. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the concept of intersectionality has gained significant prominence in the policy discourse of the European Union (EU). However, several scholars have noted a lack of engagement with intersectionality’s core social justice principles and stressed the need to carefully examine how intersectionality is taken up in EU policy. To contribute to this effort, the authors propose a new ‘EU-Intersectionality’ framework to analyse intersectionality in EU policy, combining elements of Critical Frame Analysis and identifying eight core criteria to operationalize intersectionality in EU policy texts and leverage its politically emancipatory potential. The resulting framework sheds light on how intersectionality has fared within EU policy contexts. Specifically, it asks which dimensions of intersectionality are captured, and which elements are left behind. We illustrate the framework by analysing the EU’s ‘Union of Equality’ strategies on anti-racism; gender equality; lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex and queer equality; Roma equality and the rights of persons with disabilities. We conclude that the EU-Intersectionality framework allows to dissect the varied and conflicting ways in which intersectionality is operationalized within EU policies – while some aspects of the ‘Union of Equality’ agenda resonate with the social justice aims behind the concept, the use of intersectionality remains superficial and largely maintains the status quo. Our findings caution against the co-optation of intersectionality in EU policymaking, while recognising the progressive advancements made within the EU equality policy area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

LGBTQ people in the United States live with an Equality Gap that seems to grow wider with each legislative session. The majority of states do not have nondiscrimination protections in place for LGBTQ people. In the absence of blanket federal non-discrimination protections, a same-sex couple can be denied service by bakers, catering halls, and photographers while trying to exercise their constitutionally protected right to marry. A transgender person can be denied access to a public bathroom that matches their gender identity. A federally funded adoption agency can refuse to work with LGBTQ persons who wish to adopt. In addition, many states have enacted explicitly anti-LGBTQ measures and prohibitions that exacerbate the Equality Gap and further underscore regional disparities. Even states with non-discrimination protections for LGBTQ people have considered expanding religious exemptions in a way that could greatly undercut the effectiveness and scope of existing non-discrimination protections. As a result of this mismatch of laws, the lived experience of LGBTQ people varies wildly depending on where they reside. For example, LGBTQ people living in New York enjoy many more protections and suffer none of the disabilities that are imposed on LGBTQ people living in Mississippi. The regional disparities are so extreme that some countries have issued travel advisories for their citizens visiting certain parts of the United States. This article examines the role federalism has played in the trajectory of LGBTQ rights and the creation of the Equality Gap. The first Section of this Article explores federalism as an institutional choice that strikes a balance between state and national power. The second Section reviews the instrumental use of federalism by LGBTQ advocates to advance the legal strategy that ultimately led to nationwide marriage equality. It also provides an overview of corresponding and complementary visions of federalism expressed in both Windsor and Obergefell. The last Section reviews the current Equality Gap and the most recent anti-LGBTQ initiatives that are being considered on the state and local levels in light of Bostock v. Clayton County, the 2020 US Supreme Court case that extended Title VII non-discrimination protections to sexual orientation and gender identity. A brief Conclusion closes with the observation that federalism has proven to be a pragmatic, but also imperfect, institutional choice for LGBTQ rights advocates because state-level civil rights protections are, by their nature, partial, not portable, and especially vulnerable to majoritarian bias. This observation has particular salience for both our understanding of federalism and the future of LGBTQ advocacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of poverty and wealth attribution has played a central role in the literature on the justification of social inequalities. Research on this topic has examined the extent to which individualistic versus structural reasons are used to explain why some people reach advantaged or disadvantaged positions in comparison to the rest of the population. This article attempts to explain how these reasons have changed over time in Chile, which has experienced vast economic transformation yet has maintained income inequality. From two national surveys produced in 1996 and 2015, descriptive results show that individualistic attributions for poverty and wealth (e.g., personal initiative) have increased and structural reasons (e.g., unemployment, economic policy) have declined. Latent class analysis (LCA) offers a second reading of the data, demonstrating that the decline of structural attributions is related to an increase in people choosing both individualistic and structural reasons for explaining poverty and wealth. Those changes in attribution patterns are discussed within the frame of cultural and economic transformation in Chilean society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A large literature on urban politics documents the connection between metropolitan fragmentation and inequality. This article situates the United States comparatively to explore the structural features of local governance that underpin this connection. Examining five metropolitan areas in North America and Europe, the article identifies two distinct dimensions of fragmentation: (a) fragmentation through jurisdictional proliferation (dividing regions into increasing numbers of governments) and (b) fragmentation through resource hoarding (via exclusion, municipal parochialism, and fiscal competition). This research reveals how distinctive the United States is in the ways it combines institutional arrangements that facilitate metropolitan fragmentation (through jurisdictional proliferation) and those that reward such fragmentation (through resource-hoarding opportunities). Non-US cases furnish examples of policies that reduce jurisdictional proliferation or remove resource-hoarding opportunities. Mitigating the inequality-inducing effects of fragmentation is possible, but policies must be designed with an identification of the specific aspects of local governance structures that fuel inequality in the first place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies find that workers who feel insecure in their jobs are