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In den kommenden 20 Jahren wird sich die demografische Alterung stark beschleunigen, denn die zwischen 1955 und 1969 geborenen Babyboomer erreichen bis 2035 das Rentenalter. Migration kann die demografische Alterung langfristig nicht aufhalten, aber die durch die Pensionierungswelle der Babyboomer bedingte temporäre Beschleunigung der Alterung vermindern. Legt man die historischen Trends der letzten 50 Jahre zugrunde, verlangsamt Migration den Alterungsprozess in Deutschland bis zum Jahr 2035 in geringerem Maße als in anderen OECD-Staaten. Zur weiteren Erschließung der Potenziale der Zuwanderung zur Abmilderung der demografischen Alterung in Deutschland bedarf es neben einem Fachkräfteeinwanderungsgesetz mit klaren und transparenten Regeln, das auch die schnelle und dauerhafte Integration in Gesellschaft und Arbeitsmarkt weiter fördert, Verbesserungen der Rahmenbedingungen sowie verstärkte Werbekampagnen und eine Förderung des Spracherwerbs im Ausland.

Der Beitrag nimmt die "Corona-Pandemie" zum Anlass, um sich mit der Paradoxie von Solidarität mit "den einen" und Entsolidarisierung mit "den anderen" zu befassen. Während Appelle der Parteienpolitik an die Solidarität der Bürger:innen in einzelnen Nationalstaaten zu fluiden Solidaritätsbekundungen vor Ort führen, schottet die Europäische Union (EU) ihre Außengrenzen mehr und mehr ab und setzt geflüchtete Menschen prekären Lebenslagen an Europas Rändern aus.

"Every Immigrant is an Emigrant (IMISEM)" is a 4-year project that was funded by the Leibniz-Gemeinschaft and hosted at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) from April 2017 until August 2021. Its main distinctive feature is that it adopts a comprehensive view of migration policy. This includes not only the policies that regulate the stages of entry, immigrant residence and integration to citizenship access, but also encompasses the stages of emigration, emigrant rights abroad, and retention of citizenship. Thus, this project bridges for the first time the two sides of migration policy which both the policy and research communities have assumed to exist, but which so far have not been systematically analyzed in their connections. By collecting information on a vast array of information for policies across these six areas (three "stages" * two "sides") for 32 cases from three world regions, we hope to offer the scholarly and policy communities the resources to discover connections between the different areas of migration policy within and across cases as well as noteworthy migration policy innovations in so far little-known cases in the world. The IMISEM project was led by Dr. Luicy Pedroza. The data collection for IMISEM took place in Berlin (Germany) from 2017 to 2019 and reflects the state of migration policy at the time of data collection. This report has been created based on the information contained in the IMISEM dataset.

"Every Immigrant is an Emigrant (IMISEM)" is a 4-year project that was funded by the Leibniz-Gemeinschaft and hosted at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) from April 2017 until August 2021. Its main distinctive feature is that it adopts a comprehensive view of migration policy. This includes not only the policies that regulate the stages of entry, immigrant residence and integration to citizenship access, but also encompasses the stages of emigration, emigrant rights abroad, and retention of citizenship. Thus, this project bridges for the first time the two sides of migration policy which both the policy and research communities have assumed to exist, but which so far have not been systematically analyzed in their connections. By collecting information on a vast array of information for policies across these six areas (three "stages" * two "sides") for 32 cases from three world regions, we hope to offer the scholarly and policy communities the resources to discover connections between the different areas of migration policy within and across cases as well as noteworthy migration policy innovations in so far little-known cases in the world. The IMISEM project was led by Dr. Luicy Pedroza. The data collection for IMISEM took place in Berlin (Germany) from 2017 to 2019 and reflects the state of migration policy at the time of data collection. This report has been created based on the information contained in the IMISEM dataset.

"Every Immigrant is an Emigrant (IMISEM)" is a 4-year project that was funded by the Leibniz-Gemeinschaft and hosted at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) from April 2017 until August 2021. Its main distinctive feature is that it adopts a comprehensive view of migration policy. This includes not only the policies that regulate the stages of entry, immigrant residence and integration to citizenship access, but also encompasses the stages of emigration, emigrant rights abroad, and retention of citizenship. Thus, this project bridges for the first time the two sides of migration policy which both the policy and research communities have assumed to exist, but which so far have not been systematically analyzed in their connections. By collecting information on a vast array of information for policies across these six areas (three "stages" * two "sides") for 32 cases from three world regions, we hope to offer the scholarly and policy communities the resources to discover connections between the different areas of migration policy within and across cases as well as noteworthy migration policy innovations in so far little-known cases in the world. The IMISEM project was led by Dr. Luicy Pedroza. The data collection for IMISEM took place in Berlin (Germany) from 2017 to 2019 and reflects the state of migration policy at the time of data collection. This report has been created based on the information contained in the IMISEM dataset.

"Every Immigrant is an Emigrant (IMISEM)" is a 4-year project that was funded by the Leibniz-Gemeinschaft and hosted at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) from April 2017 until August 2021. Its main distinctive feature is that it adopts a comprehensive view of migration policy. This includes not only the policies that regulate the stages of entry, immigrant residence and integration to citizenship access, but also encompasses the stages of emigration, emigrant rights abroad, and retention of citizenship. Thus, this project bridges for the first time the two sides of migration policy which both the policy and research communities have assumed to exist, but which so far have not been systematically analyzed in their connections. By collecting information on a vast array of information for policies across these six areas (three "stages" * two "sides") for 32 cases from three world regions, we hope to offer the scholarly and policy communities the resources to discover connections between the different areas of migration policy within and across cases as well as noteworthy migration policy innovations in so far little-known cases in the world. The IMISEM project was led by Dr. Luicy Pedroza. The data collection for IMISEM took place in Berlin (Germany) from 2017 to 2019 and reflects the state of migration policy at the time of data collection. This report has been created based on the information contained in the IMISEM dataset.

