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In this article, I propose a theoretical approximation to the genesis and development of Alfonso X’s estorias, with an emphasis on the General estoria, using Mikhail Bakhtin’s discursive analysis theories. My purpose is not to offer a full theoretical model that can be used to analyze the Alfonsine historiographical craft, but rather to contextualize some of the discursive phenomena to which it is subject using a modern optic and to formulate unresolved questions on how this type of approach can help scholars deepen our understanding of the many senses in Alfonso’s histories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

En diversos pasajes y en el sistema de prólogos de las obras en prosa confeccionadas por voluntad de Alfonso X en su scriptorium, así como en la poesía de las Cantigas de Santa María, puede apreciarse la función del concepto de sapientia en múltiples niveles y con distintos matices: desde el fondo bíblico veterotestamentario hasta los ecos clásicos filosóficos, el vínculo del rex sapiens con el imperator litteratus, e incluso el doble filo de una espada de la sabiduría que puede darse generosa y santamente o bien ser instrumento diabólico. En los celebrados 800 años del nacimiento de Alfonso X (1221-2021), un rey hispánico singular que, a la vez, es cifra y figura de tantos otros “gobernantes sabios” medievales y antiguos, proponemos el recorrido de este tópico en algunas de sus obras, concepto de profundidad a la vez filosófica y religiosa, adherido a la memoria histórica de un monarca auctor y trovador.

Copyright of Olivar is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cet article propose d’aborder la folie royale dans la Estoria de España, chronique retraçant l’histoire de l’Espagne depuis les origines, rédigée à la fin du XIIIe siècle sous l’égide du roi de Castille et León, Alphonse X le Sage. Au Moyen Âge, le paradigme de la folie est clairement codifié et renvoie à un certain nombre de topiques, comme la maladie, le péché ou encore quelques attributs physiques spécifiques, qui peuvent concerner toutes les catégories de la population. Néanmoins, la figure royale est normalement exclue de ce paradigme, car la folie et tous les dérèglements qu’elle comporte porteraient atteinte à l’essence même de la royauté. À la rigueur, le roi peut être associé à d’autres formes d’inconduite assimilées à la folie, telles que le péché ou le châtiment divin, mais pas à la maladie mentale en tant que telle. Dans ce contexte, comment la Estoria de España, qui narre l’histoire de l’Espagne à travers ses rois, concilie-t-elle l’image de la folie de certains rois – particulièrement les empereurs romains – héritée de ses sources avec les conceptions du XIIIe siècle ? Après un rappel de la conception de la folie au Moyen Âge, j’analyse ses manifestations dans le code juridique des Siete Partidas et surtout dans la Estoria de España afin de pouvoir appréhender la représentation, le sens et la fonction de la folie dans la narration littéraire des faits historiques.

La crítica concibe habitualmente la Crónica abreviada de Juan Manuel como un resumen o un índice de la Estoria de España, esto a pesar de que su contenido indique que es una reacción al pensamiento de Alfonso X. En este artículo estudio cuáles son los efectos de la abbreviatio de la crónica sobre los eventos narrados por la historiografía alfonsí y postalfonsí. Mi propósito es demostrar que la reescritura de la “estoria” implica una reorientación del discurso historiográfico; con ello, Juan Manuel enfatiza la corrupción moral de los reyes, convierte a la aristocracia en una fuerza de control político y rescata figuras heroicas de la nobleza como modelos para su ética señorial.

Calila e Dimna –en su calidad de espejo de príncipes de origen oriental y primera traducción de un texto narrativo en prosa por orden del infante Alfonso (1251)– proporciona un fondo de estrategias de construcción de la memoria regia. Partiendo de manera paradigmática del capítulo “Del fijo del rey e del fidalgo e de sus compañeros”, y teniendo en cuenta su raíz transcultural, es instructivo relacionar los métodos respectivos descritos en Calila e Dimna con los procedimientos de los escritos historiográficos encargados por Alfonso más tarde como rey, en particular aquellos en la Estoria de España. Ambos textos contienen secuencias narrativas que reproducen inscripciones ficticias. Estas inscripciones, su puesta en escena y las narrativas de poder inherentes se analizarán en este estudio con respecto a la memoria política y a las implicaciones en la cultura política del reinado alfonsí. Las medidas mediáticas destinadas a conservar la memoria del monarca a través de la epigráfica, que abarcan desde aspectos genealógicos hasta monumentos funerarios, suelen servir, asimismo, como legitimación del señorío.

En términos generales, la Estoria de España sigue con señalada fidelidad el texto del Poema de Fernán González. Por ello, los puntos de ruptura resultan reveladores de las divergencias ideológicas entre el monje de Arlanza y los cronistas de Alfonso X, cuyo trabajo de reescritura se examina aquí.

En el reinado de Alfonso X se produce una auténtica revolución cultural cifrada en un didactismo enciclopédico y en un organizado plan político En ese entramado cultural y político sobresale el discurso historiográfico como modelo de comportamiento y como forma de legitimar los derechos sucesorios del rey Sabio. Las dos obras históricas alfonsíes, la General estoria y la Estoria de España, hoy se pueden estudiar a la vista de las relaciones histórico-culturales de los distintos reinos peninsulares en la España del siglo XIII.

Copyright of Olivar is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Olivar is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Olivar is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Este artículo aborda la relación existente entre los pares de opuestos de subjetividad y objetividad, por un lado, cohesión y coherencia, por otro, en el análisis de las prosificaciones del Cantar de mio Cid. La propuesta que realizamos estriba en que los textos más cohesionados en cuanto a la subordinación como las crónicas no son necesariamente más objetivos, pues introducen subordinadas de la enunciación que modalizan el discurso transformando la prístina coherencia narrativa de la fuente épica. El análisis conjuga, pues, dos esferas de conocimiento: la sintaxis histórica y la narratología.

