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English abstract: This article addresses the importance of understanding the ethical values that underpin cross-border cooperation (CBC). This is done by elaborating a theoretical framework that focuses on the ethical dimension of CBC. A clear distinction is drawn between an ethical and a normative dimension of CBC. The article argues that European CBC policies lack a defined conceptualization of ethical, humanistic, and value-laden bases. By considering three ethical values—rootedness, empathy, and justice—underpinning European governance, this research finds that the operationalization of these values helps to overcome a consumeristic approach, according to which people are passive consumers of CBC. The analysis shows why and how the operationalization of these key ethical values develops a cross-border community where people feel responsible for the territory perceived as a “common good.”Spanish abstract: Este artículo aborda la importancia de comprender los valores éticos que sustentan las actividades de cooperación transfronteriza (CBC) mediante un marco teórico centrado en explorar la dimensión ética de CBC. Una distinción clara plantea la dimensión ética de la CBC frente a la normativa. El punto ciego de las políticas de CBC europeas yace en la ausencia de una conceptualización definida de las bases éticas y humanísticas. Los valores éticos de arraigo, empatía y justicia sustentan las actividades de CBC, y su operacionalización ayuda a superar la aproximación consumista. El análisis muestra por qué y cómo la operacionalización de estos valores éticos contribuye a desarrollar una comunidad transfronteriza en la que las personas se sientan responsables del territorio percibido como un “bien común”.French abstract: Pourquoi est-il important de mieux comprendre les valeurs qui sous-tendent les activités de coopération transfrontalière? Cet article aborde cette question à partir d’un cadre théorique centré sur l’exploration de la dimension éthique de la coopération transfrontalière en la distinguant de la dimension normative. Il soutient que la faiblesse des politiques européennes de coopération transfrontalière ne réside pas dans l’absence “normative”, mais dans le manque d’une conceptualisation précise de ses bases éthiques et humanistes. En considérant trois valeurs - l’enracinement, l’empathie et la justice - qui sous-tendent les activités de coopération transfrontalière, cette étude conclut que leur opérationnalisation aide à surmonter une approche consumériste de la coopération transfrontalière, selon laquelle les gens sont des consommateurs passifs. L’analyse montre pourquoi et comment l’opérationnalisation de ces trois valeurs contribue à développer une communauté transfrontalière dans laquelle les personnes se sentent responsables du territoire transfrontalier perçu comme un “bien commun”.

Is there an ‘ethical code’ of values that underpins cross-border cooperation activities? By focusing on people as ‘agents’, the article argues that citizens and individuals in their integra...

This article applies Simone Weil’s philosophical concept of ‘uprootedness’ and the ‘14 needs of the soul’, set out in her 1943 book ‘The Need for Roots’, to the empirical case study of the border ‘Italy-Slovenia’ considered within Programme 2007–2013. A multi-dimensional qualitative approach that relies on an extensive literature, consultation of primary sources and semi-structured interviews carried out between October 2013 and February 2014 has been adopted.The article questions why does cross-border-cooperation often fail to develop an ‘integrated’ border territory and a cohesive ‘moral’ community? Conversely, why does social fragmentation emerge from cross-border-cooperation? It is argued that while the EU (Commission) has focused on initiatives and projects in order to achieve regional, economic border integration, it has instead failed to develop an ‘ethical framework’ for promoting a ‘rooted’ integrated borderland and a cohesive moral community.

This article aims to generate new thinking through application of the concept of trans-border governance to Southeast-Asia within the framework of new regionalism theory in order to fill some gaps in trans-border governance theory. In doing so, it will first elucidate in more detail what actors are involved in trans-border cooperation activities, how their responsibilities, jurisdictions and relative powers can be or have been altered by the interaction and whether trans-border cooperation can be used as a tool for further ‘integration’ or conversely whether it can enhance, as a counter effect, ‘disintegration’. In examining the (economic and political) power relations developed within and between different levels of governments and relevant economic and political stakeholders in ‘growth triangles’, the author aims to clarify the impact of these elements on trans-border governance.

This article aims to offer a theoretical background on the meaning of “governance” and “cross-border cooperation” in the European Union (EU) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Looking at the European Union cross-border regions and Association of South East Asian Nations growth triangles, this article seeks to understand firstly what changes (if any) cross-border cooperation has occasioned in the state; secondly, whether a kind of “border governance”, that is multi-level, is emerging in cross-border areas. It will be argued that cross-border cooperation activities may contribute to transform the operation of power across the various levels of governance on a local/national/supranational level and a “new mode” of governance that is “multi-layered” can emerge from this scenario. Accordingly, the state can be both strengthened and weakened by cross-border cooperation activities. Moreover, the change that is occurring within the concept of governance cannot be fully grasped without considering the emergence and importance of networks, the impact that cross-border movements and relationships have on the livelihoods and everyday trades of the local border communities.