"Every Immigrant is an Emigrant (IMISEM)" is a 4-year project that was funded by the Leibniz-Gemeinschaft and hosted at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) from April 2017 until August 2021. Its main distinctive feature is that it adopts a comprehensive view of migration policy. This includes not only the policies that regulate the stages of entry, immigrant residence and integration to citizenship access, but also encompasses the stages of emigration, emigrant rights abroad, and retention of citizenship. Thus, this project bridges for the first time the two sides of migration policy which both the policy and research communities have assumed to exist, but which so far have not been systematically analyzed in their connections. By collecting information on a vast array of information for policies across these six areas (three "stages" * two "sides") for 32 cases from three world regions, we hope to offer the scholarly and policy communities the resources to discover connections between the different areas of migration policy within and across cases as well as noteworthy migration policy innovations in so far little-known cases in the world. The IMISEM project was led by Dr. Luicy Pedroza. The data collection for IMISEM took place in Berlin (Germany) from 2017 to 2019 and reflects the state of migration policy at the time of data collection. This report has been created based on the information contained in the IMISEM dataset.

Since the outset of the 2000s, the "Turkish model" embracing Islamic liberalism was set as an example for the Muslim world in turmoil. Today, far from being a desired model country, even many of its own citizens feel despair about Turkey's political and economic future and are looking for a new life abroad, while thousands of others flee repression, seeking asylum in Western, democratic countries. Despite its wide recognition as a host or transit country in current migration flows, Turkey has traditionally been one of the top emigration countries, with over 6.7 million diasporans and another three million permanent returnees. The ongoing outflow, widely ranging from asylum seekers to wealthy businesspeople, represents Turkey's fifth emigration wave in its republican history. Relations with Turkey and different asylum regimes specific to respective host countries largely shape what kind of migration is being received from Turkey. While academics, journalists, and artists have developed a vigilant diaspora activism in opposition to Turkey's current ruling party, most newcomer-emigrants remain in relative seclusion. This is because they lack trust in Turkish institutions and organisations abroad, as well as in other diaspora groups emerging from Turkey. While Turkish emigration does not appear to be waning anytime soon, European authorities should enhance their solidary networks with threatened groups and diversify legal means of acquiring visas for the young, educated, and easy-to-integrate groups. The current wave has deepened intra-diaspora strife, which can be diminished if host countries increase communication with diaspora organisations and their representatives to eliminate discrimination and nurture social cohesion.

"Every Immigrant is an Emigrant (IMISEM)" is a 4-year project that was funded by the Leibniz-Gemeinschaft and hosted at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) from April 2017 until August 2021. Its main distinctive feature is that it adopts a comprehensive view of migration policy. This includes not only the policies that regulate the stages of entry, immigrant residence and integration to citizenship access, but also encompasses the stages of emigration, emigrant rights abroad, and retention of citizenship. Thus, this project bridges for the first time the two sides of migration policy which both the policy and research communities have assumed to exist, but which so far have not been systematically analyzed in their connections. By collecting information on a vast array of information for policies across these six areas (three "stages" * two "sides") for 32 cases from three world regions, we hope to offer the scholarly and policy communities the resources to discover connections between the different areas of migration policy within and across cases as well as noteworthy migration policy innovations in so far little-known cases in the world. The IMISEM project was led by Dr. Luicy Pedroza. The data collection for IMISEM took place in Berlin (Germany) from 2017 to 2019 and reflects the state of migration policy at the time of data collection. This report has been created based on the information contained in the IMISEM dataset.

"Every Immigrant is an Emigrant (IMISEM)" is a 4-year project that was funded by the Leibniz-Gemeinschaft and hosted at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) from April 2017 until August 2021. Its main distinctive feature is that it adopts a comprehensive view of migration policy. This includes not only the policies that regulate the stages of entry, immigrant residence and integration to citizenship access, but also encompasses the stages of emigration, emigrant rights abroad, and retention of citizenship. Thus, this project bridges for the first time the two sides of migration policy which both the policy and research communities have assumed to exist, but which so far have not been systematically analyzed in their connections. By collecting information on a vast array of information for policies across these six areas (three "stages" * two "sides") for 32 cases from three world regions, we hope to offer the scholarly and policy communities the resources to discover connections between the different areas of migration policy within and across cases as well as noteworthy migration policy innovations in so far little-known cases in the world. The IMISEM project was led by Dr. Luicy Pedroza. The data collection for IMISEM took place in Berlin (Germany) from 2017 to 2019 and reflects the state of migration policy at the time of data collection. This report has been created based on the information contained in the IMISEM dataset.

Patrick Köllner contributed to the Australian National University's Crawford School of Public Policy's Devpolicy Blog, discussing the differences between Australia and New Zealand's Pacific policies in terms of migration.

"Every Immigrant is an Emigrant (IMISEM)" is a 4-year project that was funded by the Leibniz-Gemeinschaft and hosted at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) from April 2017 until August 2021. Its main distinctive feature is that it adopts a comprehensive view of migration policy. This includes not only the policies that regulate the stages of entry, immigrant residence and integration to citizenship access, but also encompasses the stages of emigration, emigrant rights abroad, and retention of citizenship. Thus, this project bridges for the first time the two sides of migration policy which both the policy and research communities have assumed to exist, but which so far have not been systematically analyzed in their connections. By collecting information on a vast array of information for policies across these six areas (three "stages" * two "sides") for 32 cases from three world regions, we hope to offer the scholarly and policy communities the resources to discover connections between the different areas of migration policy within and across cases as well as noteworthy migration policy innovations in so far little-known cases in the world. The IMISEM project was led by Dr. Luicy Pedroza. The data collection for IMISEM took place in Berlin (Germany) from 2017 to 2019 and reflects the state of migration policy at the time of data collection. This report has been created based on the information contained in the IMISEM dataset.

