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The article attempts to determine the principles of international legal regulation of the application of restitution as a form of material responsibility in international law, as restitution is a means of legal protection available to the claimant in the consideration of an international dispute, for which seized property is returned to the original owner in kind. The theoretical provisions regarding the international legal regulation of the application of restitution as one of the forms of material responsibility under international law have been analyzed, using the following sources - the UN International Law Commission (ILC); Article 35 of the Articles on State Responsibility of 2001; Permanent Court of International Justice (PCIJ) (predecessor of the UN International Coin! of Justice). Legal doctrine distinguishes two forms of restitution - restitution in kind («restitutio in integrum») and restoration («restitutio in pristinum»). Restitution in kind (restitutio in integrum) consists in restoring the former material situation. The second form of restitution - restoration (restitutio in pristinum) - is the restoration of immaterial rights. The issue of property restitution has been central to many political changes and peace agreements since the end of the Cold War. Restitution of property, homes, and land has been seen as a means of redressing past injustices in many forms, ranging from communist nationalization and colonial-era land confiscation to outright ethnic cleansing and war crimes. The politics of restitution often figure in broader transitional justice efforts following repression, persecution, and mass violations of human rights. Among the range of transitional justice mechanisms, restitution is most closely related to reparations, both because of their shared historical origins and because of their common desire to return victims to the conditions in which they would have been satisfied if their rights had not been violated. Practical examples of restitution that took place in the Czech Republic, South Africa, Bosnia and Guatemala were analyzed. Were studied the recommendations on how to better plan, organize and implement the restitution program in the conditions of the transition period, which were aptly described in his writings by the outstanding scientist Mr. Rhodri C. Williams [13]. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Israel‐Palestinian conflict is one of the most well‐known and polarizing issues that has impacts on societies, and institutions beyond Israel, and Palestine. This interview with prominent social scientist Daniel Bar‐Tal, Professor Emeritus, School of Education, Tel Aviv University, focused on the situation in Israel and Palestine following the Hamas attacks on October 7, 2023, and the subsequent war in Gaza. Interviews such as this are an academic inquiry drawing on the expert analysis of a scholar‐activist, grounded in research and theory. As such an analysis, Bar‐Tal explains the causes of this war, its context, its process, the contribution of each side to its escalation, and its effects on the possibilities of peaceful conflict resolution between Israeli Jews and Palestinians. He describes the current situation as governed by considerations of realpolitik, contestations over what defines antisemitism, and whether Israeli conduct in Gaza constitutes genocide or ethnic cleansing. This interview enables the application of Bar‐Tal's systematic and holistic Theory of Intractable Conflict to the current crisis to interrogate how ethos of conflict, collective memory, and collective emotional orientation dynamically interconnect to form a culture of conflict. But also, how these elements can also be addressed for solutions to enable peaceful resolutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the harrowing use of sexual violence as a tool in the ethnic cleansing of Germans in post‐World War II Czechoslovakia. By examining the grim realities of internment camps, prisons, and border regions, it reveals a disturbing pattern of abuse aimed primarily at German women by Czech men. This violence was not isolated but integral to the broader project of national cleansing, laying bare the patriarchal foundations of Czechoslovak society. State policies, including the differential treatment of mixed marriages, reinforced a male‐dominated ethos. By stripping Germans of their citizenship and legal protections, Czech authorities fostered a climate of impunity, allowing a wave of sexual violence to persist through the ‘German transfers’. The article sheds light on this dark chapter, exposing how rape was used to reaffirm Czech men's dominance in the nation's postwar rebirth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Hitler's 1939 Reichstag speech and the debate among historians regarding his intent to annihilate the Jews. It explores the gradual development of the Final Solution and the complexities of understanding Hitler's genocidal mentality. The article also delves into the legal and historical perspectives on intent in cases of genocide, drawing parallels to current events in Gaza. The author argues that while legal definitions may not fully apply, the events in Gaza exhibit characteristics of genocide, emphasizing the need for a nuanced understanding beyond strict legal definitions. [Extracted from the article]

