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Research on the link between education and political ideology is likely affected by biases common in conventional observational methods. A study by Rasmussen et al. (2021) addresses this problem by examining social and economic ideology in a Danish discordant twin design, finding that education shows positive causal effects on economic, but not social, conservatism. In this paper, I provide a set of replications of these results using a dataset of genotyped Swedish twins. I complement this by using random variation within fraternal twin pairs in a polygenic index of education. Results differ markedly from the original study, but are also shown to be sensitive to precise definitions of the ideological dimensions and which sub-dimensions or items are included. Overall, more care may be warranted when empirically defining ideology. Additionally, educational effects on ideology are likely to be sensitive to particular characteristics of the educational experience across time and space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Variation in political preferences is increasingly understood to stem from both environmental influences and genetics. Research in political psychology has argued that a pathway for genetic effects on ideology is via cognitive performance, showing a sizable genetic overlap between the traits. Yet the link between actual trait cognitive performance and economic conservatism is itself highly ambiguous, with both positive, null, and negative estimates prevalent in the literature. In this study, I argue that this puzzle can only be understood from a gene–environment interaction (GxE) perspective. Drawing on traditional theories of political preference formation, I argue that genetics associated with cognitive performance should cause more left‐wing economic preferences if you grow up in relative poverty, but more right‐wing economic preferences if you grow up affluent. Utilizing variation in a polygenic index (PGI) of cognitive performance within dizygotic twin pairs, coupled with unique register data on economic conditions for the twins, their parents, and their childhood neighborhood, I show that the causal effect of the PGI on economic conservatism is zero on average, but indeed sizable and sign‐discordant by class background. The GxE perspective thus has wide‐ranging implications for future research attempting to integrate genetic methods into political psychology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delves into the intersection of race, economic ideology, and Christian identity formation within the context of Black preaching to articulate what is referred to as the "neoliberal homiletic." The neoliberal homiletic refers to the uncritical adoption of economic, ideological concepts within preaching practices, leading to a reshaping of theological goals and individual identity as examined in the context of the Black church. Preaching influenced by economic ideas constructs a Christian identity that aligns with market values and reinforces economic systems of oppression. Despite these challenges, a hopeful path forward is found in a return to historical traditions of Black preaching, which emphasize community solidarity, resistance to oppression, and a theological preference for the poor. Reclaiming these traditions can empower the Black church to address the socio-economic challenges faced by marginalized communities and counteract the pervasive influence of economism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic ideology establishes a unified, standardised approach to assessing the state and prospects of the economic reality of the state. Accordingly, economic ideology can be defined as a conceptual design of a system of ideas, principles and regulations, individual views that can guide the process of socio-economic change, shape appropriate actions and interactions in the economic sphere and give a value assessment of the phenomena and processes of society in this direction. Ideology is emerging as an independent social phenomenon that requires not only proper study, but also the realisation of the opportunities it offers in everyday human life, the functioning of state and local governments, and the political and legal support of the process of social change in Ukrainian society. The subject of the study is economic ideology, its construction, content, types and place in the national ideology. The authors attempt to formulate the main parameters of economic ideology as a substantive component of the economic process and to propose a holistic system of using economic ideology to overcome crisis tendencies in the state. The methodological foundation of the study is based on the general principles of scientific knowledge: the principle of objectivity, which requires the identification of all factors and conditions determining the formation and development of economic ideology; the principle of historicism, which provides for the coverage of the development of systemic reforms in their historical context; the principle of multifactoriality, as the study of various objective and subjective factors influencing the formation, functioning and development of economic ideology. The paper uses such general scientific methods as description, observation, comparison, analysis and synthesis to understand ideology in the context of stabilising Ukraine's socio-economic development. The study of such a phenomenon as ideology has made it possible to identify several basic concepts that are actively used today by every scientific school of modern economics: economic ideology, certain types of economic ideology, and economic policy. The authors analyse certain types of economic ideology from the point of view of their historical formation, relevance, efficiency and prospects of application. Special attention is paid to the latest trends in economic theory. It is noted that today it is difficult to draw clear boundaries between the economic theories and models used to form the economic ideology of the state and those used by governments to achieve their goals. All of them are united by the common task of ensuring stable and uniform economic growth. In other words, the effectiveness of the tools of each economic ideology in one country will not always lead to similar results in another, so the feasibility of their implementation should be determined based on the macroeconomic situation of each country. At the same time, the economic ideology has a state-building character and is intended to combine the process of active state and national development in a single systemic model, in which the state is assigned one of the responsible roles. Results. Economic ideology is an integral part of the transformation of social relations, an important factor in the formation of the state economic system in the context of globalisation and European integration. The modernisation of the political and economic system of society and the development of civil society are impossible without the introduction of the latest economic ideology. Therefore, the inclusion of ideology in the list of central economic categories and its study as such, according to the authors, creates preconditions for understanding and solving many socio-economic problems that arise in society. Based on the study, the authors believe that the use of economic ideology to overcome the crisis phenomena of modern society is associated with the implementation of such areas as the formation of a theoretical ideological construct (model); selection of a consolidating socio-economic idea and filling each component of the defined construct (model) with content; development of economic programmes at the level of public administration, in accordance with the conceptual construct (model) of economic ideology.