Party attachments shape perceptions of the political context, but neither are they fixed nor do they completely blind supporters to political reality. When severe challenges like the European sovereign debt or refugee crises force parties to change their policies or make formerly inconsequential positions salient, party identifiers may find their policy preferences at odds with their party identification. This may lead them to adopt their party's position. However, if inconsistent positions are sufficiently important, party identifiers may also loosen their party ties. The chapter uses survey data from the GLES campaign panels 2009-2017 to show how these crises prompted identifiers to follow the party line in some cases but more often weakened or even eroded party attachments among supporters with strong issue positions. In effect, the Euro crisis and, in particular, the refugee crisis appears to have contributed to an issue-based reshuffling of the partisan balance in German politics.

"Every Immigrant is an Emigrant (IMISEM)" is a 4-year project that was funded by the Leibniz-Gemeinschaft and hosted at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) from April 2017 until August 2021. Its main distinctive feature is that it adopts a comprehensive view of migration policy. This includes not only the policies that regulate the stages of entry, immigrant residence and integration to citizenship access, but also encompasses the stages of emigration, emigrant rights abroad, and retention of citizenship. Thus, this project bridges for the first time the two sides of migration policy which both the policy and research communities have assumed to exist, but which so far have not been systematically analyzed in their connections. By collecting information on a vast array of information for policies across these six areas (three "stages" * two "sides") for 32 cases from three world regions, we hope to offer the scholarly and policy communities the resources to discover connections between the different areas of migration policy within and across cases as well as noteworthy migration policy innovations in so far little-known cases in the world. The IMISEM project was led by Dr. Luicy Pedroza. The data collection for IMISEM took place in Berlin (Germany) from 2017 to 2019 and reflects the state of migration policy at the time of data collection. This report has been created based on the information contained in the IMISEM dataset.

"Every Immigrant is an Emigrant (IMISEM)" is a 4-year project that was funded by the Leibniz-Gemeinschaft and hosted at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) from April 2017 until August 2021. Its main distinctive feature is that it adopts a comprehensive view of migration policy. This includes not only the policies that regulate the stages of entry, immigrant residence and integration to citizenship access, but also encompasses the stages of emigration, emigrant rights abroad, and retention of citizenship. Thus, this project bridges for the first time the two sides of migration policy which both the policy and research communities have assumed to exist, but which so far have not been systematically analyzed in their connections. By collecting information on a vast array of information for policies across these six areas (three "stages" * two "sides") for 32 cases from three world regions, we hope to offer the scholarly and policy communities the resources to discover connections between the different areas of migration policy within and across cases as well as noteworthy migration policy innovations in so far little-known cases in the world. The IMISEM project was led by Dr. Luicy Pedroza. The data collection for IMISEM took place in Berlin (Germany) from 2017 to 2019 and reflects the state of migration policy at the time of data collection. This report has been created based on the information contained in the IMISEM dataset.

"Every Immigrant is an Emigrant (IMISEM)" is a 4-year project that was funded by the Leibniz-Gemeinschaft and hosted at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) from April 2017 until August 2021. Its main distinctive feature is that it adopts a comprehensive view of migration policy. This includes not only the policies that regulate the stages of entry, immigrant residence and integration to citizenship access, but also encompasses the stages of emigration, emigrant rights abroad, and retention of citizenship. Thus, this project bridges for the first time the two sides of migration policy which both the policy and research communities have assumed to exist, but which so far have not been systematically analyzed in their connections. By collecting information on a vast array of information for policies across these six areas (three "stages" * two "sides") for 32 cases from three world regions, we hope to offer the scholarly and policy communities the resources to discover connections between the different areas of migration policy within and across cases as well as noteworthy migration policy innovations in so far little-known cases in the world. The IMISEM project was led by Dr. Luicy Pedroza. The data collection for IMISEM took place in Berlin (Germany) from 2017 to 2019 and reflects the state of migration policy at the time of data collection. This report has been created based on the information contained in the IMISEM dataset.

