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Background. In operatic singing, poor text intelligibility is often a problem. Some voice teachers believe that singers should articulate consonants more strongly to improve intelligibility, while others believe that this should be avoided. Aim. The objective of this study is to ascertain (1) whether there is a tendency in operatic singing by which, compared to speaking, the intensity of all speech sounds is greater, but the intensity of voiceless plosive bursts increases proportionally less than that of vowels, which may make the recognition of plosives more difficult; and (2) whether pronouncing the bursts of voiceless plosives more strongly would improve their recognition. Method. The investigation was split into two stages. In the first stage, five classically trained professional Estonian singers (soprano, mezzo-soprano, tenor, baritone, bass) were asked (1) to sing an aria in Italian from a romantic period opera, and (2) to read the text of the same aria. The recordings were segmented on the level of single speech sounds, and the intensity level of each sound was measured with the help of the software Praat. In addition, recordings of sung performances by three Italian singers (two sopranos and a baritone) and examples of spoken text by two different speakers were similarly analyzed. In the second stage, a perception test with 60 listeners (21 male, 38 female, and one non-binary) was carried out. The listeners were aged between 11 and 74. Seventy-two sequences /a/–/k/–/a/, /a/–/p/–/a/ and /a/–/t/–/a/, sung by a mezzo-soprano on G4, were played to the listeners as stimuli. The listener had to identify the plosive in the middle of each stimulus. The intensity level of the plosive varied in four steps (including one step in which the plosive burst was removed and replaced with silence). To some stimuli sets were added either reverberation (to imitate room acoustics) or pink noise (to imitate masking sounds from accompaniment or ensemble partners); further stimuli sets included the addition of both reverberation and pink noise. Results. The first stage of the research showed that in the case of the Estonian singers the intensity of the sung vowels was, on average, 14.2 dB greater than that of the corresponding spoken speech sounds, whereas the intensity of the voiceless plosive bursts increased by an average of only 7.1 dB. The intensity difference between sung and spoken speech sounds was similar in the case of Italian vocalists. Producing the plosive bursts more strongly generally tended to improve the recognition of plosives only when reverberation and/or pink noise were added to the stimuli. The probable cause of lowered recognition is the masking of plosives by the room reflections of the preceding vowels and sounds from the accompaniment and ensemble partners. In the case of /p/, too intense a burst could actually diminish recognition to some extent. The recognition was often above the level of chance even if the burst was removed, indicating that besides the plosive burst some other clues to identify the plosive exist (such as the formants’ glide from the locus of the plosive to the adjacent vowel). Conclusions. There is no need to pronounce voiceless plosives with exaggerated vigor in singing if the room reverberation is small and there are no masking sounds from other musicians. The exception is /k/, which may remain unidentified if the plosive burst is not perceived. In poorer acoustic conditions, a stronger burst may improve intelligibility. However, the singer should be cautious not to overemphasize the /p/, as this may worsen its recognition.

We studied the articulatory and temporal properties of Estonian palatalization by Russian L1 Estonian L2 speakers and compared the results to Estonian native speakers. The tongue movement of 24 Russian L1 and 21 Estonian L1 speakers were recorded with an electromagnetic articulograph. The speakers articulated phonologically contrastive word pairs and i-stemmed nouns where the final consonant was palatalized. Previous research has shown that palatalization is generally realized by raising the tongue dorsum towards the hard palate. Consequently, the tongue becomes more anterior and wider. This rising of the tongue also lengthens the duration of the segments. The results showed that Russian L1 speakers’ tongue dorsum was higher and more anterior when palatalizing consonants and the subsequent vowels. Compared to native speakers, their tongue was retracted and lower. Russian L1 speakers’ duration of palatalized consonants and the vowels that preceded them were significantly shorter than in the control group. They did not use duration to differentiate palatalization in word pairs as native speakers do. Kokkuvõte. Anton Malmi, Pärtel Lippus, Einar Meister: Vene emakeelega kõnelejate Eesti palatalisatsiooni artikulatoorsed ja temporaalsed tunnused. Artiklis uuritakse, kuidas vene emakeelega kõnelejad hääldavad eesti keele palatalisatsiooni. Varasemad uurimused on näidanud, et konsonanti palataliseeritakse keeleselja tõstmisega kõva suulae poole. Sellega kaasneb ka eespoolsem keele asend ja laiem keele jaotus suulaes ning hääliku pikem kestus. Uurimismaterjal koosnes sõnadest, kus palatalisatsioon eristas tähendust ja i-tüvelistest nimisõnadest, mis lõppesid pika palataliseeritud konsonandiga. Testsõnu sisaldavaid lauseid salvestasime elektromagnetartikulograafiga. Katses osales 24 vene emakeelega ja 21 eesti emakeelega kõnelejat. Tulemused näitasid, et vene emakeelega kõnelejate keel oli palataliseerimisele omaselt kõrgemal ja eespoolsem. Eestlastega võrreldes oli nende keel aga madalamal ja tagapoolsem. Vene emakeelega kõnelejad ei kasutanud palatalisatsioonipaarides kestust eristava tunnusena nagu emakeelsed kõnelejad seda teevad. Nende vokaalid ja konsonandid olid palatalsatsioonipaarides ja i-tüvelistes nimisõnades lühemad kui emakeelsetel kõnelejatel.