This article examines the contingent differences between female and male attitudes towards economic globalization. Although global market forces provide more employment opportunities for women, gender inequalities persist and systematically disadvantage women in the workplace and society. I argue that whether women, relative to men, are more pro or anti-globalization depends on a country’s degree of modernization. Long-term economic development contributes to self-expression, emancipative and postmaterialist cultures which socialize women to stand for egalitarian and redistributive policies that promote their rights. In postindustrial knowledge societies, women are thus more economically left-leaning and anti-market/globalization than their male counterparts. However, the attitudinal gender gap is much narrower or reversed in low-income countries characterized by low living standards and patriarchal societal norms. Analyses of the Pew Global Attitudes Project Survey, World Values Survey and Asian Barometer Survey lend empirical support to the contingent differences between women and men in globalization attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious adherence, church attendance, and economic ideology have long been intertwined. We discuss the compatibility between Catholic doctrine and individual-based free market systems and then examine the effect of Catholic school attendance on an individual's belief in and support for a capitalist economic system. Using individual level survey data, we find a positive relationship between attendance at Catholic schools and capitalist ideology as measured by an index that contrasts individual versus government action and responsibility in the economy. While attendance at Catholic school is associated with a stronger emphasis on individual, rather than governmental, responsibility in the economy, the effect is driven largely by Catholic high school or college attendance, reflecting an increased exposure to Catholic faith during the formative years of late adolescence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The scholarly article presents different analytical approaches to modern understanding and manifestation forms of geoeconomics as a tool of geostrategy. It contains a comprehensive list of conceptual tools, empirical roots, and case studies on the political-economic essence of geoeconomics. The paper’s particular contribution is its direct connection with the practice and rooting of international political economy and poorly studied determination of geoeconomics with geostrategy in the evolving structure of the global world order and new vectors of geoeconomic dynamics of Ukraine. Based on the evolutionary method, the author has developed a matrix of approaches to understanding geoeconomics, demonstrated its progress, conducted a critical analysis of each of them, and put forward an original version and model of interpreting the relevant dynamic phenomenon following the strategic national interests of Ukraine. The myth of static assumptions about the existence of geoeconomics as a self-sufficient system that should have replaced geopolitics was debunked. Using the case study method, the key factors facilitating the geoeconomic expansion of China, the USA, and Russia are highlighted. Emphasis is placed on the role of other states in the formation of geoeconomics, and the issue of strategic autonomy is elucidated. The author justifies the genuine interest in geoeconomics as a component of geostrategy, demonstrates its determination, and specifies the main modern tools of geoeconomics. The impact of the military discourse on geoeconomics is proven, and the vectors of geoeconomic de-sovereignization of some countries in the context of economic globalization, geosecurity expansion, and the growing role of services in the GDP structure. The importance of studying the role of artificial intelligence, android robots and humanoids in GDP formation was separately emphasized; options of their influence on the world’s geoeconomics and the development of humanity as a whole amidst neo-economics are modeled.