Boris Johnson's populist policy against immigrants and asylum seekers, dumped in detention camps in Rwanda, may not succeed because of legal constraints. Yet, his political agenda will probably work nevertheless, given the growing xenophobia among his electorate. Against expert advice, Home Secretary Priti Patel promised the autocratic ruler in Kigali, Paul Kagame, responsible among others for retribution killings of his army (RPF), to transfer an initial £120m to deter the migrants and to make them "settle and thrive" in Rwanda. However, London would have to pay much more in the proposed "economic transformation and integration fund" for the current cost. It is highly unlikely that Rwanda will be able to cope with additional immigrants as it is already struggling to accommodate its own more than 130,000 refugees. Moreover, in the past, also Denmark and Israel had tried in vain to execute similar policies to get rid of undesirable migrants and settling them in Rwanda and Uganda. Johnson's scheme reminded Britain's foremost historian of Nazi Germany, Sir Richard Evans, of Hitler's ploy to deport Jews to Madagascar. Thus, policies purported to aim at "migration control" may not control migration, but reconfigure potential host societies along ethnic, racial, linguistic, and xenophobe lines. The burden of colonial heritage persists in attempts to reject "strangers" by populist politics, culture and public discourse., Boris Johnsons populistische Politik gegen Einwanderer und Asylsuchende, die in Ruanda in Internierungslagern inhaftiert werden sollen, droht an rechtlichen Zwängen zu scheitern. Dennoch wird seine politische Agenda angesichts der wachsenden Fremdenfeindlichkeit unter seiner Wählerschaft wahrscheinlich trotzdem funktionieren. Gegen den Rat von Experten versprach Innenminister Priti Patel dem autokratischen Führer in Kigali, Paul Kagame, der unter anderem für die Vergeltungsmorde seiner Armee (RPF) verantwortlich ist, eine Anfangsfinanzierung von £120m, um Migranten abzuschrecken und sie dazu zu bringen, sich in Ruanda 'niederzulassen und zu gedeihen'. Allerdings müsste London für die laufenden Kosten deutlich mehr in den vorgeschlagenen "Fonds für wirtschaftliche Transformation und Integration" einzahlen. Es ist höchst unwahrscheinlich, dass Ruanda mit zusätzlichen Einwanderern fertig wird, da es bereits Schwierigkeiten hat, seine eigenen 130.000 Flüchtlinge unterzubringen. Darüber hinaus hatten Dänemark und Israel in der Vergangenheit ebenfalls erfolglos versucht, eine ähnliche Politik durchzuführen, um unerwünschte Migranten loszuwerden und sie in Ruanda und Uganda anzusiedeln. Johnsons Plan erinnerte den führenden britischen Historiker von Nazi-Deutschland, Sir Richard Evans, an Hitlers Plan, Juden nach Madagaskar zu deportieren. Daher kann eine Politik, die angeblich auf "Migrationskontrolle" abzielt, die Migration möglicherweise nicht kontrollieren, sondern potenzielle Aufnahmegesellschaften entlang ethnischer, rassischer, sprachlicher und fremdenfeindlicher Linien neu konfigurieren. Die Last des kolonialen Erbes bleibt bei Versuchen bestehen, "Außenseiter" durch populistische Politik, Kultur und öffentlichen Diskurs abzuweisen.

"Every Immigrant is an Emigrant (IMISEM)" is a 4-year project that was funded by the Leibniz-Gemeinschaft and hosted at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) from April 2017 until August 2021. Its main distinctive feature is that it adopts a comprehensive view of migration policy. This includes not only the policies that regulate the stages of entry, immigrant residence and integration to citizenship access, but also encompasses the stages of emigration, emigrant rights abroad, and retention of citizenship. Thus, this project bridges for the first time the two sides of migration policy which both the policy and research communities have assumed to exist, but which so far have not been systematically analyzed in their connections. By collecting information on a vast array of information for policies across these six areas (three "stages" * two "sides") for 32 cases from three world regions, we hope to offer the scholarly and policy communities the resources to discover connections between the different areas of migration policy within and across cases as well as noteworthy migration policy innovations in so far little-known cases in the world. The IMISEM project was led by Dr. Luicy Pedroza. The data collection for IMISEM took place in Berlin (Germany) from 2017 to 2019 and reflects the state of migration policy at the time of data collection. This report has been created based on the information contained in the IMISEM dataset.

"Every Immigrant is an Emigrant (IMISEM)" is a 4-year project that was funded by the Leibniz-Gemeinschaft and hosted at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) from April 2017 until August 2021. Its main distinctive feature is that it adopts a comprehensive view of migration policy. This includes not only the policies that regulate the stages of entry, immigrant residence and integration to citizenship access, but also encompasses the stages of emigration, emigrant rights abroad, and retention of citizenship. Thus, this project bridges for the first time the two sides of migration policy which both the policy and research communities have assumed to exist, but which so far have not been systematically analyzed in their connections. By collecting information on a vast array of information for policies across these six areas (three "stages" * two "sides") for 32 cases from three world regions, we hope to offer the scholarly and policy communities the resources to discover connections between the different areas of migration policy within and across cases as well as noteworthy migration policy innovations in so far little-known cases in the world. The IMISEM project was led by Dr. Luicy Pedroza. The data collection for IMISEM took place in Berlin (Germany) from 2017 to 2019 and reflects the state of migration policy at the time of data collection. This report has been created based on the information contained in the IMISEM dataset.

"Every Immigrant is an Emigrant (IMISEM)" is a 4-year project that was funded by the Leibniz-Gemeinschaft and hosted at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) from April 2017 until August 2021. Its main distinctive feature is that it adopts a comprehensive view of migration policy. This includes not only the policies that regulate the stages of entry, immigrant residence and integration to citizenship access, but also encompasses the stages of emigration, emigrant rights abroad, and retention of citizenship. Thus, this project bridges for the first time the two sides of migration policy which both the policy and research communities have assumed to exist, but which so far have not been systematically analyzed in their connections. By collecting information on a vast array of information for policies across these six areas (three "stages" * two "sides") for 32 cases from three world regions, we hope to offer the scholarly and policy communities the resources to discover connections between the different areas of migration policy within and across cases as well as noteworthy migration policy innovations in so far little-known cases in the world. The IMISEM project was led by Dr. Luicy Pedroza. The data collection for IMISEM took place in Berlin (Germany) from 2017 to 2019 and reflects the state of migration policy at the time of data collection. This report has been created based on the information contained in the IMISEM dataset.

"Every Immigrant is an Emigrant (IMISEM)" is a 4-year project that was funded by the Leibniz-Gemeinschaft and hosted at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) from April 2017 until August 2021. Its main distinctive feature is that it adopts a comprehensive view of migration policy. This includes not only the policies that regulate the stages of entry, immigrant residence and integration to citizenship access, but also encompasses the stages of emigration, emigrant rights abroad, and retention of citizenship. Thus, this project bridges for the first time the two sides of migration policy which both the policy and research communities have assumed to exist, but which so far have not been systematically analyzed in their connections. By collecting information on a vast array of information for policies across these six areas (three "stages" * two "sides") for 32 cases from three world regions, we hope to offer the scholarly and policy communities the resources to discover connections between the different areas of migration policy within and across cases as well as noteworthy migration policy innovations in so far little-known cases in the world. The IMISEM project was led by Dr. Luicy Pedroza. The data collection for IMISEM took place in Berlin (Germany) from 2017 to 2019 and reflects the state of migration policy at the time of data collection. This report has been created based on the information contained in the IMISEM dataset.

