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OBJECTIVE: Bangladesh is historically a patriarchal society, but has made recent strides in increasing educational and economic opportunities for women. Yet men continue to perpetrate economic coercion and other forms of intimate partner violence against women in Bangladesh. This study examines how men in rural Bangladesh shape the economic activities of their wives within the context of changing norms around women’s involvement in economic domains. Men’s perspectives are not often explored in the literature and can provide valuable insight into how and why economic coercion persists. METHOD: 25 in-depth interviews were conducted with men in rural Bangladesh and analyzed using thematic analysis. RESULTS: Men engaged in economically coercive practices, both implicitly and explicitly. Three themes captured how men perpetrated economic coercion: they held gendered expectations about how and if women should participate in economic activities, they monitored women’s activities to ensure they conformed to the men’s gendered expectations, and they placed explicit restrictions on women’s economic activities to align with and maintain gender inequitable norms. CONCLUSION: These findings call attention to how men continue to see themselves as dominant over women in rural Bangladesh, despite the progress made in expanding educational and economic opportunities for women. The analysis points to the need for interventions that go beyond increased access to educational and economic programs for women to address the persistence of gender inequitable norms within patriarchal societies.

Economic coercion is a form of intimate partner violence (IPV) that is distinct from but often co-occurs with physical, psychological, and sexual IPV. Women’s experiences of economic coercion are understudied in low- and middle-income countries, despite increases in women’s economic opportunities in these settings. Bangladesh is a salient site to understand how women experience, interpret and give meaning to economic coercion because historical gender inequalities in access to economic opportunities and resources are changing in favor of greater participation of women in economic activities. We conducted in-depth qualitative interviews with 24 married women aged 19–47 years to understand their experiences of economic coercion with respect to their involvement in income-generating activities in rural Bangladesh. Overall, we found that women’s experiences of economic coercion were multi-dimensional, and influenced by women’s participation in income-generating activities. In this setting, three major domains of economic coercion by husbands emerged from women’s narratives: denial of access to income-generating activities, coercive control over resources, and economic neglect. Furthermore, participant narratives reflected the continued influence of the patriarchal family system, and the gendered power relations therein, on women’s experiences of economic coercion, despite increases in women’s involvement in income-generating activities. Our results suggest that women’s experiences of economic coercion influence their participation in income-generating activities in Matlab, Bangladesh. Interventions to increase women’s economic opportunities should consider the barriers and potential repercussions of women’s involvement.

How can we differentiate distinct phases of aging in later life? Theorizations of the third and fourth age posit that later life often involves a time of continued growth and increased opportunity (the “third age”) as well as a time marked by growing cognitive, physical, and social losses (the “fourth age”). In contrast to population-based definitions that place this transition around the age of 80, a person-based definition using frailty as a marker offers more sensitivity by focusing on ability and agency instead of age alone. In this study, we apply both definitions in order to examine the social characteristics of the fourth age. Using a nationally representative sample of adults over the age of 65 from from the National Health and Aging Trends Study (NHATS) seventh round (n=6,312) we find that the population-based definition overestimates the number of adults in the fourth age (2,834 vs 569; p