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This publication contains statements from panelists at a seminar exploring recent campus conflicts over whether Christian student groups can bar gay and lesbian students from positions of leadership. The discussion centered on the decision of the Tufts University student judiciary to "derecognize" the Tufts Christian Fellowship (an affiliate of InterVarsity Christian Fellowship) because it refused to consider for leadership a member who rejected the group's belief that the Bible prohibits homosexual practice. The five seminar panelists were David A. French, Patricia M. Logue, Stephen Macedo, Chai R. Feldblum, and William A. Galston. (EV)

One of a series of booklets designed to make available to a wide audience thoughtful perspectives on issues of domestic and foreign policy, this booklet contains two essays which provide a solid base for elementary and secondary teachers to communicate the nature of America's place in the world, its responsibilities, ideals, and traditions to prepare young people for responsible citizenship in the democracy that leads the free world. William Bennett's "History-Key to Political Responsibility" discusses the past illuminating the present, restoring the faith in democracy, and the decline in the status of history as a subject. Jeane Kirkpatrick's "Learning to Think about Foreign Policy" discusses characteristics of foreign policy, democratic assumptions, and educating for democracy. (TRS)

The great waves of foreign immigration, the onset of rapid industrialization, the emergence of an urban working class--all features of the post Civil War United States that might have contributed to rising crime rates--did not. Ted Robert Gurr suggests that a growth of the "civilizing process" occurred in which people turned away from violence and internalized or displaced aggressive impulses. The process began among upper socio-economic groups and was given institutional expression in various reform movements. Beginning in the 1920s, the educated classes in America repudiated moral improvement as it had been defined during the preceding century. Child rearing views began to change in the 1920s. Character development was replaced with personality development. By the 1960s, the baby boom generation had come of age. The psychology of radical individualism and the philosophy of individual rights triumphed. The factors that most directly influence crime (family structure, moral development, the level of personal freedom) are the very things that U.S. citizens do not easily change or, for persuasive reasons, do not wish to change. Law becomes more important as informal social control becomes less important. Thousands of neighborhood organizations and civic enterprises have emerged from a desire to reduce crime by direct popular action. This recourse to informal communal action has grown out of a reaffirmed allegiance to a communal theory of social control. (SM)

A majority of the world's nations believe that there are claims which can be made on individual nation's wealth that are both considerable and threatening to countries such as the United States. This attitude was demonstrated in the General Assembly of the United Nations in 1974. It may be argued that this attitude is a result of the British revolution which began in 1947 with the granting of independence to socialist India. The British revolution of the second quarter of the 20th century attracted little attention. While everyone recognized that new states were coming into existence from former European and mostly British colonies, it was not generally perceived that they came to independence with a preexisting stable ideological base which was British socialism. The spread of British socialism to the furthest reaches of the globe, with its ascent to dominance in the highest national councils everywhere, gives worldwide significance to the British revolution. Of the 87 states that have joined the United Nations since its founding, more than one-half (47) had been part of the British empire. Socialism, as it developed in Great Britain was anti-U.S. because the United States was viewed as capitalistic. The United States has not dealt with these new nations successfully because they did not recognize this ideology. At the level of world affairs, the United States has learned to deal with communism; the task is now to learn to deal with socialism. (SM)

The intellectual and moral climate of a school is related to the nature of authority. It is the way that authority is instituted as well as the manner in which it is exercised that shapes the intellectual and moral character of the school. Public education in urban areas today is increasingly instrumental, technical, adversarial, and officially value-neutral. The burden placed on the public high schools to create a more equal society has helped create purposive disorder. Schools are increasingly operated as though they were factories for learning in which the only value is increased cognitive output. A fundamental rethinking of the nature and purpose of public education is essential. A provisional morality that expresses some of the common beliefs of a democratic pluralistic society must be reinvented. Such a morality would mean that, although differences of opinions on many issues should be respected by all, there are some salient core beliefs to which all subscribe. Without an agreement on a system of beliefs, there is no pluralism, merely coexistence. (SM)