"Every Immigrant is an Emigrant (IMISEM)" is a 4-year project that was funded by the Leibniz-Gemeinschaft and hosted at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) from April 2017 until August 2021. Its main distinctive feature is that it adopts a comprehensive view of migration policy. This includes not only the policies that regulate the stages of entry, immigrant residence and integration to citizenship access, but also encompasses the stages of emigration, emigrant rights abroad, and retention of citizenship. Thus, this project bridges for the first time the two sides of migration policy which both the policy and research communities have assumed to exist, but which so far have not been systematically analyzed in their connections. By collecting information on a vast array of information for policies across these six areas (three "stages" * two "sides") for 32 cases from three world regions, we hope to offer the scholarly and policy communities the resources to discover connections between the different areas of migration policy within and across cases as well as noteworthy migration policy innovations in so far little-known cases in the world. The IMISEM project was led by Dr. Luicy Pedroza. The data collection for IMISEM took place in Berlin (Germany) from 2017 to 2019 and reflects the state of migration policy at the time of data collection. This report has been created based on the information contained in the IMISEM dataset.

This volume highlights the impact of border controls on migrants' journeys in two major areas of immigration: the European Union and the United States of America. In order to show the linkages between border control policies and migratory practices, the book combines empirical insights from ethnography with approaches from political science. Describing migrants' realities reveals that the impact of border control policies goes beyond the actual border area affecting many lives and states.

"Every Immigrant is an Emigrant (IMISEM)" is a 4-year project that was funded by the Leibniz-Gemeinschaft and hosted at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) from April 2017 until August 2021. Its main distinctive feature is that it adopts a comprehensive view of migration policy. This includes not only the policies that regulate the stages of entry, immigrant residence and integration to citizenship access, but also encompasses the stages of emigration, emigrant rights abroad, and retention of citizenship. Thus, this project bridges for the first time the two sides of migration policy which both the policy and research communities have assumed to exist, but which so far have not been systematically analyzed in their connections. By collecting information on a vast array of information for policies across these six areas (three "stages" * two "sides") for 32 cases from three world regions, we hope to offer the scholarly and policy communities the resources to discover connections between the different areas of migration policy within and across cases as well as noteworthy migration policy innovations in so far little-known cases in the world. The IMISEM project was led by Dr. Luicy Pedroza. The data collection for IMISEM took place in Berlin (Germany) from 2017 to 2019 and reflects the state of migration policy at the time of data collection. This report has been created based on the information contained in the IMISEM dataset.

"Every Immigrant is an Emigrant (IMISEM)" is a 4-year project that was funded by the Leibniz-Gemeinschaft and hosted at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) from April 2017 until August 2021. Its main distinctive feature is that it adopts a comprehensive view of migration policy. This includes not only the policies that regulate the stages of entry, immigrant residence and integration to citizenship access, but also encompasses the stages of emigration, emigrant rights abroad, and retention of citizenship. Thus, this project bridges for the first time the two sides of migration policy which both the policy and research communities have assumed to exist, but which so far have not been systematically analyzed in their connections. By collecting information on a vast array of information for policies across these six areas (three "stages" * two "sides") for 32 cases from three world regions, we hope to offer the scholarly and policy communities the resources to discover connections between the different areas of migration policy within and across cases as well as noteworthy migration policy innovations in so far little-known cases in the world. The IMISEM project was led by Dr. Luicy Pedroza. The data collection for IMISEM took place in Berlin (Germany) from 2017 to 2019 and reflects the state of migration policy at the time of data collection. This report has been created based on the information contained in the IMISEM dataset.

"Every Immigrant is an Emigrant (IMISEM)" is a 4-year project that was funded by the Leibniz-Gemeinschaft and hosted at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) from April 2017 until August 2021. Its main distinctive feature is that it adopts a comprehensive view of migration policy. This includes not only the policies that regulate the stages of entry, immigrant residence and integration to citizenship access, but also encompasses the stages of emigration, emigrant rights abroad, and retention of citizenship. Thus, this project bridges for the first time the two sides of migration policy which both the policy and research communities have assumed to exist, but which so far have not been systematically analyzed in their connections. By collecting information on a vast array of information for policies across these six areas (three "stages" * two "sides") for 32 cases from three world regions, we hope to offer the scholarly and policy communities the resources to discover connections between the different areas of migration policy within and across cases as well as noteworthy migration policy innovations in so far little-known cases in the world. The IMISEM project was led by Dr. Luicy Pedroza. The data collection for IMISEM took place in Berlin (Germany) from 2017 to 2019 and reflects the state of migration policy at the time of data collection. This report has been created based on the information contained in the IMISEM dataset.

"Every Immigrant is an Emigrant (IMISEM)" is a 4-year project that was funded by the Leibniz-Gemeinschaft and hosted at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) from April 2017 until August 2021. Its main distinctive feature is that it adopts a comprehensive view of migration policy. This includes not only the policies that regulate the stages of entry, immigrant residence and integration to citizenship access, but also encompasses the stages of emigration, emigrant rights abroad, and retention of citizenship. Thus, this project bridges for the first time the two sides of migration policy which both the policy and research communities have assumed to exist, but which so far have not been systematically analyzed in their connections. By collecting information on a vast array of information for policies across these six areas (three "stages" * two "sides") for 32 cases from three world regions, we hope to offer the scholarly and policy communities the resources to discover connections between the different areas of migration policy within and across cases as well as noteworthy migration policy innovations in so far little-known cases in the world. The IMISEM project was led by Dr. Luicy Pedroza. The data collection for IMISEM took place in Berlin (Germany) from 2017 to 2019 and reflects the state of migration policy at the time of data collection. This report has been created based on the information contained in the IMISEM dataset.