The creation of compact nation-states out of multi-ethnic empires in the Balkans was accompanied by bouts of ethnic cleansing. Critical histories of the emergence of the modern Balkan states have consequently tended to focus on ethnic violence. However, state violence often targeted the ‘dominant’ ethnic group as well, as its centralizing and modernizing agenda put it at loggerheads with traditional sources power and autonomy. Conscription was perhaps the most important dimension of state-building, as it sought to buttress the state’s military machine, all while demanding significant coercive power to register, draft, and discipline young men. Conscription thus came up against intense popular resistance, especially in the decade of total war of the 1910s. In Greece, this spiralled into episodes of virtual civil war. This article focuses on resistance to the draft during the first recruitment drive of the National Defence Government in Greek Macedonia, with special emphasis on the Chalkidiki revolt of 1916–17. It uses this case study to explore broader trends about the formation of the modern Balkan nation-states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The last decades of the Ottoman Empire were characterised by mass violence that saw millions, mostly Ottoman Christians, perishing and forcibly moved within Ottoman borders, or expelled out. While it is generally accepted (except by Turkey and pro-Turkish commentators) that what befell the Armenians in 1915 and 1916 was a Genocide, in recent years many have taken to calling what befell other Ottoman Christians as a genocide as well, referring to a genocide of Armenians, Greeks and Assyrians from 1915 to 1923, and some even to a 30-year genocide. This essay attempts to scrutinise this recent trend, by contrasting what happened to the Armenians and the Greeks during the last years of the Ottoman Empire and during the rise of Nationalist Turkey, namely from 1915 to 1923. It first distinguishes between the terms genocide, genocidal and ethnic cleansing. It then establishes that population numbers are pivotal to genocide, as those killed and those that survived are important to evidence intent and application. The article then delves into the cases, comparing and contrasting across the criteria of intent and destruction processes, and the number of dead and survived. Finally, the article answers why the Armenian case (1915–16) is a Genocide, but not the Greek case (1915–23) or that of the Armenian case (1919–23). This article is important for the overall special issue on mass deportation because it clarifies the differences between various genocidal processes, including mass deportation, ethnic cleansing, and genocide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article focuses on the emotional toll of witnessing genocide through digital media while navigating daily life, highlighting the struggle to reconcile personal routines with global trauma. Topics include the impact of violence on distant communities, the disconnect between media portrayals and reality, and the psychological effects of constant exposure to suffering.

The Rohingya ethnic group in Myanmar has experienced systematic discrimination and marginalization since 1962, culminating in denial of citizenship and restrictions on access to basic services. The governments of Myanmar and Bangladesh have both refused to recognise the Rohingya as citizens, leaving them in a stateless state. The escalating ethnic conflict, especially after Myanmar's military offensive in 2017, forced hundreds of thousands of Rohingya to flee to Bangladesh and other countries. Reports from the UN and human rights organizations indicate ethnic cleansing, including killing, rape and torture of the Rohingya. Despite international pressure, Myanmar's government, including leader Aung San Suu Kyi, denies any repression. The Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) is acting as an initiator and mediator in diplomatic efforts to resolve this conflict, but major challenges remain in creating sustainable and equitable solutions for the Rohingya. This study aims to examine the role of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) in the Rohingya conflict in Myanmar in 2016 – 2017. In this study, the concepts of international organizations and human security are used in analyzing the role of the OIC in resolving the conflict. This study uses qualitative methods and descriptive research types. This study concludes that there are four roles of the OIC, the first and second as initiators and mediators, where most of the OIC's role here is to hold meetings with OIC members to provide assistance to Rohingya refugees. The third is humanitarian, providing assistance for the human rights of the Rohingya, and the fourth is the facilitator, where the OIC, other international organizations, and OIC member countries work together to provide basic assistance and facilities such as education and health to the Rohingya [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the neo-colonial project of Narendra Modi implemented in Kashmir after the revocation of special status on August 5, 2019. The neo-colonial infrastructure supported by the threads of re-classification of legal residents and land designations intends to significantly transform the demography of Muslim majority Kashmir into a Muslim minority, consequently destroying the Muslim identity of the state. The abrogation of Article 370 and enactment of new domicile law has extended the legal and administrative control of New Delhi, making Kashmir indistinguishable from the Indian legal system and leaving no room for the local legislative assembly to make laws beneficial for the state residents. The paper asks how India is implementing the neo-colonial settler agenda in Kashmir. How and to what extent legal and military instruments are employed to disempower Kashmiris from territorial and cultural identity? The paper argues that Prime Minister Narendra Modi is pursuing a neo-colonial settler agenda in Kashmir through 