Democracy has always been prone to self-destruction, and it was only after the American Civil War that democracy--or at least constitutional representative government--acquired a respectable reputation. There are two very different types of democracies each with its underlying philosophy, value system, and view of human nature. These are constitutional democracy and utopian democracy. The contrast between the American Revolution and the French is in essence the difference between the two types of democracy. The American Revolution strove to preserve English rights and legal institutions, and the old English tradition of the rule of law was made more rigid in the American governmental system. The old Judeo-Christian view of imperfect human beings was implicit in the Constitution. The French Revolution began with a vision of the liberation of mankind and ended in a military dictatorship. The utopian view of human nature is an embodiment of Jean-Jacques Rousseau's philosophy that assumes human beings are naturally good, generous, sociable, and peaceful. Constitutional democracy is less concerned with end results than is utopian democracy. The former is concerned with equal opportunity, not with equality in results or performance. Both types of democracy--especially in developing countries--have the potential to deteriorate into totalitarian regimes. (BZ)

This volume pulls together commentaries on Charles E. Lindblom's book entitled "Politics and Markets: The World's Political-Economic Systems" (1977) which expounds the thesis that big business dominates American culture and politics and prevents the introduction of central planning in place of a market-oriented economy. Following an introduction, this collection of essays is organized into two parts. Part 1 contains arguments against the book's thesis in these six essays: "Pluralism Reconsidered" by Eugene Bardach; "An Alarmist View of Corporate Influence" by Royall Brandis; "How Powerful is Business?" by Ithiel de Sola Pool; "Democracy and the Corporation" by James Q. Wilson; "Business, Government, the Public: Who Manipulates Whom?" by Paul J. Halpern; and "The Servility of Business" by Clarence J. Brown. Part 2 contains an essay by David Stockman entitled "How the Market Outwits the Planners" which is a rebuttal of Lindblom's claim that natural resources will be depleted in an economy based on production-for-profit. (KW)

Churches, and in a larger sense religion, should serve as the conscience of society. Hence Christian bodies have an obligation to condemn gross evils and to speak out on the great moral issues, but they should not give their full support to any political party or cause. The World Council of Churches (WCC) from its beginning in 1948 showed an interest in the developing countries. The WCC has been increasingly influenced by the picture of downtrodden people struggling for freedom, dignity, and economic development. By 1975, the WCC had embraced the concept and practice of liberation theology, which on some issues, has been very similar to Marxism. Ambiguity toward Marxism stems from a profound confusion between ends and means. The Marxists' claim of a clear-cut diagnosis and simple answers has an appeal to Westerners who feel guilty about their power and wealth. Seven recommendations are offered in conclusion that would make the WCC truer to the Christian faith and make a more responsible contribution to justice and freedom in the political order. Appendices that contain texts of relevant WCC documents, notes, and an index of persons and countries are included. (BZ)

Since the turn of the century, American Jews have been closely associated with reform movements that seek to improve social conditions, to help the disadvantaged, and to achieve international peace. Jewish religious traditions and social circumstances have disposed many Jews to view politics and power idealistically. However, traditional expressions of Jewish idealism seem ill-suited to new realities, such as dealing with poverty, relationships with Black Americans, Soviet expansion, and the emergence of a worldwide anti-Israel bloc of nations. These problems and choices are presented against the backdrop of 4 decades of Jewish intellectual and social life, from the post-War "golden age" through the turmoil, anxiety, and eventual regeneration of the past 20 years. (APG)

This monograph contains a critical examination of President Carter's view on ethics and foreign policy as expressed in his commencement speech at Notre Dame University on May 22, 1977. The book is organized into three parts. Part 1 contains Mr. Carter's speech entitled, "Power for Humane Purposes." Part 2 contains nine responses to the speech: "Reflecting the Eastern Establishment" (Robert L. Bartley); "Confusing Domestic and Foreign Policy" (Ronald Berman); "Selective Invocation of Universal Values" (Jeane Kirkpatrick); "The Valor of Ignorance" (Charles Burton Marshall); "Totalitarianism--the Central Challenge" (Daniel Patrick Moynihan); "The March of Defeat" (Michael Novak); "A Lack of Ideological Roots" (John P. Roche); "Ignoring Soviet Realities" (Eugene V. Rostow); and"Ideals, Maxims, and Deeds" (Roger L. Shinn). Part 3 contains three essays which are not direct comments on the speech but address issues in the debate on ethics and foreign policy: "Morality and Power" (Henry A. Kissinger); "Morality, Liberalism, and Foreign Policy" (Irving Kristol); and "Limits of the Human Rights Standard" (Ernest W. Lefever). The document also contains a selected bibliography. (KL)