"Every Immigrant is an Emigrant (IMISEM)" is a 4-year project that was funded by the Leibniz-Gemeinschaft and hosted at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies (GIGA) from April 2017 until August 2021. Its main distinctive feature is that it adopts a comprehensive view of migration policy. This includes not only the policies that regulate the stages of entry, immigrant residence and integration to citizenship access, but also encompasses the stages of emigration, emigrant rights abroad, and retention of citizenship. Thus, this project bridges for the first time the two sides of migration policy which both the policy and research communities have assumed to exist, but which so far have not been systematically analyzed in their connections. By collecting information on a vast array of information for policies across these six areas (three "stages" * two "sides") for 32 cases from three world regions, we hope to offer the scholarly and policy communities the resources to discover connections between the different areas of migration policy within and across cases as well as noteworthy migration policy innovations in so far little-known cases in the world. The IMISEM project was led by Dr. Luicy Pedroza. The data collection for IMISEM took place in Berlin (Germany) from 2017 to 2019 and reflects the state of migration policy at the time of data collection. This report has been created based on the information contained in the IMISEM dataset.

Boris Johnson's populist policy against immigrants and asylum seekers, dumped in detention camps in Rwanda, may not succeed because of legal constraints. Yet, his political agenda will probably work nevertheless, given the growing xenophobia among his electorate. Against expert advice, Home Secretary Priti Patel promised the autocratic ruler in Kigali, Paul Kagame, responsible among others for retribution killings of his army (RPF), to transfer an initial £120m to deter the migrants and to make them "settle and thrive" in Rwanda. However, London would have to pay much more in the proposed "economic transformation and integration fund" for the current cost. It is highly unlikely that Rwanda will be able to cope with additional immigrants as it is already struggling to accommodate its own more than 130,000 refugees. Moreover, in the past, also Denmark and Israel had tried in vain to execute similar policies to get rid of undesirable migrants and settling them in Rwanda and Uganda. Johnson's scheme reminded Britain's foremost historian of Nazi Germany, Sir Richard Evans, of Hitler's ploy to deport Jews to Madagascar. Thus, policies purported to aim at "migration control" may not control migration, but reconfigure potential host societies along ethnic, racial, linguistic, and xenophobe lines. The burden of colonial heritage persists in attempts to reject "strangers" by populist politics, culture and public discourse., La politique populiste de Boris Johnson contre les immigrés et les demandeurs d'asile, jetés dans des camps de détention au Rwanda, risque d'échouer en raison de contraintes légales. Pourtant, son programme politique fonctionnera probablement néanmoins, étant donné la xénophobie croissante parmi son électorat. Contre l'avis des experts, le ministre de l'Intérieur Priti Patel a promis au dirigeant autocratique à Kigali, Paul Kagame, responsable entre autres des meurtres en représailles de son armée (FPR), de transférer un montant initial de £120m pour dissuader les migrants et les faire "s'installer et prospérer" au Rwanda. Cependant, Londres devrait payer beaucoup plus dans le "fonds de transformation et d'intégration économiques" proposé pour le coût actuel. Il est très peu probable que le Rwanda soit en mesure de faire face à des immigrants supplémentaires car il a déjà du mal à accueillir ses propres 130 000 réfugiés. De plus, dans le passé, le Danemark et Israël avaient également tenté en vain d'exécuter des politiques similaires pour se débarrasser des migrants indésirables et les installer au Rwanda et en Ouganda. Le plan de Johnson a rappelé au plus grand historien britannique de l'Allemagne nazie, Sir Richard Evans, du plan d'Hitler de déporter les Juifs à Madagascar. Ainsi, les politiques censées viser le "contrôle de la migration" peuvent ne pas contrôler la migration, mais reconfigurer les sociétés d'accueil potentielles selon des critères ethniques, raciaux, linguistiques et xénophobes. Le fardeau de l'héritage colonial persiste dans les tentatives de rejeter les "étrangers" par la politique, la culture et le discours public populistes., Boris Johnsons populistische Politik gegen Einwanderer und Asylsuchende, die in Ruanda in Internierungslagern inhaftiert werden sollen, droht an rechtlichen Zwängen zu scheitern. Dennoch wird seine politische Agenda angesichts der wachsenden Fremdenfeindlichkeit unter seiner Wählerschaft wahrscheinlich trotzdem funktionieren. Gegen den Rat von Experten versprach Innenminister Priti Patel dem autokratischen Führer in Kigali, Paul Kagame, der unter anderem für die Vergeltungsmorde seiner Armee (RPF) verantwortlich ist, eine Anfangsfinanzierung von £120m, um Migranten abzuschrecken und sie dazu zu bringen, sich in Ruanda 'niederzulassen und zu gedeihen'. Allerdings müsste London für die laufenden Kosten deutlich mehr in den vorgeschlagenen "Fonds für wirtschaftliche Transformation und Integration" einzahlen. Es ist höchst unwahrscheinlich, dass Ruanda mit zusätzlichen Einwanderern fertig wird, da es bereits Schwierigkeiten hat, seine eigenen 130.000 Flüchtlinge unterzubringen. Darüber hinaus hatten Dänemark und Israel in der Vergangenheit ebenfalls erfolglos versucht, eine ähnliche Politik durchzuführen, um unerwünschte Migranten loszuwerden und sie in Ruanda und Uganda anzusiedeln. Johnsons Plan erinnerte den führenden britischen Historiker von Nazi-Deutschland, Sir Richard Evans, an Hitlers Plan, Juden nach Madagaskar zu deportieren. Daher kann eine Politik, die angeblich auf "Migrationskontrolle" abzielt, die Migration möglicherweise nicht kontrollieren, sondern potenzielle Aufnahmegesellschaften entlang ethnischer, rassischer, sprachlicher und fremdenfeindlicher Linien neu konfigurieren. Die Last des kolonialen Erbes bleibt bei Versuchen bestehen, "Außenseiter" durch populistische Politik, Kultur und öffentlichen Diskurs abzuweisen.