'destroy and replace,' which is supported by the neo-liberal agenda, including; new land management policy, new domicile law, spatial planning and development, new settlements of Hindus, authoritative central control, and massive militarization to carry out gross human rights abuses and repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the Nigerian populace has been affected by the menace of Fulani herder-farmer clashes. Conflict between Fulani herder and farmers which poses far reaching consequences in almost all geopolitical zones of the country has been attributed to weak security institutions and architecture, vast ungoverned spaces, ethnic cleansing tendencies, illegal migration, the search for pastures to mitigate adverse effect of global warming and climate change. While existing arguments on the causes and implications of Fulani herder and farmers remain valid, I contend, using the conceptual-theoretical nexus framework and drawing from secondary source of data that dealing with these factors are exiguous without dealing with the root cause (identity conflict) of the menace. The study argues that the psycho-social disposition, beliefs and stereotypes instigate Fulani herder-farmer clashes to the extent of threatening Nigeria’s nationhood. The study also affirms that the phenomenon of identity conflict is a long-term neglected social issue of discrimination and structural exclusion of the Fulani group from benefiting from the commonwealth of natural resources based on the locomotive nature of their traditional occupation. It is therefore concluded that identity conflict though the root cause of the Fulani herder-farmer conflicts is more for economic survival than ethnic affiliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his book A Great and Noble Scheme (2005), historian John Mack Faragher explains that the 1755–63 Acadian deportation can be termed “ethnic cleansing,” following contemporary United Nations and scholarly usage of the expression. In this paper, instead of addressing the terms of contemporary UN or scholarship, as Faragher does, to see which terms can be used for the Acadian tragedy, I provide a terminological history of the Acadian tragedy. This terminological history studies the terms used for the Acadian tragedy since the eighteenth century until the early twentieth century and shows how they recur in the mid-twentieth century discussions on genocide. First, I investigate Edmund Burke’s treatment of the Acadian tragedy seen as resulting from acts of destroying, rooting out, and extirpating, and the Abbot Raynal using terms for the tragedy such as embarking, transporting, driving away (later deporting), destroying, perishing, depopulating, and, indirectly, crime against humanity. I also focus on the nineteenth-century account of the Acadian tragedy by Catherine Reed Williams, who expanded Raynal with notions of barbarity, banishment, expulsion, extermination, and moral shock, and on others after her who brought terms for Acadians such as annihilation, atrocity, evacuation, and clearing. Second, I highlight Acadian memory in the 1950s genocide debate in Washington (DC) and how the terminological history of the Acadian tragedy appears in a document Raphael Lemkin had on Acadians. I also explain how Lemkin, unknowingly or not, rearticulated in publications and texts and found in his research the terms already used for Acadians as he addressed his genocide concept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores new conversations about the possibilities and limits of human rights documentation as a mode of truth-seeking. Drawing on the author's more than two decades of experience working with human rights NGOs on issues related to state-sponsored violence and humanitarian assistance across Southeast Asia, especially Myanmar, this article explores multiple ways in which human rights "facts" are produced rather than found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are probably no nations in the world today that do not have minority groups. Wherever nation-states exist, ethnic diversity is a pervasive aspect of their life. Myanmar is one of the most ethnically diverse states in Asia. The Rohingya's existence is a historical fact in Myanmar, but their ethnic minority status is not acknowledged. Rohingya Muslims are facing identity and citizenship problems along with severe international human rights violations. More than 0.7 million Rohingya Muslims are living in Bangladesh as world's biggest refugee population. The Rohingya gradually lost their identity and eventually became stateless under Myanmar's domestic legal framework. A large number of them are disenfranchised from exercising their basic human rights. It is argued that not only are their human rights seriously compromised in their present condition of statelessness, but they could still face genocide, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity. The article concludes by emphasizing the responsibility to protect Rohingya Muslims from atrocities, including addressing their statelessness and lack of citizenship. Further research and advocacy are needed to ensure that the human rights of the Rohingya are protected and that they have access to citizenship and legal identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article titled "Our freedom is interdependent" explores the impact of anti-Palestinian racism on education and draws parallels between settler-colonialism in Palestine and stolen lands. The authors stress the importance of solidarity and collective world-building while respecting differences. They advocate for unlearning and dismantling racist colonial systems, fostering radical love and hope, and working towards liberatory futures. The article highlights the interdependence of all forms of oppression and the need to build solidarities that acknowledge diverse struggles for liberation. It introduces three individuals actively engaged in this work, emphasizing the importance of building on existing resistances and supporting one another. The text emphasizes solidarity rather than comparison and recognizes the interconnectedness of various struggles. [Extracted from the article]

