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Objectives: Stress due to experiences of racism could contribute to African-American women's adverse birth outcomes, but systematic efforts to measure relevant experiences among childbearing women have been limited. We explored the racism experiences of childbearing African-American women to inform subsequent development of improved measures for birth outcomes research. Methods: Six focus groups were conducted with a total of 40 socioeconomically diverse African-American women of childbearing age in four northern California cities. Results: Women reported experiencing racism (1) throughout the lifecourse, with childhood experiences seeming particularly salient and to have especially enduring effects (2) directly and vicariously, particularly in relation to their children; (3) in interpersonal, institutional, and internalized forms; (4) across different life domains; (5) with active and passive responses; and (6) with pervasive vigilance, anticipating threats to themselves and their children. Conclusions: This exploratory study's findings support the need for measures reflecting the complexity of childbearing African-American women's racism experiences. In addition to discrete, interpersonal experiences across multiple domains and active/passive responses, which have been measured, birth outcomes research should also measure women's childhood experiences and their potentially enduring impact, perceptions of institutionalized racism and internalized negative stereotypes, vicarious experiences related to their children, vigilance in anticipating future racism events, as well as the pervasiveness and chronicity of racism exposure, all of which could be sources of ongoing stress with potentially serious implications for birth outcomes. Measures of racism addressing these issues should be developed and formally tested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We explored how different socioeconomic and racial/ethnic groups in the United States might fare in an influenza pandemic on the basis of social factors that shape exposure, vulnerability to influenza virus, and timeliness and adequacy of treatment. We discuss policies that might differentially affect social groups' risk for illness or death. Our purpose is not to establish the precise magnitude of disparities likely to occur; rather, it is to call attention to avoidable disparities that can be expected in the absence of systematic attention to differential social risks in pandemic preparedness plans. Policy makers at the federal, state, and local levels should consider potential sources of socioeconomic and racial/ethnic disparities during a pandemic and formulate specific plans to minimize these disparities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