Immigration and refugee flows in the Eastern Mediterranean migration path have been increased since 2015, thus, creating the need for coordinated political reaction from the European Union. Some actions have been achieved, such as the EU-Turkey agreement but their effectiveness is contested, while the burden is mainly shared by the Mediterranean EU member states. At the same time, the challenges for all European countries in terms of refugees integration is becoming more and more eminent, due to the continuing immigration flows to the EU. This article analyses two basic parameters on the necessity of coordinated European policy both in the fields of immigration policy and foreign policy towards the stabilization in the Eastern Mediterranean, mainly by focusing on the role of Greece.

Discrimination against the approximately 500,000 African (mostly irregular) immigrants has recently spread in China. During the corona pandemic, it degenerates into a true Afrophobia. Shortly before, five Nigerians in Guangzhou had reportedly tested positive for Covid-19. Africans are widely accused as drug traffickers and criminals. Also, they would endanger China's global competitiveness for Africa's resources through media baiting abroad. Current reports testify the displacement of African migrants from homes and hotels in Guangzhou (Canton), where most of the Africans live. They are dependent on informal, mostly illegal networks in order to be able to stay in the country. In online social networks Afrophobia as cyber racism is particularly pronounced. Thereby, racism is more deeply rooted in the mentality of many Chinese than is commonly assumed. According to a traditional Chinese proverb, the greatest evil to be avoided is 'the destroyed nation and the annihilated race'. In addition, since 2005 land-grabbing by Chinese entrepreneurs in sub-Saharan Africa arose international attention. Its main purpose is to ensure food security in China and to profit from international grain speculation. It was racially legitimized from the start, with slogans such as, only Chinese investments could save Africans from their traditional 'laziness'. This repeats deeply rooted neo-colonial European prejudices of a 'wild, ahistoric and uncivilized Africa'. The prejudices are still associated with a feeling of racial superiority. The social fabric of China has always embodied essential characteristics of the exclusion of 'foreigners', focused on ethnicity, race, religion, sexual orientation and gender. The African Union, various African governments and even the United States have sharply criticized Beijing for mistreating migrants, particularly those from Nigeria, Ghana, Kenya and Uganda. Racist attacks on Africans in China have an oppressively long tradition, associated with the ex, In China breitet sich in letzter Zeit eine Diskriminierung der ca. 500.000 afrikanischen (meist irregulären) Einwanderer aus. Sie artet in der Corona-Pandemie zu einer wahren Afrophobie aus. Afrikaner werden pauschal als Drogenhändler und Kriminelle beschuldigt. Sie würden zudem über Medienhetze im Ausland Chinas globale Wettbewerbsfähigkeit um Afrikas Ressourcen gefährden. Aktuelle Meldungen berichten von der Vertreibung afrikanischer Migranten aus Wohnungen und Hotels in Guangzhou (Canton), wo die meisten Afrikaner leben. Sie sind auf informelle, meist illegale Netzwerke angewiesen, um im Land bleiben zu können. In sozialen online Netzwerken ist Afrophobie als Cyber-Rassismus besonders ausgeprägt. Rassismus ist in der Mentalität vieler Chinesen tiefer verwurzelt als gemeinhin angenommen. Nach einem traditionellen chinesischen Sprichwort gilt als größtes zu vermeidendes Übel die "zerstörte Nation und die vernichtete Rasse". Hinzu kommt seit 2005 die ‚Landnahme‘ chinesischer Unternehmer in Schwarzafrika. Sie dient hauptsächlich der Absicherung der Nahrungsmittelsicherheit Chinas und der internationalen Getreidespekulationen. Sie wurde von Anbeginn rassistisch legitimiert, mit Sprüchen, wie beispielsweise, nur chinesische Investitionen könnten die Afrikaner vor ihrer tradierten "Faulheit" retten. Damit wiederholen sich tief verwurzelte neo-koloniale europäische Vorurteile von einem "wilden und unzivilisierten Afrika". Dies ist nach wie vor verbunden mit einem Gefühl rassischer Überlegenheit. Das soziale Gefüge Chinas verkörperte schon immer wesentliche Merkmale der Ausgrenzung von "Fremden". Fokussiert auf ethnische Zugehörigkeit, Rasse, Religion, sexuelle Orientierung und Geschlecht. Die Afrikanische Union, verschiedene afrikanische Regierungen und sogar die Vereinigten Staaten haben Peking wegen der Misshandlung von Migranten, vor allem aus Nigeria, Ghana, Kenia und Uganda, scharf kritisiert. Kurz zuvor waren Berichten zufolge fünf Nigerianer in Guangzhou positiv a