Whether it is termed as 'self-defence' or 'mowing the lawn', the Israel Defence Force (IDF) has common phrases to describe its ongoing attacks on the besieged Palestine enclave of Gaza. The phrases obscure the devastation of death and disaster in the 2023/24 genocidal war on Gaza. While global reports have tended to focus on the horrendous and rapid climb of civilian casualties, especially women and children, Gaza has also claimed the worst ever death of journalists, many apparently targeted by the IDF because of their profession. Journalists in this article argue that it is time to 'call these [Israeli state] terrorists by their true name: enablers of genocide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara Hacı Bayram Veli Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Ankara Haci Bayram Veli Universitesi Hukuk Fakultesi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Jurnal Ilmu Hukum, Humaniora dan Politik (JIHHP) is the property of Dinasti Publisher and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Political Science Studies / Studia Politologiczne is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay addresses a poignantly critical question: how did Israel enter into such an unsustainable, illegal, immoral and rather impractical position in the span of a few months following the bloody slaughter of 7 October 2023? It explains the problem triggering the move towards genocide, the fact that ethnic cleansing of Palestinians had run its course, and not enough Palestinians have departed Palestine since 1967 despite terrifying war crimes against them. The essay advances that the step-change from the decades of 'good-old ethnic cleansing' to a new level of criminality and depravity—genocide—was not a simple issue of turning up the volume; it required a mindset which sees genocide not only as an 'option', but one perceiving it as the only option. This was made possible after 7 October 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book by the Israeli historian Ilan Pappé, eclipsed in secret by the French publisher Fayard, is available again thanks to La Fabrique éditions, commented by the historian and independent journalist, Dominique Vidal. It is an important work to know the conditions for the foundation of a state by the Zionist movement, marked by the expulsion of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians between 1947-1950: excellent news for those interested or seeking to understand the history of Palestine and the State of Israel.

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"Never again" has been a mantra of German foreign policy since the end of World War II. Together with Ostpolitik it informs its approach toward the conflict in Ukraine. The discourse moved from "never again war originating from German soil" via justifying military interventions to prevent ethnic cleansing in the Balkans in 1998 with Joshka Fischer's injunction of "never again Auschwitz" to Olaf Scholz' programmatic 2023 speech invoking "never again war of aggression in Europe." This development is interpreted in the light of Realpolitik, providing the hard security means to defend the rule of law and democratic governance. External shocks have led Germany to expand its soft security arsenal as a civilian power and to embrace military means for liberal ends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2025, the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) will mark its 20th anniversary since over 170 world leaders committed to protecting populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing, and crimes against humanity. Over the past two decades, R2P has been tested by numerous conflicts and humanitarian crises. The doctrine has faced significant challenges and criticisms, particularly after its controversial application in Libya, which is often seen as a watershed moment for its perceived loss of relevance. However, reflecting on other situations where R2P was invoked, it has also demonstrated success in preventing further violence in contexts such as Kenya and Côte d'Ivoire. Despite its limitations, we cannot abandon the Responsibility to Protect. Instead, we should enhance its implementation by addressing criticisms, learning from the past, and leveraging its array of tools beyond military intervention under its three pillars. Especially now, with egregious atrocities occurring in places like Gaza, the international community must act to fulfil its promise of safeguarding humanity from the gravest crimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of TURKAV Institute of Public Adminsitration Journal of Social Sciences / TÜRKAV Kamu Yönetimi Enstitüsü Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of TURKAV Institute of Public Adminsitration Journal of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