OBJECTIVES: To describe the characteristics and risk factors of women with only third-trimester (late) or no prenatal care. METHODS: A statewide postpartum survey was conducted that included 6364 low-income women delivering in California hospitals in 1994 and 1995. RESULTS: The following factors appeared most important, considering both prevalence and association with late or no care: poverty, being uninsured, multiparity, being unmarried, and unplanned pregnancy. Forty-two percent of women with no care were uninsured, and uninsured women were at dramatically increased risk of no care. Over 40% of uninsured women with no care had applied for Medi-Cal prenatally but did not receive it. Risks did not vary by ethnicity except that African American women were at lower risk of late care than women of European background. Child care problems were not significantly associated with either late or no care, and transportation problems (not asked of women with no care) were not significantly related to late care. CONCLUSIONS: Lack of insurance appeared to be a significant barrier for the 40% of women with no care who unsuccessfully applied for Medi-Cal prenatally, indicating a need to address barriers to Medi-Cal enrollment. However, lack of financial access is unlikely to completely explain the dramatic risks associated with being uninsured. In addition to eliminating barriers to prenatal coverage, policies to reduce late/no care should focus on pre-pregnancy factors (e.g., planned pregnancy and poverty reduction) rather than on logistical barriers during pregnancy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: To assess whether newborns' insurance coverage was associated with differences in the allocation of hospital services.Design: Retrospective analysis of computerized hospital discharge data, comparing resource allocation among newborns according to insurance status, controlling for race/ethnicity, diagnoses, hospital characteristics (ownership, teaching status, nursery level), and disposition.Setting: All California civilian acute-care hospitals.Patients: Population-based sample, excluding out-of-hospital and military hospital births. Resource allocation was studied among all newborns discharged in 1987 with evidence of serious problems (N = 29,751).Main Outcome Measures: Length of stay, total charges, and charges per day.Results: Sick newborns without insurance received fewer inpatient services than comparable privately insured newborns with either indemnity or prepaid coverage. This pattern was observed across all hospital ownership types. Mean stay was 15.7 days for all privately insured newborns (15.6 days for those with indemnity and 15.7 days for those with prepaid coverage), 14.8 days for Medicaid-covered newborns, and 13.2 days for uninsured newborns (P less than .001). Length of stay, total charges, and charges per day were 16%, 28%, and 10% less, respectively, for the uninsured than for all privately insured newborns (P less than .001). Resources for newborns covered by Medicaid were generally greater than for the uninsured and less than for the privately insured. Both uninsured and Medicaid-covered newborns were found to have more severe medical problems than the privately insured.Conclusions: The findings cannot be explained by differences in medical need or by differences in non-medically indicated services; they constitute prima facie evidence of inequities that need to be addressed by policy changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives. We aimed to describe socioeconomic disparities in the United States across multiple health indicators and socioeconomic groups. Methods. Using recent national data on 5 child (infant mortality, health status, activity limitation, healthy eating, sedentary adolescents) and 6 adult (life expectancy, health status, activity limitation, heart disease, diabetes, obesity) health indicators, we examined indicator rates across multiple income or education categories, overall and within racial/ethnic groups. Results. Those with the lowest income and who were least educated were consistently least healthy, but for most indicators, even groups with intermediate income and education levels were less healthy than the wealthiest and most educated. Gradient patterns were seen often among non-Hispanic blacks and whites but less consistently among Hispanics. Conclusions. Health in the United States is often, though not invariably, patterned strongly along both socioeconomic and racial/ethnic lines, suggesting links between hierarchies of social advantage and health. Worse health among the most socially disadvantaged argues for policies prioritizing those groups, but pervasive gradient patterns also indicate a need to address a wider socioeconomic spectrum -- which may help garner political support. Routine health reporting should examine socioeconomic and racial/ethnic disparity patterns, jointly and separately. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives Adverse childhood experiences (ACEs) have been linked with ill-health in adulthood, but ACE literature has focused on family disruption or dysfunction (e.g., child abuse, parental separation), with less attention to economic adversity. We examined whether a mother's economic hardship in childhood (EHC) was associated with women's hardships and health-risk behaviors during/just before pregnancy. Methods We analyzed population-based survey data on 27,102 postpartum California women. EHC included respondents' reports that during childhood they/their families experienced hunger because of inability to afford food or moved because of problems paying rent/mortgage and the frequency of difficulty paying for basic needs. We examined six maternal hardships/behaviors during/just before pregnancy, including four hardships (poverty, food insecurity, homelessness/no regular place to sleep, intimate partner violence) and two behaviors (smoking, binge drinking). Prevalence ratios (PRs) were calculated from sequential logistic regression models estimating associations between EHC (categorized by level of hardship) and each maternal hardship/behavior, first without adjustment, then adjusting for other childhood and current maternal factors, and finally adding family disruption/dysfunction. Results Before adjustment for family disruption/dysfunction, the highest and intermediate EHC levels were associated with each maternal hardship/behavior; after full adjustment, those associations persisted except with smoking. Higher EHC levels generally appeared associated with larger PRs, although confidence intervals overlapped. Conclusions for Policy/Practice These findings link childhood economic hardship with women's hardships, binge drinking, and possibly smoking around the time of pregnancy. Without establishing causality, they support previous research indicating that childhood economic adversity should be considered an ACE.

Objectives: The causes of the large and persistent Black-White disparity in preterm birth (PTB) are unknown. It is biologically plausible that chronic stress across a woman's life course could be a contributor. Prior research suggests that chronic worry about experiencing racial discrimination could affect PTB through neuroendocrine, vascular, or immune mechanisms involved in both responses to stress and the initiation of labor. This study aimed to examine the role of chronic worry about racial discrimination in Black-White disparities in PTB., Methods: The data source was cross-sectional California statewide-representative surveys of 2,201 Black and 8,122 White, non-Latino, U.S.-born postpartum women with singleton live births during 2011-2014. Chronic worry about racial discrimination (chronic worry) was defined as responses of "very often" or "somewhat often" (vs. "not very often" or "never") to the question: "Overall during your life until now, how often have you worried that you might be treated or viewed unfairly because of your race or ethnic group?" Prevalence ratios (PRs) with 95% Confidence Intervals (CI) were calculated from sequential logistic regression models, before and after adjustment for multiple social/demographic, behavioral, and medical factors, to estimate the magnitude of: (a) PTB risks associated with chronic worry among Black women and among White women; and (b) Black-White disparities in PTB, before and after adjustment for chronic worry., Results: Among Black and White women respectively, 36.9 (95% CI 32.9-40.9) % and 5.5 (95% CI 4.5-6.5) % reported chronic worry about racial discrimination; rates were highest among Black women of higher income and education levels. Chronic worry was significantly associated with PTB among Black women before (PR 1.73, 95% CI 1.12-2.67) and after (PR 2.00, 95% CI 1.33-3.01) adjustment for covariates. The unadjusted Black-White disparity in PTB (PR 1.59, 95%CI 1.21-2.09) appeared attenuated and became non-significant after adjustment for chronic worry (PR 1.30, 95% CI 0.93-1.81); it appeared further attenuated after adding the covariates (PR 1.17, 95% CI 0.85-1.63)., Conclusions: Chronic worry about racial discrimination may play an important role in Black-White disparities in PTB and may help explain the puzzling and repeatedly observed greater PTB disparities among more socioeconomically-advantaged women. Although the single measure of experiences of racial discrimination used in this study precluded examination of the role of other experiences of racial discrimination, such as overt incidents, it is likely that our findings reflect an association between one or more experiences of racial discrimination and PTB. Further research should examine a range of experiences of racial discrimination, including not only chronic worry but other psychological and emotional states and both subtle and overt incidents as well. These dramatic results from a large statewide-representative study add to a growing-but not widely known-literature linking racism-related stress with physical health in general, and shed light on the links between racism-related stress and PTB specifically. Without being causally definitive, this study's findings should stimulate further research and heighten awareness of the potential role of unmeasured social variables, such as diverse experiences of racial discrimination, in racial disparities in health.