likely to suffer negative physical and mental health effects. However, cross-national differences in this relationship are typically overlooked. Drawing on notions of relative deprivation and the social gradient of health, the authors argue that the extent of variation in subjective job insecurity within a country can explain these cross-national differences. The results from multilevel models indicate that the relationship between job insecurity and health varies across countries in Europe, and job insecurity exhibits the strongest negative association with health in countries with a low level of job insecurity inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Łódzkie Studia Etnograficzne is the property of Polish Ethnological Society / Polskie Towarzystwo Ludoznawcze and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In designing public policy, a question of first principle is the degree to which government services--and the mechanisms of collecting revenue to finance those services--should be centralized within and across political systems. To inform their assessments of where redistribution should properly occur, public finance researchers have, to date, worked backwards from different assumptions about the mobility of residents within the political community. Scholars have disagreed about the viability of local governments' efforts to redistribute wealth--with traditionalists arguing that these efforts are made impossible by residential mobility, and recent reformists countering that limitations on mobility indeed allow for limited redistribution at the local level. But these arguments have largely sidestepped questions about what level of centralization is theoretically optimal for redistributive programs. And by focusing on the empirical question of residential mobility, they have ignored a variable that--I seek to demonstrate--is at least as important. In this Essay, I argue that those two deficiencies in the literature are connected. I introduce a simple model to show that economic redistribution becomes more difficult--indeed, approaches impossibility--as economic inequality increases, regardless of one's assumptions about levels of mobility (by the rich or poor). That is because economic inequality has an inherent spatial dimension: so long as citizens exhibit anything short of perfect mobility (and perfect responsiveness to redistributive policy), its rise will result in an increasing geographic concentration of fiscal resources available to governments. For this reason, higher levels of economic inequality strengthen the case for centralizing the financing of any public good or program with redistributive goals--including the great bulk of what contemporary governments aim to do. I introduce the concept of a "fiscal unit" to refer to the geographic scope of public financing--which might be, depending on the program, a school district boundary, a county, a state, or the entire country. In order to achieve an equitable allocation of public goods, policymakers should respond to rising income inequality by shifting the site of revenue collection to occur at widely drawn "fiscal units". This can take two forms. It can be done by expanding the scope of fiscal boundaries--for example, by funding locally-administered programs at the state or federal level. Alternatively, policymakers could respond to inequality by increasing fiscal transfers from higher levels of government (wider fiscal units) to lower, geographically smaller governments. Rather than an afterthought, the existing level of economic inequality within a political community may be the single most important question for this aspect of policy design. Where wealth is unequally distributed, the primary responsibility of assessing the revenues used to finance public goods should be assumed by levels of government representing the greatest number of people. This paper thus suggests that policymakers should respond to rising income inequality by shifting not only the burden but also the site of redistributive taxation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I explore gendered patterns in the tasks parents perform when choosing a school for their children. I analyze interviews with 18 fathers and 70 mothers in Chicago and confirm patterns revealed in these interviews with descriptive trends from the 2016 American Time Use Survey. I find that white fathers are unengaged in the school choice process, while women and non-white fathers make extensive efforts involving significant amounts of time and energy. Non-white fathers explain that their involvement is partially motivated by a desire to protect their children from the experience of discrimination. These findings provide an instance where gender inequality in white families is reproduced by both the gender and racial privilege of white fathers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The link between language, communication and open discrimination has been the focus of numerous studies. For many years, language has been a vehicle of prejudice and negative stereotypes. However, in the last few years, overt verbal aggressions have diminished thanks to the implementation of equality policies and awareness-raising initiatives. Despite that, negative attitudes against protected groups might not have disappeared and may instead be transmitted subtly, such as through uncivil language. The goal of this research is to study the relation between language and subtle discrimination against lesbian and gay (LG) workers. With this goal in mind, 39 in-depth interviews were conducted. The analysis showed that LG people are victims of subtle discrimination and that language is one of the most common vehicles of prejudice and negative stereotypes. Jokes, inappropriate comments and questions are the expression of negative attitudes, which are probably present at an implicit level. Due to the ambiguity of these expressions and the settings where they have been studied — the workplace — these acts could be defined as uncivil behaviours. Practical implications, limitations and directions for future research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of INSTED: Interdisciplinary Studies in Education & Society / Terazniejszosc - Czlowiek - Edukacja is the property of University of Lower Silesia / Dolnoslaska Szkola Wyzsza and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this paper is twofold. First, analyze the relationship between inequality, growth and poverty. Second, study the effectiveness of the redistributive system in Morocco through a comparison between primary distribution of income by wages and secondary distribution by transfers. Our results show that growth is not pro-poor and can only reduce poverty if inequality does not increase. This situation is aggravated by non-progressive state transfers, which increase the inequalities in the majority of Moroccan regions. On the other hand, the increase in wages seems to have the opposite effect on inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]