Through the analysis of Regulation 1082/2006 (also known as ‘The European Grouping of Territorial Co-operation’), which enables regional and local authorities from different European Union (EU) countries to set up co-operation groupings as legal entities for projects of cross-border and trans-European significance, this article aims to assess whether the daily politics of the EU is still state driven in a zero-sum game, and conversely, whether states and state representatives are no longer the only interface between the sub-national and supranational levels and the operation of power across the various levels of governance on a local/national/supranational level in a non-zero-sum game. The article will show that a type of ‘multi-level governance’ is emerging in cross-border regions in which cross-border activities are empowering the regional/local level (sub-national level), permitting it to circumvent/supersede the national level through a process of negotiation and ‘alliances’. Furthermore, it will be highlighted that Regulation 1082/2006 is a clear example of multi-level governance in practice.

The 1990s witnessed a strong debate around the emergence of a new kind of citizenship in Europe. This article analyses the ways in which identity and citizenship are being reshaped in cross-border areas following the implementation of European Union Cross Border Cooperation (CBC) programmes, with reference to the Upper Adriatic area. First, it offers a brief theoretical background on citizenship. Second, it investigates how different cross-border grass-roots stakeholders relate to each other in the process of implementing CBC projects and how, through their interaction, construct new meanings, interests and values and revisit their identities. It concludes by arguing that the constant interaction between societal and political cross-border actors at the local elite level is leading to greater mutual understanding, long-term transnational initiatives and an increasing emphasis on shared interests and values.

Introduction: An IPE Perspective on International Migration Leila Simona Talani PART I THE THEORETICAL BACKGROUND: TOWARDS AN INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY OF MIGRATION 1. International Migration: IPE Perspectives and the Impact of Globalization Leila Simona Talani 2. Neoliberal Globalisation, Transnational Migration and Global Governance Alba I. Leon and Henk Overbeek 3. The State and the Regulation of Migration Andrew Geddes and Oleg Korneev 4. Towards a Just Mobility Regime: An Applied Ethical Approach to the Study of Migrants' Admission. The Case of Skill Selection Ricard Zapata-Barrero and Francesco Pasetti 5. Human Trafficking Alex Balch 6. Migration, Transnationalization and Urban Transformations Margit Fauser PART II THE ECONOMIC DIMENSION OF MIGRATION 7. Global Foreign Workers' Supply and Demand and the Political Economy of International Labour MigrationHelene Pellerin 8. Guestworker Regimes Globally: An Historical Comparison Kristin Surak 9. Closed Memberships in a Mobile World? Welfare States, Welfare Regimes and International Migration Giuseppe Sciortino and Claudia Finotelli 10. The Expat-Sensitive State? Globalization, Development, and the Shifting Loci of Transmigrant Resources William J. Haller 11. Migrant's Remittances: Channeling Globalization Remus Gabriel Anghel, Matloob Piracha and Teresa Randazzo, 12. The Migration-Trade Nexus: Migration Provisions in Trade Agreements Sandra Lavenex and Flavia Jurje PART III THE REGIONAL DIMENSION OF MIGRATION 13. Regional Integration and Migration in the European Union. Simon Mcmahon 14. The Political Economy of Migration from the Mena Area Before and after the Arab Spring: The Case of Tunisia and Egypt Leila Simona Talani 15. Neoliberal Restructuring, Forced Migration and Unprotected Work in a Globalising Cairo: A Critical International Political Economy Perspective Roberto Roccu 16. Migration Policies, Migration and Regional Integration in North America Michael Samers 17. Regional Integration and Migration in Southeast Asia: The Rise of 'Iskandar-Malaysia'. Elisabetta Nadalutti Index

Drawing on fieldwork research conducted mainly between 2007 and 2013 in Italy, Slovenia and Belgium and their local/regional authorities, this chapter aims to investigate whether cross-border entities share the view of governance as a (network) multi-level mode where power and decision making are dispersed among multi-actors through negotiation processes. It will provide specific examples of the emergence of a ‘transnational’ kind of governance in the cross-border territory between Italy and Slovenia. It will analyze the relationship which links together these two states, their SNAs (Italian regions and Slovenian municipalities), and the EU level, with a view to assessing whether these states have lost some of their prerogatives, or conversely, agree to share some responsibilities with their SNAs. Furthermore, under investigation will be the kind of governance that can emerge from a scenario where a country in one context (i.e., Slovenia) and a region in another (Friuli-Venezia-Giulia as Joint Managing Authority of Interreg III and IV) come to relate to each other in managing Community Initiative Programmes and eventually aim to create an EGTC. Finally, the analysis will focus on the nature of ‘regionalism’ in post-communist and West European territories.