Countries of the Western Pacific allied with the United States--Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, and Taiwan--are seriously threatened by Soviet expansion and Sino-Soviet rivalry. At present when the United States military resources are stretched thin, responsibility for defense of these prosperous free states should be assumed by the states themselves, and Japan especially must play a far greater strategic role in maritime defense. An organic Pacific security community that would be buttressed by its own economic dynamism should be created. Such a Pacific security community is impossible without the presence of the United States as an active partner. It can therefore be possible only when the United States once more is morally committed and militarily able to respond to the ominous growth of Soviet military power. Included are the texts of the Shanghai Communique, February 27, 1972; the Joint Communique on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations, the United States and the People's Republic of China, January 1, 1979; and the Taiwan Relations Act, April 10, 1979. (BZ)

A challenge on the survival of capitalism and its future is set forth in this document. Although industrial capitalism is strong, five dangers that threaten its survival are cited: (1) the collectivist bias of Western intellectuals; (2) the influence of the ecological apocalyptics; (3) the assault on the market by big government; (4) the undermining of productivity by trade unions, and (5) the totalitarian (primarily Soviet) threat from outside the country. Twelve people from various professions and perspectives responded to the challenge: an oil executive, a political scientist, a banker, a political columnist, a labor union official, a professor of theology, a former U.S. Senator, a journalist, a Black liberation theologian, an international lawyer, a U.S. Congreeman, and the direction of the Hudson Institute. The challenge brings forth the question of the survival of capitalism as well as its varying forms. The contributors address that question as well as the question of capitalism as a moral issue. (APG)

This document contains 31 position papers that reflect a wide range of views on nuclear arms policy held by political leaders, religious authorities, scholars, policy experts, journalists, and political activists. Since no judgments are made, the reader is left to decide which arguments are most compelling. Each position paper is arranged into one of five sections: "Arms Control Issues,""The Peace Movement,""The Apocalyptic Premise,""The Churches and Nuclear Arms," and "Official Views." Each essay is preceded by a brief introduction, pointing out main themes and relating both complementary and opposing contributors to one another. Also included is a chart showing the comparative strengths of NATO and Warsaw Pact forces in Europe, a five-part bibliography corresponding to the five divisions of the text, and an index of names. (APG)

The special relationship between the United States and the Philippines is chronicled, and the potential threats to that relationship are exposed and evaluated. Special attention is paid to imposition of martial law by Marcos from 1972-1981. The human rights of the Filipino people during martial law, development programs implemented by Marcos during martial law, and the failure of those programs are reviewed. There is a chapter on the crisis following the assassination of Benigno Aquino and its implications for United States--Filipino economic and security relations. Currently, the greatest danger facing United States interests in the Philippines is the possibility of economic collapse. Recommendations for the United States to support its interests are given. A profile of the Philippines, a Philippine chronology from 1898 to the present, and an index are included. (APG)

According to this essay by a visiting scholar from Great Britain, there will always be a debate in democratic societies, about the proper role of morality in fashioning and articulating foreign policy. This ambivalence has been reflected in the uneven approach to the problem exhibited by successive United States administrations. There are two overriding reasons why it is vitally important for the current U.S. administration to persevere with the idea of projecting values as well as power. The first reason has to do with the domestic problems that the Western nations have in constructing a viable world strategy. Publics within Western democracies are less and less content to leave foreign policy to the expertise and whims of established elites. This is why it is necessary to develop a rationale for United States and Western involvement in the world that does not rest exclusively upon determinations of "interest." More likely to gain approval is a policy with a rationale expressed in terms of democratic values and systems on one side and totalitarian values and systems on the other. The second major reason for projecting democratic values is the continuing allure of the idea of democracy in the modern world. The democratic idea and aspiration is still the most precious asset of the West in its adversarial relationship with the Soviet bloc. The battle for hearts and minds can be seen in its most acute and sophisticated form in Western Europe where the focus of debate between East and West is the "peace" issue. The other propaganda area in which the East does surprisingly well is the matter of "economic justice." Among key elites throughout the world there is still a visceral commitment to the view that socialist societies are somehow more just than capitalist societies in distributing goods and services. To counter this, Western propaganda should concentrate its power at its strongest point: its democratic, open society and its political freedoms. (BZ)