Objectives: To investigate the contribution of school neighborhood socioeconomic advantage to the association between school-district physical education policy compliance in California public schools and Latino students' physical fitness., Methods: Cross-sectional Fitnessgram data for public-school students were linked with school- and district-level information, district-level physical education policy compliance from 2004-2005 and 2005-2006, and 2000 United States Census data. Multilevel logistic regression models examined whether income and education levels in school neighborhoods moderated the effects of district-level physical education policy compliance on Latino fifth-graders' fitness levels., Results: Physical education compliance data were available for 48 California school districts, which included 64,073 Latino fifth-graders. Fewer than half (23, or 46%) of these districts were found to be in compliance, and only 16% of Latino fifth-graders attended schools in compliant districts. Overall, there was a positive association between district compliance with physical education policy and fitness (OR, 95%CI: 1.38, 1.07, 1.78) adjusted for covariates. There was no significant interaction between school neighborhood socioeconomic advantage and physical education policy compliance (p>.05): there was a positive pattern in the association between school district compliance with physical education policy and student fitness levels across levels of socioeconomic advantage, though the association was not always significant., Conclusions: Across neighborhoods with varying levels of socioeconomic advantage, increasing physical education policy compliance in elementary schools may be an effective strategy for improving fitness among Latino children.

Objectives To investigate Latina-White differences in birth outcomes in California from 2003 to 2010, looking for evidence of the often-cited "Latina paradox" and assessing the possible role of socioeconomic factors in observed differences. MethodsUsing statewide-representative data from the California Maternal and Infant Health Assessment, an annual population-based postpartum survey, we compared rates of preterm birth (PTB) and low birth weight (LBW) in five groups: U.S.-born non-Latina Whites ("Whites"), U.S.-born Mexican-Americans, U.S.-born non-Mexican Latinas, Mexican immigrants, and non-Mexican Latina immigrants. Logistic regression models examined the relative likelihood of PTB and LBW for women in each Latina subgroup compared with Whites, before and after adjustment for socioeconomic and other covariates. Results In unadjusted analyses, women in each Latina subgroup appeared more likely than White women to have PTB and LBW, although the increased likelihood of LBW among Mexican immigrants was statistically non-significant. After adjustment for less favorable socioeconomic characteristics among Latinas compared with Whites, observed differences in the estimated likelihoods of PTB or LBW for Latina subgroups relative to Whites were attenuated and (with the exception of PTB among U.S.-born Mexican Americans) no longer statistically significant. Conclusions We found no evidence of a "Latina paradox" in birth outcomes, which some have cited as evidence that social disadvantage is not always health-damaging. As observed in several previous studies, our findings were non-paradoxical: consistent with their socioeconomic disadvantage, Latinas had worse birth outcomes than non-Latina White women. Policy-makers should not rely on a "Latina paradox" to ensure good birth outcomes among socioeconomically disadvantaged Latina women.