Copyright of e-Scripta Romanica is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Poética Medieval is the property of Instituto Universitario de Investigacion en Estudios Medievales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Estoria de España was written under the auspices of Alfonso X the Wise, king of Castile and León from 1252 to 1284. This major project aimed to stage the history of the origins of the Iberian Peninsula based on all the sources that the Wise King could have available. The narrative of foundations of peninsular cities is not always found in the chronicle, which implies that narrative choices were made, especially as some foundations are not mentioned in the two main sources of the Estoria de España. In the Middle Ages, the historiographic legitimization rests on the “Authorities” whom each chronicler has to claim to adhere to if they hope to convince their audience. Hence, turning to these Authorities – the Ancients and the Church Fathers – is the indispensable condition for a text that claims to be truthful. In addition to this prerequisite, met by Alfonso X, other sorts of discourse tools operate. This is especially the case with the logical demonstration, so dear to Aristotle, which relies on reason and which enables the reader to accept the argument as proof, to agree with the discourse proposed, and ultimately to believe the narrated story. We propose to analyse these foundations in a twofold way. First, we will take into account the peoples and the lords whom the Wise King links to the foundation of each city, then we will highlight the argumentative devices developed and used by Alfonso X in order to prove and convince.

This work deals with the introduction of Alfonso X’s estorias in Castilian Late Medieval historiography, especially, and for contextual reasons, the Estoria de España, discussing the many similarities and differences between the Alfonsine chronicles and those written during the 15th century. The second part of the article approaches this struggle involving tradition and innovation through the analysis of a specific book: the Atalaya de las corónicas (1443) by Alfonso Martínez de Toledo, a summary of chronicles whose main source is Alfonso X’s chronicle. An in-depth study of the mechanisms used by the author to produce the text according to his purposes is also provided.

The objective of the present study is to analyze the influence of the classical tradition in the episode of the “Courts” that preceded the battle of las Navas de Tolosa. The complex intertextual relationships involved in this episode only can be understood in its entirety from the point of view of the classical legacy and the growing role of rhetoric in the writing of historiography during the low Middle Ages.

La Crónica manuelina, source de la Crónica abreviada (1320-25) de don Juan Manuel, est l'une des refontes historiographiques élaborées durant la période post-alphonsine à partir de matériaux textuels génétiquement liés aux versions de la Estoria de España d'Alphonse X. Ce travail comprend deux parties. Dans la première, j'établis l'appartenance du manuscrit Egerton 289 de la British Library à la famille de cette chronique, grâce à une comparaison avec la Crónica abreviada plus détaillée que celle réalisée par David Pattison en 1992. Une fois confirmée la filiation de ce manuscrit, je me sers de son témoignage pour situer l'archétype de l’œuvre dans le tissu des nombreuses “crónicas generales” post-alphonsines, en prêtant une attention toute particulière à son lien avec le manuscrit F (Salamanque, Bibl. Universitaria, 2628) et avec la Crónica de Castilla (c. 1300). Une des conclusions de cette étude est l'antériorité du texte londonien par rapport à la Crónica de Castilla pour ce qui est de la partie concernant l'histoire valencienne du Cid, segment historiographique connu comme “Interpolation cidienne”.

At the moment of the death of king Alfonso X, the Estoria de España, started under his patronage, had not yet been completed. The study of the working techniques of the various teams involved in its preparation has allowed scholars to shade light over the creation process of the Estoria, carried out under the direction of the king. The focus of these studies has been traditionally the part of the history prior to the kings of Castille; only in recent years this interest has turned to the final section of the Crónica. This paper focuses on one of the least studied parts of that section of the Estoria de España, the one covering the kingdoms of Sancho III, Fernando II and Alfonso VIII.

La narración de la batalla contra Bucar en el Cantar de Mio Cid muestra algunas incoherencias que pueden resolverse mediante un análisis en profundidad de su estructura y comparándola con las versiones ofrecidas por la Estoria de España. Este artículo ofrece una nueva narración de la batalla, organizada cronológicamente, y que implica asimismo la reconstrucción de la página perdida donde el poema explica cómo Fernando González es rescatado por Pedro Bermúdez. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Lemir is the property of Universitat de Valencia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The redactors of the two Alfonsine histories are perhaps moregrammatical than rhetorical; the free Castilian versions of their Latin originals aremore notable for their clarity than for their eloquence. The editors do, however,apply two figures of rhetoric routinely throughout their text, transitio and aetiologia.A few passages on the Estoria de Espanna go much further. Two narratives therefeature dramatic application of two Quintilianesque figures of amplification,comparatio and ratiocinatio. Other sections display a sort of quasi-classical prose,notable for its artful isocola and antitheses, and marked by a fine concern for proserhythm. This last feature might suggest that the compilers had some knowledgeof the ars dictaminis.

The redactors of the two Alfonsine histories are perhaps more grammatical than rhetorical; the free Castilian versions of their Latin originals are more notable for their clarity than for their eloquence. The editors do, however, apply two figures of rhetoric routinely throughout their text, transition and aetiologia. A few passages on the Estoria de Espanna go much further. Two narratives there feature dramatic application of two Quintilianesque figures of amplification, comparatio and ratiocinatio. Other sections display a sort of quasi-classical prose, notable for its artful isocola and antitheses, and marked by a fine concern for prose rhythm. This last feature might suggest that the compilers had some knowledge of the ars dictaminis.

Copyright of Bulletin Hispanique is the property of Universite de Bordeaux III (Michel de Montaigne), Institut Hispanique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)