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Author(s): David Cyranoski, Nisha Gaind, Elizabeth Gibney, Ehsan Masood, Amy Maxmen, Sara Reardon, Quirin Schiermeier, Jeff Tollefson, Alexandra Witze Author Affiliations: Credit: davidope (David Szakaly) Nature 's 10: Ten people [...], Picks include a quantum pioneer, a co-discoverer of Ebola and a bioethicist-turned-activist. Picks include a quantum pioneer, a co-discoverer of Ebola and a bioethicist-turned-activist.

Climate Rush founder Tamsin Omond discusses how the environmental group took inspiration from the Suffragettes. The Suffragettes staged a rally on the British Parliament to advance universal suffrage on October 13, 1908. Meanwhile, Climate Rush is known for imitating Suffragette initiatives such as the Edwardian-inspired picnic at Heathrow Terminal 1.

What should environmentalists say about free trade? Many environmentalists object to free trade by appealing the 'Race to the Bottom Argument.' This argument is inconclusive, but there are reasons to worry about unrestricted free trade's environmental effects nonetheless; the rules of trade embodied in institutions such as the World Trade Organization may be unjustifiable. Programs to compensate for trade-related environmental damage, appropriate trade barriers, and consumer movements may be necessary and desirable. At least environmentalists should consider these alternatives to unrestricted free trade if they do not prevent the achievement of other important moral objectives, can efficiently reduce environmental problems, and institutional safeguards can prevent their abuse.

This article examines why and how environmental activists, despite considerable political weakness and disproportionally few resources, won substantive negotiating concessions that far outstripped labor achievements during NAFTA's negotiation. Despite a trade policy arena hostile to their demands, environmentalists gained official recognition for the legitimacy of their claims, obtained a seat at the negotiating table, turned a previously technocratic concern into a highly visible populist issue, and won an environmental side agreement stronger than its labor counterpart. We argue that this unexpected outcome is best explained by environmentalists 'strategic use of mechanisms available at the intersection of multiple fields. While field theory mainly focuses on interactions within a particular field, we suggest that the structure of overlap between fields--the architecture of field overlap--creates unique points of leverage that render particular targets more vulnerable and certain strategies more effective for activists. We outline the mechanisms associated with the structure of field overlap--alliance brokerage, rulemaking, resource brokerage, and frame adaptation--that enable activists to strategically leverage advantages across fields to transform the political landscape.

This article examines how the George W. Bush administration is working to undermine the power of the National Environmental Policy Act of 1969 (NEPA), which requires developers to prepare environmental impact statements. Topics include public accountability for development and environmentalist concerns that speeding up environmental analysis will harm resources.

This article explores experiences of environmental activism from the viewpoint of members of a radical environment group. It is based on data collected during eight months of participant observation and through semistructured interviews with ten core members and two ex-members. Working on personal feelings, attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors (self-work) was central to the strategy for social change employed by this group. Drawing on Weber's sociology of religion, this article explores the way the high expectation the activists had of themselves matched Weber's typification of the rationally active ascetic. It is argued that asceticism is an enduring element of Western culture that takes different forms in response to historical conditions. In this case, we see a form of secular asceticism that responds to the conditions of late modernity.

Under George W. Bush's pro-industry government, more public land is being leased for commercial development. Gas and oil drilling, mining, and logging are being allowed even in places deemed ecologically sensitive. The amount of development going on has environmentalists overwhelmed.

The article examines new strategies needed to generate effective environmental policies. These include fostering grassroots movements, strengthening the roles of non-government organizations in developing countries, garnering support from private investors, transferring public funds from fossil fuel industries to green technologies, and using litigation for political leverage.

This article examines the political activity of 'masyarakat adat' (people who adhere to customary ways) in Indonesia, a group that has been trying to redefine its place in the nation since ending of the Suharto regime. The author, focusing on the groups interest in nature conservation and land management, discusses the challenges 'masyarakat adat' faces in attempting to gain co-sovereignty, such as overcoming other agendas that are put forth in the name of national interests.

The author examines a list of reasons why environmentalists fail to establish a stronger presence in political discourse. These include refusal to compromise, using language couched in negative terms, focusing on biocentric arguments, overemphasizing the importance of legislation and media attention, and distrust and competition among organizations that share similar goals.

An overview is presented on the emergence of environmental politics or green theory, focusing on the three waves of its development. The first wave consisted of alerts, or bringing environmental concerns into public awareness; the second wave was comprised of a backlash, or a rethinking of ecological activism; the third wave, which draws on components of the first two waves to produce a more informed theory.