"The Correspondence of Assurbanipal, Part II: Letters from Southern Babylonia" is a book review of a publication by Grant Frame and Simo Parpola. The book is part of the State Archives of Assyria series, which has provided valuable primary sources for Neo-Assyrian studies. This volume focuses on the correspondence of Ashurbanipal, specifically letters from Southern Babylonia, offering insights into the war between Ashurbanipal and Šamaš-šumu-ukin and the Assyrian rule over Babylonia. However, the book has some organizational and reconstruction errors. The text discusses various letters from the reign of Ashurbanipal and his son Sîn-šarru-iškun, emphasizing the need for reevaluation and reinterpretation of certain letters. It also acknowledges the completion of the series and its significant impact on Assyriology. [Extracted from the article]

The Third Artsakh war has dramatically transformed the security environment in the South Caucasus. Being a result and indicator of changing world order, it unleashed the parameters of the newly-developing formats of conflicts, confrontations, and wars, called hybrid warfare. From this perspective the paper studies the parameters of hybrid warfare against Artsakh launched by Azerbaijan. Application of hybrid warfare against Artsakh is not a new phenomenon and has being practiced by Azerbaijan at least during the last 10-15 years. However, the results of the 44-day war have provided new framework, opportunities, and instruments to intensify hybrid operations, striving to maximize the results. Hence, the paper discusses the Azerbaijani strategy of hybrid war against Artsakh by analyzing the main strategies, tactics, instruments and tools used by Azerbaijan against Artsakh, specifically, after 44-day war. The paper argues that after the Third Artsakh war of 2020 Azerbaijan has launched a full scale hybrid operation to provide ethnic cleansing of Artsakh and receive ‘Nagorno-Karabakh without Armenians’. The operation was based on the following components: information-psychological campaign/influence operations (against Armenians in Artsakh), economic and energy aspects, ecological issues, blockade, international campaigns, support to split Armenian power (in Armenia and Armenian Diaspora), sabotage against critical infrastructure and population, and so on. Concluding the paper launches, a discussion about Azerbaijani engagement with Armenia after the ethnic cleansing of Artsakh of Autumn of 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of TYB Akademi Dil Edebiyat & Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Turkiye Yazarlar Birligi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Israel's continuous war on Gaza turns out to be one of the deadliest genocides in modern world history. Despite the apparent evidence of ethnic cleansing of Palestinians, the international community failed to take the necessary steps that would stop Israel from committing crimes against humanity, which include, but are not limited to, killing civilians, forced displacements, attacking educational, religious, and medical institutions, and stopping the entrance of food and water. While only one of these is enough to charge Israeli politicians and officials with crimes against humanity, Israel is protected by some great powers and has been given a blank check on their crimes. As if all of these are not enough, the Israeli illegal settlers are committing more and more crimes against Palestinians in the West Bank, encouraged mainly by the Israeli authorities. Despite all of these attempts at ethnic cleansing, Palestinians demand an independent state within its 1967 borders, with Jerusalem as its capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Elyse Semerdjian's book, "Remnants: Embodied Archives of the Armenian Genocide," provides a nuanced and intersectional approach to studying the Armenian Genocide. The book explores the themes of gender, sexuality, agency, and resistance within the context of the genocide. Semerdjian draws on a wide range of sources, including memoirs, letters, newspapers, and oral histories, to challenge traditional archival biases and amplify subaltern voices. The book also examines the ways in which the body is used as a site of violence and resistance, and explores the lasting impact of the genocide on Armenian identity and memory. Overall, "Remnants" offers a fresh perspective on the Armenian Genocide and its aftermath, and contributes to ongoing discussions in Armenian Studies and beyond. [Extracted from the article]

The Third Artsakh war has dramatically transformed the security environment in the South Caucasus. Being a result and indicator of changing world order, it unleashed the parameters of the newly-developing formats of conflicts, confrontations, and wars, called hybrid warfare. From this perspective the paper studies the parameters of hybrid warfare against Artsakh launched by Azerbaijan. Application of hybrid warfare against Artsakh is not a new phenomenon and has being practiced by Azerbaijan at least during the last 10-15 years. However, the results of the 44-day war has provided new framework, opportunities, and instruments to intensify hybrid operations, striving to maximize the results. Hence, the paper discusses the Azerbaijani strategy of hybrid war against Artsakh by analyzing the main strategies, tactics, instruments and tools used by Azerbaijan against Artsakh, specifically, after 44-day war. The paper argues that after the Third Artsakh war of 2020 Azerbaijan has launched a full scale hybrid operation to provide ethnic cleansing of Artsakh and receive ‘Nagorno-Karabakh without Armenians’. The operation was based on the following components: information-psychological campaign/influence operations (against Armenians in Artsakh), economic and energy aspects, ecological issues, blockade, international campaigns, support to split Armenian power (in Armenia and Armenian Diaspora), sabotage against critical infrastructure and population, and so on. Concluding the paper launches, a discussion about Azerbaijani engagement with Armenia after the ethnic cleansing of Artsakh of Autumn of 2023.