Nachdem sie über lange Zeit ein gleichsam illegitimes Studienobjekt war, hat die Geschichte der französischen Einwanderungspolitik inzwischen ihren Adelsbrief erhalten. Das Überangebot an Archiven mit ministeriellen Runderlassen, Verordnungen und Korrespondenzen hat es einigen Autoren ermöglicht, peinlich genaue Topographien der Verwaltungsbehörden zu liefern. Diese Analyse staatlichen Handelns beschränkt sich auf die Mitglieder der Ministerialkabinette und die hohen Funktionäre, vernachlässigt aber die Rolle derjenigen Beamten, die mit der Ausführung der Gesetze beauftragt sind. Um mit dieser Art Reduktionismus zu brechen, ziehe ich einen Blickwinkel vor, der sich auf die administrativen Praktiken konzentriert und bereits von Michel Foucault vorgeschlagen worden ist: "[...] es geht nicht darum, die regulierten und legitimen Formen der Macht in ihrem Kern und in ihren allgemeinen Mechanismen oder ihren Gesamtwirkungen zu analysieren. Es geht vielmehr darum, die Macht an ihren Grenzen, in ihren äußersten Verästelungen, dort, wo sie haarfein wird, zu erfassen, die Macht also in ihren regionalsten und lokalsten Formen und Institutionen zu packen, besonders dort, wo sie sich über die Rechtsregeln, von denen sie organisiert und begrenzt wird, hinwegsetzt und sich konsequent über diese Regeln hinaus verlängert, sich in die Institutionen eingräbt, in Techniken verkörpert und zu materiellen, vielleicht sogar gewaltsamen Interventionsinstrumenten greift." Ein solches Vorhaben legt es nahe, auf eine Quelle zurückzugreifen, die von den Migrationshistorikern bislang wenig herangezogen worden ist: die personenbezogenen Aufenthaltsdossiers, die von den Beamten der Präfektur geführt werden. Als Akten mit Personenstandsangaben unterliegen sie einer mindestens 60-jährigen Sperrfrist. Allerdings kann für wissenschaftliche Zwecke ohne weiteres eine Sondergenehmigung zur Akteneinsicht beantragt werden, wenn die Anonymität der genannten Personen garantiert wird.

La discrimination à l'encontre des quelque 500 000 immigrés africains (pour la plupart irréguliers) s'est récemment répandue en Chine. Pendant la pandémie de corona, cela dégénère en une véritable afrophobie. Peu de temps auparavant, cinq Nigérians de Guangzhou auraient été testés positifs pour Covid-19. Les Africains sont largement accusés d'être des trafiquants de drogue et des criminels. En outre, ils mettraient en danger la compétitivité mondiale de la Chine pour les ressources de l'Afrique par le biais du dénigrement médiatiques à l'étranger. Les rapports actuels témoignent du déplacement des migrants africains des maisons et des hôtels de Guangzhou (Canton), où vivent la plupart des Africains. Ils dépendent de réseaux informels, pour la plupart illégaux, pour pouvoir rester dans le pays. Dans les réseaux sociaux en ligne, l'afrophobie et le cyber-racisme sont particulièrement prononcés. Ainsi, le racisme est plus profondément enraciné dans la mentalité de nombreux Chinois qu'on ne le pense généralement. Selon un proverbe chinois traditionnel, le plus grand mal à éviter est "la nation détruite et la race anéantie". En outre, depuis 2005, l'accaparement des terres par des entrepreneurs chinois en Afrique subsaharienne a attiré l'attention de la communauté internationale. Son objectif principal est d'assurer la sécurité alimentaire en Chine et de profiter de la spéculation céréalière internationale. Il a été légitimé racialement dès le départ, avec des slogans tels que, seuls les investissements chinois pouvaient sauver les Africains de leur "paresse" traditionnelle., Discrimination against the approximately 500,000 African (mostly irregular) immigrants has recently spread in China. During the corona pandemic, it degenerates into a true Afrophobia. Shortly before, five Nigerians in Guangzhou had reportedly tested positive for Covid-19. Africans are widely accused as drug traffickers and criminals. Also, they would endanger China's global competitiveness for Africa's resources through media baiting abroad. Current reports testify the displacement of African migrants from homes and hotels in Guangzhou (Canton), where most of the Africans live. They are dependent on informal, mostly illegal networks in order to be able to stay in the country. In online social networks Afrophobia as cyber racism is particularly pronounced. Thereby, racism is more deeply rooted in the mentality of many Chinese than is commonly assumed. According to a traditional Chinese proverb, the greatest evil to be avoided is 'the destroyed nation and the annihilated race'. In addition, since 2005 land-grabbing by Chinese entrepreneurs in sub-Saharan Africa arose international attention. Its main purpose is to ensure food security in China and to profit from international grain speculation. It was racially legitimized from the start, with slogans such as, only Chinese investments could save Africans from their traditional 'laziness'. This repeats deeply rooted neo-colonial European prejudices of a 'wild, ahistoric and uncivilized Africa'. The prejudices are still associated with a feeling of racial superiority. The social fabric of China has always embodied essential characteristics of the exclusion of 'foreigners', focused on ethnicity, race, religion, sexual orientation and gender. The African Union, various African governments and even the United States have sharply criticized Beijing for mistreating migrants, particularly those from Nigeria, Ghana, Kenya and Uganda. Racist attacks on Africans in China have an oppressively long tradition, associated with the ex

The international debate on migration policy increasingly views cities as game changers since cities have to find rapid, efficient, and lasting solutions to problems relating to forced displacement and migration. How­ever, this assessment also has its critics. From a European perspective, cooperating with African cities is important because migration from Africa is expected to rise in the short and medium term. From an African perspective, there is a wish to extend the potential for legal migration and for intercontinental mobility. Existing cooperation between African and European cities shows that the actors involved pursue very different objectives. Their potential for par­ticipation is limited but simultaneously highly dependent on political will and context. In order to make use of cities' potential for cooperation, particularly in shaping legal migration, cooperation instruments must be designed in such a way as to give cities adequate funding and sufficient powers. Divisions between urban and rural areas should not be deepened, and social conflicts should not be exacerbated. Public funds should be used preferentially to support existing networks, especially those of small and medium-sized cities; such cities should be involved above all in the shaping of labour mobility and migration and in the reception of refugees. Philanthropic funding of cities and city net­works can also be helpful in harnessing the potential of municipal actors. (author's abstract)