This chapter will explore recent developments in the governance of cross-border cooperation. By focusing on the latest developments of Community Initiative Programmes such as Interreg III and IV, and on the process which led to the adoption and application of the European Grouping of Territorial Cooperation (EGTC), or Regulation 1082/2006, this chapter will assess the extent to which governance is state-centred in a ‘zero-sum game’ or is multi-layered within the EU. Within the multi-level governance theoretical framework, the chapter will address the issue whether we can speak of an alliance between sub-national, supra-national and transnational actors in cross-border cooperation programmes in pushing towards multi-level governance. It will firstly analyse EU Commission and Committee of the Regions’ White Papers and it will examine the stages and guiding principles of cross-border cooperation, from the Council of Europe Convention of 1980 under international law to the Commission European Communities Initiative and finally the European Grouping of Territorial Cooperation (EGTC) under Community law. Here, the focus is on the process that led to Regulation 1802/2006. In particular, it will be explored the role played by supra-national institutions like the CoE and the Commission; transnational institutions such as the Committee of the Regions and the Association of European Border Regions and sub-national actors in cross-border cooperation and the alliances between these actors.

This chapter in focusing on the border between Italy and Slovenia will investigate whether this territory has become a laboratory where a new form of citizenship is at play, which challenges the long-held assumptions about the tight political link between citizenship and the nation-state. Post-national citizenship theories will be operationalised and in so doing the scholarly literature on the Upper Adriatic will be revisited. The chapter will then consider the kind of citizenship that has emerged and show how and to what extent new understandings of citizenship have developed in the area under consideration. It will consider both the changes brought about by the application of EU cross-border cooperation programmes and the EGTC, and the important and independent role played by ethnic minority groups (in particular through their NGOs associations and representatives) vis-a-vis the local government. It will be shown that ethnic minority associations, in actively participating in cross-border activities, become subjects rather than merely object of these programmes. It will be described as ethnic minority associations can have a leading role in pressing governmental actors across the border to overcome their mistrust and their fears and make full use of the cooperative tools provided by the EU.

This chapter will assess whether the daily politics of the EU is still state driven in a zero-sum notion game, or whether states and state representatives are no longer the only interface between the sub-national and supra-national levels or indeed between ‘internal’ and ‘external’ spheres. With reference to EU cohesion policy, it will test whether it is plausible to speak of the emergence of a ‘new’ mode of governance characterized by a dispersal of power and decision-making to a vast range of actors through a process of negotiation. It will assess whether it is better to speak of multi-level participation rather than multi-level governance; and of multi-layered dialogue rather than influence. In an attempt to flesh out the relationship that links sub-national actors, national and supra-national actors, cross-border regions provide the geographical framework where these issues are investigated. Cross-border cooperation programmes boosted and implemented by sub-national and national actors and transnational entities (i.e. Euroregions) will be scrutinised to understand whether their aim is effectively to overcome and transform boundaries and the national dimension. This chapter will critically engage with the literature on multi-level governance, Europeanization and cross-border cooperation.

This chapter, in providing a theoretical overview on contemporary citizenship, will unpack the multifaceted dimensions and multi-layered structure of citizenship. It will analyse both the interrelationship between citizenship, cultural diversity and liberal values and the emergence of a multi-level mode of governance, to assess the changing nature of citizenship within the EU due to cross-border cooperation activities. The role of civil society in contributing to move to a post-national understanding of citizenship will also be explored. It will be argued that nation-state centred theories do not really help either to understand or to explain complex political, social and cultural realities which exist in cross-border regions and territories marked by the presence of minority (ethnic) groups. It will be shown that ‘nation-state’ citizenship rights now appear to be competing with universal human rights that are guaranteed to all human beings equally. The achievement of ‘universal human rights’ is the result of individuals’ actions and mobilization not as ‘national citizens’ but as ‘abstract individuals’, on the basis of their personhood. Accordingly, those who did not have a voice, such as ‘non-citizens’, marginalized people or members of minority groups are claiming their right to participate in the public sphere as their ‘natural’ right.