The city of Gjakova, which at the time of the events of 1998-1999 was located on the territory of the Autonomous Province of Kosovo (actually the Republic of Kosovo), became the scene of violent clashes during the break- up of the former Yugoslavia. Therefore, the relevance of the article lies in the need to analyse the crimes committed by Serbian military groups in the area of Gjakova from 1998 to 1999. The aim of the study is to reveal the nature, scale, and consequences of these crimes and to establish the connection between the events in Gjakova and the overall course of the conflict in the former Yugoslavia. To achieve this goal, the following methods were used: analytical, comparative, case study, synthetic, induction and deduction, abstraction and generalization. In particular, through the analysis of archival documents, eyewitness accounts, international reports and other sources, the motives, tactics, and strategy of military groups in committing crimes were revealed. Thus, the role of these crimes is clarified in the context of a balanced understanding of the Yugoslav wars and their impact on subsequent events and processes in regional stability and law and order. Various aspects of the crimes are analysed in detail, including massacres, ethnic cleansing, violence and human rights abuses. Particular attention is paid to the role of the Serbian military in these events, its organizational structure and interaction with other groups. The study also examines the international response to these crimes, including the actions of international organizations and attempts to bring perpetrators to justice under international law. In addition, the role of these events as part of the historical context and their impact on the further development of the region was examined. The practical significance of the article is to find new facts confirming the crimes committed and which can be used in court proceedings

The book under review is not brand new. In fact, it was published during the first year of the Covid-19 pandemic, 2020, as a follow up to the author’s 2013 study, Waltzing with Bashir: Perpetrator Trauma and Cinema. Having started this series of investigations with 2009’s Defeated Masculinity: Post-Traumatic Cinema in the Aftermath of War, Morag has worked on the matter of “paradigms of perpetratorhood”, scrutinising representations of the figure of the perpetrator and the bystander as they confront the victim face-to-face in documentary film from places of conflict from around the globe for quite a few years. She continues to do so now.

"A Stranger in Your Own City: Travels in the Middle East's Long War" is a book by Ghaith Abdul-Ahad, an Iraqi writer and journalist. The book provides a semi-autobiographical account of Iraq and its wars, with a focus on the battle for Mosul in 2016. Abdul-Ahad explores the cycle of violence and political ineptitude in Iraq, touching on topics such as life under Saddam Hussein, the Iran-Iraq war, the Gulf War, and the US-led invasion in 2003. The book also delves into themes of strong men, humiliation, patronage, and corruption, and highlights the author's perspective on the US occupation and the rise of ISIS. The narrative ends with the 2019 protests in Tishreen Square, offering a glimmer of hope for a more united Iraq. [Extracted from the article]

Rohingyas are the most persecuted minority in the world. They have been facing systematic discrimination and serious human rights violations since the 1970s when they stopped being recognized as citizens by the Burmese government. Acts committed against this predominantly Muslim minority in the Rakhine State can be classified as ethnic cleansing with the intent of genocide. Myanmar is also facing a case in the International Court of Justice (ICJ) due to violations of the Convention Against Genocide (1948). This paper employs the framework of everyday resistance to highlight Rohingyas' acts and practices to resist genocidal acts in Myanmar. We analyzed 62, 56, and 145 micronarratives of forcibly displaced adult Rohingyas currently living in India, Malaysia, and Bangladesh, collected between March 2019 and April 2020. We conclude that the Rohingyas adopted various everyday resistance practices involving non-compliance, such as refusing to follow orders, giving money or going to forced labour; and avoiding staying at home and secrecy, including praying, using mobile phones, moving to other areas, studying, and marrying secretly. In addition, everyday resistance strategies connected to gender-focused protection against sexual violence were linked to staying at home, hiding girls and maintaining women pregnant. Finally, Rohingyas adopted resistance strategies to survive the 2017 attacks, including fleeing to Bangladesh in groups and supporting each other. This discussion dialogues with previous work on genocide studies that highlight the agency and resistance of Holocaust and other genocide survivors. It contributes to understanding the everyday resistance of a stateless minority, recognizing its agency against its genocidal state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The theology of the ethnocultural empathic turn, on the general level, encompasses