Importance: To our knowledge, few published studies have examined the influence of competitive food and beverage (CF&B) policies on student weight outcomes; none have investigated disparities in the influence of CF&B policies on children's body weight by school neighborhood socioeconomic resources., Objective: To investigate whether the association between CF&B policies and population-level trends in childhood overweight/obesity differed by school neighborhood income and education levels., Design, Setting, and Participants: This cross-sectional study, from July 2013 to October 2014, compared overweight/obesity prevalence trends before (2001-2005) and after (2006-2010) implementation of CF&B policies in public elementary schools in California. The study included 2 700 880 fifth-grade students in 5362 public schools from 2001 to 2010., Exposures: California CF&B policies (effective July 1, 2004, and July 1, 2007) and school neighborhood income and education levels., Main Outcomes and Measures: Overweight/obesity defined as a body mass index at or greater than the 85th percentile for age and sex., Results: Overall rates of overweight/obesity ranged from 43.5% in 2001 to 45.8% in 2010. Compared with the period before the introduction of CF&B policies, overweight/obesity trends changed in a favorable direction after the policies took effect (2005-2010); these changes occurred for all children across all school neighborhood socioeconomic levels. In the postpolicy period, these trends differed by school neighborhood socioeconomic advantage. From 2005-2010, trends in overweight/obesity prevalence leveled off among students at schools in socioeconomically disadvantaged neighborhoods but declined in socioeconomically advantaged neighborhoods. Students in the lowest-income neighborhoods experienced zero or near zero change in the odds of overweight/obesity over time: the annual percentage change in overweight/obesity odds was 0.1% for females (95% CI, -0.7 to 0.9) and -0.3% for males (95% CI, -1.1 to 0.5). In contrast, in the highest-income neighborhoods, the annual percentage decline in the odds of overweight was 1.2% for females (95% CI, 0.4 to 1.9) and 1.0% for males (95% CI, 0.3 to 1.8). Findings were similar for school neighborhood education., Conclusions and Relevance: Our study found population-level improvements in the prevalence of childhood overweight/obesity that coincided with the period following implementation of statewide CF&B policies (2005-2010). However, these improvements were greatest at schools in the most advantaged neighborhoods. This suggests that CF&B policies may help prevent child obesity; however, the degree of their effectiveness is likely to depend on socioeconomic and other contextual factors in school neighborhoods. To reduce disparities and prevent obesity, school policies and environmental interventions must address relevant contextual factors in school neighborhoods.

Objectives: We investigated the role of socioeconomic factors in Black-White disparities in preterm birth (PTB)., Methods: We used the population-based California Maternal and Infant Health Assessment survey and birth certificate data on 10 400 US-born Black and White California residents who gave birth during 2003 to 2010 to examine rates and relative likelihoods of PTB among Black versus White women, with adjustment for multiple socioeconomic factors and covariables., Results: Greater socioeconomic advantage was generally associated with lower PTB rates among White but not Black women. There were no significant Black-White disparities within the most socioeconomically disadvantaged subgroups; Black-White disparities were seen only within more advantaged subgroups., Conclusions: Socioeconomic factors play an important but complex role in PTB disparities. The absence of Black-White disparities in PTB within certain socioeconomic subgroups, alongside substantial disparities within others, suggests that social factors moderate the disparity. Further research should explore social factors suggested by the literature-including life course socioeconomic experiences and racism-related stress, and the biological pathways through which they operate-as potential contributors to PTB among Black and White women with different levels of social advantage.

In the United States, awareness is increasing that medical care alone cannot adequately improve health overall or reduce health disparities without also addressing where and how people live. A critical mass of relevant knowledge has accumulated, documenting associations, exploring pathways and biological mechanisms, and providing a previously unavailable scientific foundation for appreciating the role of social factors in health. We review current knowledge about health effects of social (including economic) factors, knowledge gaps, and research priorities, focusing on upstream social determinants-including economic resources, education, and racial discrimination-that fundamentally shape the downstream determinants, such as behaviors, targeted by most interventions. Research priorities include measuring social factors better, monitoring social factors and health relative to policies, examining health effects of social factors across lifetimes and generations, incrementally elucidating pathways through knowledge linkage, testing multidimensional interventions, and addressing political will as a key barrier to translating knowledge into action.

