Search

Context: School-based student protests have received little scholarly attention, yet they have the potential to impact the school community, students' civic development, and larger social movements. Principals are key actors in responding to school-based student protests. As school leaders, principals' actions affect the outcome of student protests and shape many students' first experiences as activists. Purpose: This study examines U.S. public high school principals' responses to schoolbased student protests in 2018, a year of heightened protest activity in response to gun violence in schools. The purpose of our study is to understand how a national sample of principals responded to student protests and to quantify general trends in their responses. Research Design: Using a mixed methods approach, we surveyed 491 principals during the summer of 2018; follow-up interviews were conducted with 38 principals. Analyses are grounded in the Deter-Manage-Educate framework, a new conceptual framework that we develop in this paper, organized around the three broad goals principals pursue when responding to student protests. Using this framework, we determined "how" and "how many" principals deterred, managed, and educated. Results: Findings show that very few principals outright "deterred" student protests. Nearly all principals "managed" by setting parameters around protests in an effort to balance students' right to free speech with concerns for order and safety. A majority of principals also "educated," using student protest as an opportunity to encourage civic development. Our findings suggest that an important distinction exists between principals who "channel" students toward (or away from) a particular manner of protest and principals who "facilitate reflection" to help students realize their own vision of civic engagement. Implications: This study has implications not only for principals, but also for district leaders and educational leadership organizations: Although many principals receive support for managing the logistical (and legal) challenges of responding to student protests, more attention needs to be directed toward helping principals leverage the educative opportunities that student protest can provide.

The article emphasizes Science Advances' dedication to social and interdisciplinary sciences and public health. Topics include understanding health disparities highlighted by COVID-19, countering disinformation, and analyzing various inequalities. It encourages researchers to submit their best work, highlighting the journal's timeliness, format flexibility, need-based discounts, and extraordinary impact.

The War on Terror, created by the Bush administration in the wake of 9/11, has brought about changes in domestic intelligence and protest policing that have proven hard to conclusively identify, track, and explain despite the importance of these changes to research on the repression of social movements. This paper argues that a second important trend has also been part of the War on Terror: increasing government secrecy regarding its protest control and anti-terrorism programs. Using battles over access to information on NYPD's and the City of New York's planning for, and execution of, protest control strategies at the 2004 Republican National Convention, this article examines how information secrecy operates by using fears of terrorism as a veil and examines the collateral damage to academic inquiry, and therefore also to public dialogue and debate, created by increasing government secrecy. Keywords: repression; protest; 9/11; terrorism; secrecy

Research attempting to predict repression, including the policing of protest, has tended to rely on pooled time series data, which statistically produces coefficients that estimate the average relationship between each variable and the outcome across the entire pooled time period. When relationships are very stable, this statistical assumption, referred to as temporal homogeneity, is unproblematic. But, when enforced without testing, it threatens to artificially "stabilize" temporally heterogenous relationships. In terms of protest policing, this has resulted in relatively ahistorical empirical explanations of protest policing. This article imports modeling techniques from work on identifying historical periods to show how temporal moving regressions can be built to recognize and model temporal heterogeneity in the factors influencing protest policing. We present three important uses for these models: testing exhaustively for temporal heterogeneity in apparently stable findings; testing for temporal heterogeneity that may reconcile otherwise contradictory findings; and inductively combining orthogonal research lines. We demonstrate the utility of each in examinations of protest policing. More generally, we show the potential of temporal moving regressions for uncovering new insights and bringing greater historical sensitivity to research on protest and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]