Evidence on the association of cognitive ability with economic attitudes is mixed. We conducted a meta-analysis (k = 20, N = 46,426) to examine the relationship between objective measures of cognitive ability and economic ideology and analyzed survey data (N = 3,375) to test theoretical explanations for the association. The meta-analysis provided evidence for a small positive association with a weighted mean effect size of r =.07 (95% CI = [0.02, 0.12]), suggesting that higher cognitive ability is associated with conservative views on economic issues, but effect sizes were extremely heterogeneous. Tests using representative survey data provided support for both a positive association of cognitive ability with economic conservatism that is mediated through income as well as for a negative association that is mediated through a higher need for certainty. Hence, multiple causal mechanisms with countervailing effects might explain the low overall association of cognitive ability with economic political attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Structuring the geostrategic landscape entails using integrated modeling methods to expand strategic horizons to forecast the development vectors of political and economic systems. The reasons for the barbarous war of the Moscow regime against the Ukrainian state have a significant basis both for theoretical study and further practical implementation of the obtained data into political and security practices. Examining the cause-effect complex of articulation of destructive paradigms has become the subject of many sciences. However, requiring their completed conceptualization within the political reality, individual phenomena are poorly studied from the standpoint of economic representation in the context of mathematical modeling of institutional implementing strategic national interests in the most crucial areas of life. Thus, public infrastructure policy is one of the reference areas. The development of the geostrategy of the modern Ukrainian state actualizes the task of elaborating precise mathematical models for assessing geostrategic processes, primarily the economic component. Clarifying the economic foundation of the war against Ukraine makes it possible to identify the facts of falsification in the modern political reality of those economic concepts which focus on the genocide of the Ukrainian nation under the guise of the development concept, reform, modernization, integration, etc. The paper articulates the conditionality of referring to the mathematical dimension of geostrategy implementation as exemplified by state infrastructure policy, analyzes the models of rendering political and economic decisions, specifies essential characteristics of institutional structures, and determines the algorithm for selecting experts. The article extends the central author’s idea of a clear distinction between geopolitics and geostrategy. Therefore, mathematical modeling assists in proving the nullity of argumentation and the lack of logical and other prerequisites for implementing Ukraine’s economic policy in the interests of third countries. It is concluded that the scientific study of alternatives to building institutional structures carrying out geostrategy, combined with articulating the economic dimension of their efficiency in the most important areas of life, constitutes an essential layer of political and economic doctrines. They should lay the groundwork for the design of the geostrategy of the modern Ukrainian state outside the context of stigmatization and attempts to rewrite history, semblance of the geostrategic landscape in a space-time format, and imposing destructive economic models on Ukraine.

This review is intended for scientists who may be curious about “laws” of economics. Here, I search for laws governing value, including the value of money (inflation). I begin by searching out early scientists, e.g., Aristotle, Copernicus, and Galileo, who contributed to theories of value, or who, like Isaac Newton and J. Willard Gibbs, inspired students of political economy and thereby profoundly influenced the evolution of economic thinking. From a period ranging from Aristotle to John Stuart Mill in the mid-nineteenth century, I extract two candidates for “laws” of economics, one the well-known “law of supply and demand” (LSD) and the other, less well-known, “Fisher’s equation of exchange” (FEE). LSD, in one form or another, has been central to the development of economic thought, but it has proven impossible to express LSD in any compact, deterministic form with causal implications. I propose, however, that, as suggested by Irving Fisher early in the twentieth century and 100 years later by Nobelist Thomas Schelling, FEE is analogous to the first law of thermodynamics (FLT). I argue that both FEE and FLT can be viewed as “accounting identities,” pertaining to energies in the case of FLT and money in the case of FEE. Both, however, suffer from a similar limitation: neither provides any information concerning causal relations among the relevant variables. I reflect upon the impact of the absence of firm, fact-based, economic laws with causal implications on modern economic policy, allowing it to be dominated by ideologies damaging to American society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do business owners hold capitalist beliefs - relative to non-business owners? Using Latinobarómetro survey in Latin America, we find that business owners tend to see the market economy as the only system by which a country can become developed. They also tend to give a lower rank to Fidel Castro, and tend to believe that sole private investment in sectors like hospitals and pensions are good for the country to develop as soon as possible. But, business owners do not see foreign capital as good in industries such as mining, electronics, household appliances, automobile, telecommunication services, and infrastructure. They also do not see foreign investment as beneficial for economic development of the country. In addition, they are less willing to adopt some new technologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The continued rise of socio-economic inequality over the past decades with its connected political outcomes such as the Brexit vote in the UK, and the election of Donald Trump are currently a matter of intense debate both in academia and in journalism. One significant sign of the heightened interest was the surprise popularity of Thomas Piketty's Capital in the twenty-first Century. The book reached the top of the bestseller lists and was described as a 'media sensation', with Piketty himself as a 'rock star economist'. This paper, drawing from a major international and cross-disciplinary study, investigates the print media treatment in four European countries of economic policy proposals presented in Capital. Applying social semiotic and critical discourse analysis, we specifically focus on articles which are in disagreement with these proposals and identify five categories of counterarguments used against Piketty: authorisation, moralisation, rationalisation, portrayal of victimhood and inevitability. Providing textual and linguistic examples we demonstrate how the use of linguistic resources normalises and conventionalises ideology-laden discourses of economic means (taxation) and effects, reinforcing particular views of social relations and class as common sense and therewith upholding and perpetuating power relations and inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to compare the model of publicsector in the economic model of I.R.I. Constitution and economies of WelfareStates. Thecomparison isbased on ideological principles and economic rules governing the public sector. We find that state role in both models properlyfollows the conventional economic literature on public sector, which focuses on naturalrole of state in the economy. Considering ideological literature and institutionalcapacity of state in both models, however, we find that I.R.I. constitution has moreinstitutional preferences compared with welfare state model. Primary source of this difference is inefficiencyof welfare state model, especially its inefficient system of economic norms (ideology) in practice which is extends far away from justice goals and wideninggaps in the economy. Normativeframework of public sector in economic model ofI.R.I. constitutionhas the capacity of securing economy from these inefficiencies. Regarding this, wepropose the state using the current fundamental capacity in the economic model of I.R.I. constitution, seeks grounding public participation towards constituted goals of the economy. As a practical approach, the state focusing on improvement and development ofeconomic culture, may achieve an efficient economic system through implementing economicjustice and revising the property movement pattern.