Context: Adverse birth outcomes, such as preterm birth and low birth weight, have serious health consequences across the life course. Socioeconomic disparities in birth outcomes have not been the subject of a recent systematic review. The aim of this study was to systematically review the literature on the association of socioeconomic disadvantage with adverse birth outcomes, with specific attention to the strength and consistency of effects across socioeconomic measures, birth outcomes, and populations., Evidence Acquisition: Relevant articles published from 1999 to 2007 were obtained through electronic database searches and manual searches of reference lists. English-language studies from industrialized countries were included if (1) study objectives included examination of a socioeconomic disparity in a birth outcome and (2) results were presented on the association between a socioeconomic predictor and a birth outcome related to birth weight, gestational age, or intrauterine growth. Two reviewers extracted data and independently rated study quality; data were analyzed in 2008-2009., Evidence Synthesis: Ninety-three of 106 studies reported a significant association, overall or within a population subgroup, between a socioeconomic measure and a birth outcome. Socioeconomic disadvantage was consistently associated with increased risk across socioeconomic measures, birth outcomes, and countries; many studies observed racial/ethnic differences in the effect of socioeconomic measures., Conclusions: Socioeconomic differences in birth outcomes remain pervasive, with substantial variation by racial or ethnic subgroup, and are associated with disadvantage measured at multiple levels (individual/family, neighborhood) and time points (childhood, adulthood), and with adverse health behaviors that are themselves socially patterned. Future reviews should focus on identifying interventions to successfully reduce socioeconomic disparities in birth outcomes., (2010 American Journal of Preventive Medicine. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.)

To describe income levels and the prevalence of major hardships among women during or just before pregnancy. We separately analyzed 2002-2006 population-based postpartum survey data from California's Maternal and Infant Health Assessment (n = 18,332) and 19 states participating in CDC's Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System (n = 143,452) to examine income and several hardships (divorce/separation, domestic violence, homelessness, financial difficulties, spouse/partner's or respondent's involuntary job loss or incarceration, and, in California only, food insecurity and no social support) during/just before pregnancy. In both samples, over 30% of women were poor (income 400% FPL experienced one or more hardships. These findings paint a disturbing picture of experiences around the time of pregnancy in the United States for many women giving birth and their children, particularly because 60% had previous births. The high prevalence of low income and of serious hardships during pregnancy is of concern, given previous research documenting the adverse health consequences of these experiences and recognition of pregnancy as a critical period for health throughout the life course. Low income and major hardships around the time of pregnancy should be addressed as mainstream U.S. maternal-infant health and social policy issues.

Objectives: Income data are often missing for substantial proportions of survey participants and these records are often dropped from analyses. To explore the implications of excluding records with missing income, we examined characteristics of survey participants with and without income information., Methods: Using statewide population-based postpartum survey data from the California Maternal and Infant Health Assessment, we compared the age, education, parity, marital status, timely prenatal care initiation, and neighborhood poverty characteristics of women with and without reported income data, overall, and by race/ethnicity/nativity., Results: Overall, compared with respondents who reported income, respondents with missing income information generally appeared younger, less educated, and of lower parity. They were more likely to be unmarried, to have received delayed or no prenatal care, and to reside in poor neighborhoods; and they generally appeared more similar to lower- than higher-income women. However, the patterns appeared to vary by racial/ethnic/nativity group. For example, among U.S.-born African American women, the characteristics of the missing-income group were generally similar to those of low-income women, while European American women with missing income information more closely resembled their moderate-income counterparts., Conclusions: Respondents with missing income information may not be a random subset of population-based survey participants and may differ on other relevant sociodemographic characteristics. Before deciding how to deal analytically with missing income information, researchers should examine relevant characteristics and consider how different approaches could affect study findings. Particularly for ethnically diverse populations, we recommend including a missing income category or employing multiple-imputation techniques rather than excluding those records.

Problems with measuring socioeconomic status (SES)-frequently included in clinical and public health studies as a control variable and less frequently as the variable(s) of main interest-could affect research findings and conclusions, with implications for practice and policy. We critically examine standard SES measurement approaches, illustrating problems with examples from new analyses and the literature. For example, marked racial/ethnic differences in income at a given educational level and in wealth at a given income level raise questions about the socioeconomic comparability of individuals who are similar on education or income alone. Evidence also shows that conclusions about nonsocioeconomic causes of racial/ethnic differences in health may depend on the measure-eg, income, wealth, education, occupation, neighborhood socioeconomic characteristics, or past socioeconomic experiences-used to "control for SES," suggesting that findings from studies that have measured limited aspects of SES should be reassessed. We recommend an outcome- and social group-specific approach to SES measurement that involves (1) considering plausible explanatory pathways and mechanisms, (2) measuring as much relevant socioeconomic information as possible, (3) specifying the particular socioeconomic factors measured (rather than SES overall), and (4) systematically considering how potentially important unmeasured socioeconomic factors may affect conclusions. Better SES measures are needed in data sources, but improvements could be made by using existing information more thoughtfully and acknowledging its limitations.