"Data protection issues relating to the development and utilisation of language resources" Copyright issues related to language resources have received considerable attention. Personal data protection in the field of language research is an area which is not thoroughly explored yet. This topic is very relevant since the General Data Protection Regulation is applicable from 25 May 2018. The authors analyse the issues relating to personal data protection in the context of the development and utilization of language resources. Firstly, the authors analyse the cases where there is a consent which allows processing of personal data to develop and use language resources for research purposes. Secondly, the processing of personal data without consent for language research purposes is explored. The article is meant to provide practical information to language research community and create a foundation for further discussion.

In the study, we examined the production of Estonian vowel categories by second language (L2) speakers of Estonian (native language Finnish) and compared them to those of native Estonian (L1) speakers. The vowel systems of the two languages are very similar: all eight Finnish vowels have close counterparts in Estonian, though Estonian has one more vowel category. The vowels for acoustic analysis were extracted from the target words embedded in sentences read by both L1 and L2 informants. The results showed that using the native Finnish vowel patterns for the Estonian counterparts has been a successful strategy – due to phonetic similarity of the shared vowels in the two languages, the L2 vowels assimilate well to Finnish L1 vowel categories. The L2 learners have acquired proper tongue position for the new vowel category /õ/ in tongue height and in front-back dimension, but deviate from the L1 speakers in use of the lip rounding gesture. Kokkuvõte. Einar Meister ja Lya Meister: Eesti vokaalid soome emakeelega keelejuhtide häälduses. Artiklis uuriti soome emakeelega keelejuhtide eesti vokaalide hääldust ja võrreldi seda eesti emakeelega keelejuhtide hääldusega. Eesti ja soome vokaalisüsteemid on väga sarnased – kõigil soome vokaalidel on eesti keeles foneetiliselt lähedane vaste. Eesti keeles on lisaks veel üks vokaalikategooria, s.o ümardamata keskkõrge tagavokaal /õ/. Uuringus kasutati eesti ja soome emakeelega keelejuhtide loetud samu lauseid, vokaalide akustiliseks analüüsiks eraldati neist rõhulised vokaalid. Kõigi vokaalide puhul leiti kolme formandi sagedused, millest esimene (F1) on seotud keele kõrgusega, teine (F2) keele ees-tagapoolsusega ja kolmas (F3) huulte ümardatusega. Tulemused näitasid, et (1) tänu soome vokaalide foneetilisele sarnasusele vastavate eesti vokaalidega oli soome emakeelega kõnelejate eesti vokaalide hääldus lähedane eesti emakeelega keelejuhtidele; (2) on omandatud küll /õ/-vokaali hääldusasend nii keele kõrguse (F1) kui ka ees-tagapoolsuse (F2) teljel, kuid F3 väärtuste põhjal paigutub soomlaste hääldatud /õ/ ümarate vokaalide rühma. Märksõnad: eesti keel, soome keel, L2, vokaalide hääldus, akustiline analüüs

Estonian and Japanese are quantity languages both exploiting the duration cue to implement phonological contrasts. However, the quantity systems of the two languages are different – Estonian features a three-way quantity contrast while Japanese has a binary contrast. This paper studies how L2 subjects with Japanese-language background (L2-JP) produce the Estonian quantity contrasts. For the acoustic analysis the speech recordings by six L2-JP subjects and 12 native Estonian (L1-EE) subjects were used. The material analyzed consists of read sentences comprising triplets of segmentally identical disyllabic target words in the quantities Q1 (short), Q2 (long) and Q3 (overlong). In their production, the L2-JP subjects successfully produced the Q1/Q2 contrast but failed in contrasting vocalic Q2 and Q3 (CVVCV vs. CVVːCV) oppositions; however, the subjects managed to produce the Q2/Q3 consonantal quantity contrasts (CVCCV vs. CVCːCV). The L2-JP subjects’ segment durations differing from those of the L1-EE subjects, reveal the role of native durational patterns on the acquisition of Estonian quantity oppositions. Kokkuvõte. Einar Meister, Rena Nemoto, Lya Meister: Eesti välted jaapani emakeelega keelejuhtide häälduses. Eesti ja jaapani keel on kvantiteedikeeled, st mõlemad keeled kasutavad kestust fonoloogiliste vastanduste väljendamiseks. Kvantiteedisüsteemid kahes keeles on siiski erinevad – eesti keelt iseloomustab kolmene vältevastandus, jaapani keeles on kestusvastandus binaarne. Artiklis uuriti eesti väldete hääldust jaapani emakeelega keelejuhtide kõnes ja võrreldi seda eesti emakeelega keelejuhtide hääldusega. Akustiliseks analüüsiks kasutati kuue eesti keelt võõrkeelena kõneleva jaapanlase ja 12 eesti emakeelega keelejuhi etteloetud lausete salvestusi, milles esinesid vältevastandusi kandvad kahesilbilised sõnad. Tulemused näitasid, et jaapani keelejuhid hääldasid kontrastiivselt esma- ja teisevältelisi sõnu, kuid ei eristanud teise- ja kolmandavältelisi vokaalikeskse vastandusega (CVVCV vs CVVːCV) sõnu. Samas hääldasid nad erinevalt teise- ja kolmandavältelisi konsonandikeskse vastandusega (CVCCV vs CVCːCV) sõnu. Leitud segmendikestuste erinevused jaapanlaste ja eestlaste kõnes peegeldavad emakeelsete kestusmustrite erinevusi kahes keeles. Märksõnad: eesti keel, jaapani keel, aktsendiga kõne, fonoloogiline kestus, välted