Rabbi Seymour N. Siegel presents four theses in the main address entitled "American Jews and Political Life": (1) Jewish voters as a group are more liberal than the general voting public. (2) Jewish organizations generally represent the views of their constituencies. (3) The liberal orientation in the Jewish community is true neither to Jewish interests nor to Jewish teachings, for both are conservative on social and political issues. (4) There are signs of a turn toward conservatism within the Jewish community. Responses to the theses are offered by Marshall J. Breger, a New York Law School professor and visiting fellow at the Heritage Foundation; Rabbi Joshua O. Haberman, Washington Hebrew Congregation (Reform); and David Saperstein, co-director and counsel of the Religious Action Center (Union of American Hebrew Congregations and Central Conference of American Rabbis), with a final word from the main speaker. Included are a foreword, an "Exchange with the Audience," and notes. (KWL)

To act effectively in the world, it is first necessary to know who we are and who the Soviet Union is and what they are likely to do. The United States is the inheritor and the embodiment of a long struggle against arbitrary power. This country is the heir of the liberal, democratic tradition, whose roots are freedom. Facing the nature of the Soviet government on the other hand is an extremely unpleasant task. The Soviet Union has established the only empire existing in today's world, an empire that extends to all continents, an empire that from the very beginning has grown by the artful manipulation of symbols and the uninhibited and skillful use of violence. The political and social events that occur in every country that experience a Communist government are matters of hard fact. If the results are clear, so are the tactics. The empire grows as the Soviet Union brings resources and personnel drawn from all over the Soviet bloc to bear on small, helpless countries. The United States meanwhile is more inventive in finding reasons why it should not help peoples resist incorporation into the Soviet empire than in finding ways to help them resist. Still, the hunger for freedom, self-expression, and self-determination is indeed an enduring reality of peoples throughout the world. (BZ)

This volume contains an address by Richard John Neuhaus entitled "Let the Church Be the Church" in which it is asserted that the crisis in Christian social ethics today is a crisis of faith which calls for spiritual, theological, and ethical renewal. The address is a retrospective look at the Vietnam-era debate between Neuhaus and Paul Ramsey, professor emeritus of religion at Princeton University. Included are responses to the address from Paul Ramsey; a Methodist Bishop (Earl G. Hunt, Jr.); and an African Methodist Episcopal Bishop (Philip R. Cousin); and the final word from Neuhaus, the main speaker. (KWL)

The people of the United States have always been determinedly religious. What is new is the public recognition of this fact and the debate over the problems that attend it. In high schools and colleges across the country, students are reading textbooks that state as fact that the United States is, or is rapidly becoming, a secular society, an assumption not supported by empirical evidence. The massive "Middletown III" study of Muncie, Indiana, directed by Theodore Caplow concluded that the people of the United States are more religious today than they were a hundred years ago. Although the public resurgence of religion is hardly limited to fundamentalism, fundamentalists are a primary focus of the public debate. Fundamentalist political activism may be viewed as an "aggressive defense." This defense is directed against what they perceive to be governmental actions dictated by "secular humanists." However, even those who try to understand the religious Right sympathetically wonder exactly what the Fundamentalists want. One useful answer is the American Coalition for Traditional Values' (ACTV) list of ten issues in its campaign to "restore traditional moral and spiritual values" to U.S. life. The list includes prayer and Bible reading in public schools, a "pro-life" constitutional amendment, legal restrictions on pornography, an end to state "harassment" of Christian schools, resistance to feminist and gay rights legislation, increased defense spending, and the termination of social programs that may only increase the dependency of the poor. (BZ)

The phenomenon of anti-Americanism is presented as an assortment of apparently disparate expressions of hostility toward U.S. society which combine to reinforce one another. Chapter 1 discusses what is not anti-Americanism, including: (1) opposition to particular U.S. policies or administration; (2) reassessment by foreign publics and elites of where power lies or is likely to lie in the world; (3) attempts to pressure the United States in order to gain some national advantage; or (4) the enduring desire for independence and self-determination. Chapter 2 examines primitive anti-Americanism. Chapter 3 investigates the demise of communist anti-Americanism. Chapter 4 discusses the ideological assault against the United States. Chapter 5 explores the attack on middle-American values. Chapter 6 investigates the charge of a fascist United States. Chapters 7 and 8 discuss elitism and the idea of American "purity" against the United States. Chapter 9 explores the future of anti-Americanism. Four appendices include excerpts from the writings of Alexis de Tocqueville, Andrew Hacker, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, and George F. Kennan. (RSL)