Objective: To describe newborn length of stay, postdischarge follow-up, and health care utilization in the context of Minnesota's early discharge legislation., Design and Setting: Retrospective study using claims data from a large managed care organization., Participants: Term newborns born from January 1995 through February 1999 (N = 22 944)., Outcome Measures: Newborn length of stay, home or clinic visits within 1 week of discharge (early follow-up), immunizations completed by age 3 months, readmissions within 1 month of discharge, and urgent care or emergency department visits within 2 months of discharge., Results: After enactment of Minnesota's early discharge legislation in 1996, the percentage of newborns with short stays (0-1 days after vaginal birth or 2-3 days after cesarean birth) decreased from 52% to 16% for vaginally born infants and from 87% to 63% for cesarean-born infants (P =.001). Although the legislation mandated coverage for home visits after short stays, only 12.4% of short-stay newborns had early home visits. Overall, 50% of infants had early home or clinic follow-up; compared with those who did not receive early follow-up, these infants were more likely to have complete immunizations (adjusted odds ratio [OR], 1.09; 95% confidence interval [CI], 1.03-1.14), urgent care or emergency department visits (adjusted OR, 1.22; 95% CI, 1.07-1.39), and readmissions (adjusted OR, 2.49; 95% CI, 2.02-3.08)., Conclusions: Although implementation of Minnesota's early discharge legislation corresponded with significantly increased lengths of stay, very few short-stay infants received the postdischarge care for which coverage was mandated. Our findings indicate, however, that infants at higher risk for adverse outcomes were appropriately identified to receive early follow-up.

Objectives: This study examined the relationship between timing of insurance coverage and prenatal care among low-income women., Methods: Timeliness of prenatal care initiation and adequacy of number of visits were studied among 5455 low-income participants in a larger cross-sectional statewide survey of postpartum women in California during 1994-1995., Results: Although only 2% of women remained uninsured throughout pregnancy, one fifth lacked coverage during the first trimester. Rates of untimely care were highest (> or =64%) among women who were uninsured throughout their pregnancy or whose coverage began after the first trimester; rates were lowest (about 10%) among women who obtained coverage during the first trimester. Women who first obtained Medi-Cal coverage during pregnancy were at low risk of having too few visits., Conclusions: Timing of prenatal coverage should be considered in research on the relationship between coverage and care use among low-income women. Earlier studies that relied solely on principal payer information, without data on when coverage began, may have led to inaccurate inferences about lack of coverage as a barrier to prenatal care.

As postpartum hospital stays have become increasingly shorter, more attention has been focused on the importance of routine postdischarge follow-up for newborns and mothers. Recent guidelines and legislation, however, include few specifics on how follow-up services should be provided. Based on the authors' review of the recent literature, it was concluded that the research to date provides little useful information to guide follow-up practices under current conditions. Additional studies that focus on postdischarge follow-up, rather than on length of hospital stay, are needed to provide the basis for more specific practice guidelines.

Background: To examine the potential benefits of routine nurse home visiting after early discharge, we compared health service use among low-risk newborns with and without a nurse home visit and telephone follow-up after short hospital stays., Methods: Records of newborns discharged routinely before (n = 83) and after (n = 91) implementation of a universal postpartum home visiting program were reviewed retrospectively. Acute care visits, rehospitalizations, and well-baby visits for newborns up to 74 days of age were compared between the groups., Results: Acute care visits, rehospitalizations, and missed well-baby visits consistently appeared less likely among newborns receiving home visiting services, in both unadjusted and adjusted analyses. Adjusting for insurance, parity, and breast-feeding, a twofold reduction in acute care visits by 14 days was significant. Although not statistically significant, adjusted analyses of acute care and missed well-baby visits revealed apparently similar patterns at all time intervals. There were too few rehospitalizations for multivariate analysis., Conclusions: Despite the limitations of this small retrospective study, the consistency of the findings suggests potentially important benefits of home visiting services after early discharge of low-risk newborns, with substantial implications for clinical and reimbursement policy. Effects could be greater with more vulnerable populations and shorter stays than those in this study.