ethnocultural empathy, which, as a branch of social psychology, strives for a thorough understanding of the life context of those ethnically and culturally different from ourselves. In the context of Christian theology, this turn also embraces the turn reflected in Mt 15:21–28 (Mk 7:24–30), in which Jesus expands his missionary work from the locally based "House of Israel" into the global realm to include the entire "inhabited world". In this essay, the theological discourse of ethnocultural empathic turn is embedded within a specific sociopolitical context, which brings us to the Balkans, i.e., the post-Yugoslav framework, where we discuss the legacy of Bishop Srećko Badurina and layperson Franjo Starčević. During the disintegration of the Yugoslav Federation, they vigorously resisted the dominant ethnonationalist-religious persuasions of the Croatian Catholic and Serbian Orthodox communities. They stood up for those who faced elimination due to the policy of ethnic cleansing. Today, both can serve as the foundation for the establishment of the theology in question, aiming at the development of the first post-Yugoslav contextual theology based on the political theology and the theology of liberation, capable of tackling the phenomenon of ethnoreligiosity as one of the most pressing problems plaguing this region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Displacement is a psychologically stressful event. Since the war began, the people of Tigray were subjected to stressful events such as torture, rape, the killing of a family member, forced displacement, and even ethnic cleansing in their home countries. Especially displaced individuals are faced mental health problems. This study aimed to assess the prevalence of depression and associated factors among community internally displaced people due to the war on Tigray, in 2021. Methods: The community-based cross-sectional study design was applied from August 06 to 30, 2021 in all Weredas of Tigray. A total of 1,990 cIDP were recruited through a two-stage sampling technique. A structured and standardized questionnaire was used to collect data. Both bivariate and multivariable logistic regression was applied to identify associated risk factors and AOR with 95% confidence interval was used to select statistically significant variables. Results: The prevalence of depression among internally displaced people was 81.2% (95% CI: 79.4–83%), with more than 60% categorized as moderate and severe depression. The married and divorced marital status, being government employee, having family size > = 4, destruction of household fixed assets, looting of cereals, and having disabled family members due to the war were the significantly associated risk factors of depression. Conclusions: The prevalence of depression among community internally displaced people during the war on Tigray is very high compared to other studies conducted elsewhere. Almost 8 of 10 IDPs are developed depression and this is a very series health issue that needs immediate intervention by local, international organizations and communities around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reviews Levon Ashpahyan's memoir, "About My Life," which details his experiences as a survivor of the Armenian Genocide in Sebastia. Ashpahyan's account sheds light on the atrocities, deportations, and massacres endured by Armenians in Sebastia during the genocide. The memoir provides a personal and emotional perspective on the events, offering valuable insights for researchers studying the Armenian Genocide, particularly from psychological, literary, and sociological perspectives. Ashpahyan's story is situated within the broader historical context of the Armenian Genocide, contributing to the preservation and transmission of survivor narratives. [Extracted from the article]

From September 2020 to September 2023, Azerbaijan applied a combination of hard and soft tactics, military and hybrid methods to depopulate Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh) of its indigenous Armenian population. Different terms are used by various official, policy and academic circles to describe the de-Armenization of Nagorno-Karabakh. The choice of term often depends on their stance, beliefs, interests and expertise. These terms include “genocide”, “ethnic cleansing”, “forced displacement”, “displacement”, “exodus”, “voluntary exodus”, “migration”, among others. Some also use terms that mock or deny the genocide and ethnic cleansing. This article explores the most accurate terms to describe the de-Armenization of Nagorno-Karabakh. It does this by comparing various perspectives and examining the compliance of the used terms with those implied in international law and relations, as well as their political applicability. The article also revisits the methods and scenarios employed by Azerbaijan, which resulted in the depopulation of Nagorno-Karabakh Armenians. The combined analysis of those aspects and overwhelming evidence shows that the de-Armenization of Nagorno-Karabakh is ethnic cleansing. Legally, it also corresponds to most of the genocide criteria; however, it may be a difficult claim politically and compared with other ongoing conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study monitors the population movement and migration from the Gaza Strip and the changes that occurred between the years 2007 and 2022, i.e, before the Al-Aqsa flood operation and the genocidal war waged by the Zionist entity against the Strip. The study shows that during the indicated period, Gaza witnessed a phenomenon of mass migration that cannot be addressed outside the context of forced transfer and ethnic cleansing mechanisms, and the influence of some political actors on the conditions of the Strip and the migration is predetermined according to Israeli colonialist agenda. The study analyzes the political, social and psychological conditions of the sector, and studies the factors of attraction and repulsion related to migration from it between the years 2007 and 2022. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Zionist claims to colonize Palestine and the role of Great Britain and prominent European Zionist Jews in the effort to establish Israel. Theodore Herzl, his lieutenants, and supporters personify Hannah Arendt's phrase "the banality of evil" while acting and appearing as respectable statesmen, scientists, journalists, and businesspeople who advocated for freedom, liberation, and combating antisemitism. They deliberately collaborated with known antisemites and worked to dismantle ancient Jewish communities, relentlessly removing Jews out of their countries of origin, colonizing Palestine for the creation of a Jewish state, ethnically cleansing the indigenous people of Palestine, fabricating history, erasing Palestine and its long history, demeaning and oppressing the Palestinian people, and suppressing and appropriating Palestinian culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the book "Against Zionism - Portrait of a Colonial and Racist Doctrine" by Breno Altman, an anti-Zionist journalist of Jewish origin. The book addresses the genocide in Gaza and the ethnic cleansing in the West Bank, presenting exhibitions made by the author on the program "20 Minutes" of the channel World Tensions. Altman describes Zionism as a brutal, racist, and colonial regime, and highlights the legitimate resistance of the Palestinian people. The author also discusses the transformation of Gaza into a ghetto and the normalization of Israel with Arab regimes. The book is a call to fight for the liberation of Palestine. [Extracted from the article]

The text discusses the book "Palestine (and Israel): between intifadas, revolutions, and resistance" by Argentine historian Martín Alejandro Martinelli. The author argues that the State of Israel was established by the West to defend its geostrategic interests in the Middle East, Zionism is a political ideology interested in the colonization and ethnic cleansing of Palestine, Palestinian nationalism is diasporic and anti-colonial, and the Middle East is undergoing a process of geopolitical reordering. The text highlights the importance of Martinelli's historical research and resistance to the silencing and denial of Palestinian history. The author criticizes the use of maps to Judaize toponymy and proposes the creation of alternative maps. He also discusses the geopolitical transformations in the Middle East and Israel's aggressive policy of colonial expansion. The author expresses his interest in the solution to the Palestinian cause and dedicates his work to the victims of military and neo-imperialist regimes. [Extracted from the article]

Every year around 200,000 Māyāmārā Vaiṣṇavas congregate in a small village in Mājulī, Assam, India, for the annual śevā, or worship service, to Ājali Āi, a 16th-century female figure. She was the mother of Sri Sri Aniruddhadeva, the founder of Māyāmārā Vaiṣṇavism, a religious sect originating in medieval Assam that experienced royal persecution and ethnic cleansing. Among contemporary Māyāmārā Vaiṣṇavas, veneration of Ājali Āi as the mother of the founding Guru has become popular, which is somewhat puzzling since historical information about her life is scarce. Nevertheless, as Guru-Mā, Ājali Āi today has become a symbol of holiness in Māyāmārā society with community members attributing to her mahimā, translated as a divine agency, mysterious glory, or supremacy. Guru-riṇ and Mātri-ṛin, categories that are a part of the Vaiṣṇava and the larger Hindu canon, can generally explain the holiness accorded to the mother of the Guru. In the case of the Māyāmārā Vaiṣṇavas, however, they are not sufficient to explain the power in the form of mahimā that the community ascribes to her in the present day to the degree of attributing to her the power to grant wishes. This exploratory chapter argues for a systems approach to understand the phenomenon of the mahimā of Ājali Āi in contemporary Māyāmārā society. The chapter finds that socio-economic and political forces interacted with extant legends around Ājali Āi and ideas around Āi as Devi and mother in complex ways to create the community's contemporary understanding of Ājali Āi as a holy and loving maternal figure with mahimā—one who keeps a watchful and nurturing eye over the community and grants the wishes of ardent devotees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]