Abstract The Unites States (US) openly promotes its economic ideology of free-markets through foreign aid. It also regards foreign education in the US as a way of spreading its own ideas and values among the elite in developing countries. US educated aid recipient country leaders may thus receive more US aid, if they share both the cultural values and economic ideology of the US. I test this hypothesis using a panel fixed-effects regression model for 896 leaders and 143 countries over the period from 1981 to 2010. I address self- and donor-selection biases by including leader fixed effects in the regression analysis, in addition to the country and year fixed effects. In result, I find that, on average, the US allocates 30 percent more bilateral aid to US educated leaders with right-leaning political beliefs compared to those with left-leaning political beliefs. Heterogeneity analysis reveals that these findings are driven by right-leaning US leadership. Highlights • US education as means to spread American values and ideas in the world. • Aid recipient country leaders educated in the US receive more US aid, if they embrace the economic ideology of the US. • Panel data on 896 leaders of 143 countries over 20 years is used to test the hypothesis in the paper. • US educated right-leaning foreign leaders receive 30 percent more aid from the US compared to US-educated left leaders. • Heterogeneity analysis reveals that these findings are driven by right-leaning US leadership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While many consider institutional quality as a central explanatory variable when finding what causes the variance in per capita GDP growth performance of resource-abundant countries, this paper attempts to focus on more structural factors: regime type and its ideological approaches to economic policy. Several joint effects of natural resource abundance and regime type on growth are found. The natural resource curse is likely to be more severe in authoritarian regimes than democratic regimes. Among democracies, it is found that the natural resource curse is more salient in presidential regimes than in parliamentary regimes. This paper also suggests that the natural resource curse is more likely when a certain type of democratic regime coincides with a particular ideological orientation of the regime with respect to economic policy. Presidential democracies with left-wing economic policy are found to be least growth enhancing among the combinations between regime type and its economic ideology offered, given similar levels of natural resource abundance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the psychological underpinnings of social ideology are well established, less is known about the psychological underpinnings of economic ideology. In this study, I assess whether Big Five personality traits are associated with economic ideology and when personality traits are more strongly or more weakly associated with economic ideology. I hypothesize that low income attenuates the association between the Big Five traits and economic ideology. Studies conducted in Denmark, the United Kingdom, and the United States show that Conscientiousness is positively correlated with economic conservatism, while Agreeableness and Neuroticism are negatively correlated with economic conservatism. Moreover, low income attenuates the association between personality traits and economic ideology. I report a weaker association between Agreeableness and economic ideology among poor people compared to wealthier people in all three countries. Low income also attenuates the association between economic ideology and the traits Openness (Denmark), Extraversion (United Kingdom), and Neuroticism (United States). I contribute to the literature addressing the psychological correlates of economic ideology by showing that (1) economic ideology has a distinct set of personality correlates and (2) low income attenuates the association between some personality traits and economic ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Cultura Económica is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica Argentina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studies about Language / Kalbu Studijos is the property of Studies about Language / Kalbu Studijos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Economic doctrines constitute both economic analysis and a Weltanschauung or ideology. In this paper the author seeks to separate the components of monetarism into those that are economic analysis and those that represent a broader Weltanschauung. Separating the disagreements about various monetarist propositions into issues of economic analysis, suppositions and issues of Weltanschauung is useful because it sorts out those issues on which economists can make a claim to special expertise from those for which this claim is not justified. The author takes twelve propositions that characterise American domestic monetarism and discusses the extent to which each one has the characteristics of a Weltanschauung rather than an economic supposition or an issue of narrow economic analysis. JEL: E50, E52, E58