Objective: To determine whether research supports the advisability of early discharge of healthy newborns and mothers., Methods: Critical review of English-language literature cited in the Index Medicus or the International Nursing Index., Findings: No adequately designed studies have examined discharge before 48 hours after delivery without additional postdischarge services. Few studies have examined the consequences of recommending a clinic visit within the first days after discharge; studies of this practice among low-income populations found high no-show rates. Some small studies suggest that early discharge is likely to be safe for selected populations at low psychosocial, socioeconomic, and medical risk, with careful antenatal screening and preparation and multiple postpartum home visits. Some studies suggested adverse outcomes associated with early discharge even with early follow-up., Conclusions: Published research provides little knowledge of the consequences of short maternal/newborn hospital stays or varying postdischarge practices for the general population. The studies that have concluded that early discharge was safe were applied under restricted circumstances or were too small to detect clinically significant effects on important outcomes. Further research is needed to inform clinical and reimbursement policy on health services in the first days of life and parenting. Rigorous studies of sufficient size are needed to examine the impact of different hospital stays and different postdischarge practices on a range of outcomes for mothers and newborns in diverse populations and settings. Given a priori concerns, decisions on neonatal/obstetric discharge planning should be made cautiously.

The increased risk of infant mortality associated with single motherhood is neither consistent among social and demographic subgroups nor inevitable, according to data from national linked birth and infant death files for 1983-1985. Maternal age is the only variable found to have a significant interaction with marital status among black mothers, and the risk associated with unmarried status increases with age. Among white mothers, age, educational level and receipt of prenatal care all show significant interactions with marital status; the increased risks of infant mortality attributed to unmarried motherhood are concentrated among subgroups usually thought to be at lower risk. For example, the risks of infant mortality among unmarried white women relative to married white women are highest among 25-29-year-olds. However, being unmarried did not affect the risk of infant mortality among babies born to college-educated white women.

Background: We studied differences in the incidence of appendiceal perforation in patients with acute appendicitis according to their insurance coverage., Methods: In a retrospective analysis of hospital-discharge data, we examined the likelihood of ruptured appendix among adults 18 to 64 years old who were hospitalized for acute appendicitis in California from 1984 to 1989., Results: After controlling for age, sex, psychiatric diagnoses, substance abuse, diabetes, poverty, race or ethnic group, and hospital characteristics, we found that ruptured appendix was more likely among both Medicaid-covered and uninsured patients with appendicitis than among patients with private capitated coverage (odds ratios, 1.49 [95 percent confidence interval, 1.41 to 1.59] and 1.46 [95 percent confidence interval, 1.39 to 1.54], respectively). After adjustment for the above factors, the risk of appendiceal rupture associated with a lack of private insurance was elevated at both county and other hospitals, but admission to a county hospital was an independent risk factor. In all income groups, appendiceal rupture was more likely with fee-for-service than capitated private coverage (overall odds ratio, 1.20 [95 percent confidence interval, 1.15 to 1.25])., Conclusions: Among patients with appendicitis an increased risk of ruptured appendix may be due to insurance-related delays in obtaining medical care. Both organizational and financial features of Medicaid and various types or levels of private third-party coverage may be involved. The significant association between ruptured appendix and insurance coverage after adjustment for socio-economic differences suggests barriers to receiving medically necessary acute care that should be considered in current deliberations on health policy.

Objective: To determine whether lack of financial access was a significant barrier to prenatal care following major expansions of Medicaid eligibility in California., Design: Retrospective analysis of birth certificates, assessing risks of inadequate prenatal care by insurance, controlling for maternal race/ethnicity, birthplace, age, parity, education, and marital status., Sample: Singleton live births to California residents occurring in-state in 1990 (N = 593,510)., Outcome Measures: Untimely initiation of care, two few visits, and no prenatal care., Results: Despite major Medicaid expansions, nearly 11% of live births were uninsured for prenatal care. Being uninsured and having Medi-Cal were both risk factors of sizable magnitude, controlling for maternal characteristics. Compared with women who had private fee-for-service coverage, uninsured women were at elevated risk of untimely initiation (odds ratio [OR], 2.54; 95% confidence interval [CI], 2.47 to 2.60) and too few visits (OR, 2.49; 95% CI, 2.44 to 2.55). Women with Medi-Cal had a high risk of untimely care (OR, 3.33; 95% CI, 3.26 to 3.40); their risk of too few visits was also elevated (OR, 1.63; 95% CI, 1.60 to 1.66) but less than for the uninsured. Lack of private insurance was a strong risk factor for no care (OR, 6.70; 95% CI, 6.00 to 7.47)., Conclusions: In spite of major Medicaid expansions, access to prenatal care was limited for women without private insurance. Medicaid was associated with untimely entry but with improved continuity. The findings suggest that financial barriers were salient even when controlling for many factors related to care-seeking behavior. Policy initiatives need to address continuing financial barriers along with other obstacles.

A case-control study was conducted to determine whether infants with intrauterine growth retardation are at an increased risk of child abuse. Case children were those who had been born at Yale-New Haven Hospital and were reported to the hospital's child abuse committee because they had been physically abused. For each case, one control child was chosen from the hospital's log of births and matched to the case child by age, gender, race of the mother, method of payment for the hospitalization, and the provider of the child's health care at the time of birth. Infants were defined as having intrauterine growth retardation if they had either a ponderal index or a birth weight that was less than the tenth percentile for gestational age using the Kansas City or Denver growth standards. We identified 117 case-control pairs that met those criteria. The matched odds ratios for each of the four definitions of intrauterine growth retardation were less than one, indicating that infants with intrauterine growth retardation are at a decreased risk of abuse. The matched odds ratio for a low ponderal index according to the Kansas City standard was 0.4 (95% confidence interval 0.19, 0.83). This result was not affected by such possible confounding factors as the mother's age. We conclude that infants with intrauterine growth retardation are not at an increased risk and may be at a decreased risk of physical abuse.

To determine whether breast-feeding protects infants from infections, a case-control study was conducted. The cases were previously healthy children who were admitted to Yale-New Haven Hospital for an infectious illness at or before 90 days of age. The controls were chosen from the log of births and matched to the cases for five important demographic variables. In addition, logistic regression models were used to adjust the results for other potential confounders. To minimize the potential surveillance bias that might occur if formula-fed and breast-fed infants with the same degree of illness have a different probability of being hospitalized, the case-control pairs were stratified by the severity of the medical condition of the case at the time of hospitalization. For the 281 case-control pairs, the matched odds ratio was .50 (95% confidence interval .32, .77; P less than .005), which indicates that breast-feeding is protective against infections. However, this apparent protective effect was diminished substantially when the data were stratified according to the severity of illness: the matched odds ratio for the 164 infants with serious illnesses was .79 (.47, 1.32; P less than .50), and for the 117 infants with mild illnesses it was .17 (.03, .44; P less than .001). These stratified results suggest that breast-feeding protects infants from hospitalization rather than from infections. Failure to consider the problem of surveillance bias may lead to erroneous conclusions about the protective effect of breast-feeding.

We performed a case-control study to examine the relationship of child abuse to several perinatal risk factors. Cases were children who had been born at Yale-New Haven (Conn) Hospital and were reported for physical abuse to the Hospital's Child Abuse Committee. For each case, a control was chosen from the hospital's log of births and matched according to five demographic variables. We identified 117 case-control pairs. No relationship was found between either prematurity or low birth weight and child abuse. In contrast, there was an association between child abuse and young maternal age (both at the birth of the index child and at the birth of the first child). We conclude that prematurity and low birth weight are not risk factors for physical abuse but that young maternal age is related to abuse.

In this study of hospital discharge data on births to residents of an eight-county region of California, we found an increasing lack of health insurance that was associated with an elevated and increasing risk of adverse outcomes in newborns. Between 1982 and 1986, the percentage of newborns without health insurance increased overall by 45 percent (from 5.5 to 8.0 percent; P less than 0.001); the increases were larger among Asians (by 54 percent [from 7.8 to 12.0 percent]; P less than 0.001) and Latinos (by 140 percent [from 8.2 to 19.7 percent]; P less than 0.001). By 1986, the odds ratio for an adverse hospital outcome (defined as a prolonged hospital stay, transfer of the newborn to another institution, or death) was 1.31 (95 percent confidence interval, 1.17 to 1.46) in uninsured as compared with privately insured newborns, with control for race or ethnic group. There was a significant increase in risk over time (P less than 0.03); the comparable odds ratios in 1982 and 1984 were 1.11 (95 percent confidence interval, 0.93 to 1.33) and 1.19 (1.05 to 1.35), respectively. In 1986 the risks were especially elevated for uninsured as compared with privately insured blacks and Latinos (odds ratios, 2.24 [95 percent confidence interval, 1.60 to 3.13] and 1.56 [1.26 to 1.94], respectively); the increases in risk over time were the most marked in these groups. We believe that the elevated and increasing risks for uninsured newborns are explained at least in part by inadequate and diminishing access to care and that this burden is borne disproportionately by blacks and Latinos.