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White participants in the United States were asked to imagine having a hypothetical conversation about race-specific issues with either a White or Black discussant who was described as either a Republican or Democrat. Participants' expectations of encountering negative outcomes during the conversation, and their intentions to avoid the conversation, were measured. The black sheep effect posits that harmful ingroup members are evaluated more negatively than comparable outgroup members because they threaten the ingroup's social identity. Findings indicate discussants' partisanship is more important than their race in guiding respondents' expectations of and desire to engage in cross-group conversations. Whites expected more negative outcomes and intended to avoid conversations more when they imagined talking about race with White discussants from a different political party than they did Black discussants from a different party, Black discussants from the same party, or White discussants from the same party. Intergroup threat and social identity theories are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This brief offers an initial look at one science site on the World Wide Web (The Why Files: http://whyfiles.news.wise.edu) in order to consider the educational potential of this technology. The long-term goal of the studies of this site is to understand how the World Wide Web can be used to enhance science, mathematics, engineering, and technology education. Includes a preliminary look at the expertise and finances required to develop a site, patterns of site usage, and user characteristics. The results of this study can help answer questions as to whether a well-designed web site can help users understand science as well as a paper publication. (DDR)

Past research has demonstrated that nonlinear Web presentations (i.e., those that allow viewing in multiple orders) may lead to decreased free recall and learning of factual information compared to traditional, print-like linear Web designs. Recent evidence suggests, however, that nonlinear designs may facilitate learning of the interconnectedness of the presented information. This article presents experimental data from a combined sample of college students and adults (N=172) manipulating site design and motivation designed to test for these various learning effects and to examine the potential influence of two mediating variables: selective scanning and elaboration. The central finding is that linear site designs encourage factual learning, whereas nonlinear designs increase knowledge structure density (KSD). The effects of elaboration and selective scanning, however, are mixed.

Investigates factors related to two types of judgments (made by undergraduate students) that make up the third-person perception: media effects on others and effects on self. Tests separate path models to assess the antecedents and consequences of perceived media impact on self and others. Examines four key variables that may contribute to assessments of media impact. (SG)

Proposes an interactive model of political development that predicts that socialization effects of communication will be moderated by age, such that younger children will be influenced less than older children by the same communication source. Test the model on 290 children in grades 5 through 12. Finds strong support for the model. Discusses implications for future socialization research. (RS)

Explains appropriate techniques to test for interactions and nonlinearity in mass communication survey data. Uses four well-known mass communication theories as examples of when to expect and test for these types of effects. Identifies the theoretical and methodological implications for mass communications researchers of the recent debate on this topic among statisticians in psychology and other disciplines. (SR)

Hypothesizes that people perceive media content to have a greater impact on others than on themselves, leading people to take actions such as censorship to prevent the impact. Surveys 202 college students using rap lyrics as the context. Reveals strong support for both components of the hypothesis. (PA)

To authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.2010.01486.x Byline: Fei Shen (1), William P. Eveland (2) Abstract: Various forms of news use not only have independent impacts on political knowledge, but also create interactive effects across different types of news outlets. In the present study, data from 2 surveys conducted in 2004 were used to test hypotheses about the contingent effects of news media use on political knowledge. The results supported the intramedia interaction hypothesis regarding use of multiple similar (in terms of content and form) news outlets. For instance, use of both cable news and network news produces diminishing returns. But, when print news is used in combination with audio-visual news sources, patterns of additive effects were observed. Author Affiliation: (1) Department of Media and Communication, City University of Hong Kong, Tat Chee Avenue, Kowloon Tong, Kowloon, Hong Kong (2) School of Communication & Department of Political Science, The Ohio State University, Columbus, OH 43210, USA Article note: Fei Shen; e-mail: feishen@cityu.edu.hk

To authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.2009.01412.x Byline: William P Eveland (1), Myiah Hutchens Hively (1) Abstract: In this study, we examine the influence of discussion frequency, network size, and 3 variables that together entangle the often misunderstood concept of network heterogeneity: discussion frequency with like-minded individuals ('safe' discussion), discussion frequency with nonlike-minded individuals ('dangerous' discussion), and diversity of discussion based on the proportion of safe and dangerous discussion. Data were gathered via a postelection random-digit dial telephone survey of residents of a battleground state (N = 600) in November 2004. Three central dependent variables were measured: factual political knowledge, political knowledge structure density, and political participation. The results support the argument that different aspects of political discussion have different implications for different democratic outcomes-and that different conceptualizations and measures of discussion 'heterogeneity' produce different results. Author Affiliation: (1) School of Communication, The Ohio State University, Columbus, OH 43210 Article note: William P. Eveland; e-mail: eveland.6@osu.edu

To purchase or authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.2006.00299.x Byline: William P Eveland (1), Tiffany Thomson (1) Abstract: This study extends existing research on political discussion's influence on political knowledge in two ways. First, it expands the measures of discussion-related cognition to include discussion elaboration and perspective taking. Second, it employs panel data, which permit stronger causal inferences than cross-sectional studies. Our findings indicate that, even controlling for prior knowledge, interest, news use, and news elaboration, political discussion frequency and discussion elaboration are positively related to political knowledge. However, perspective taking is unrelated to political knowledge. Author Affiliation: (1)School of Communication, The Ohio State University, Columbus, OH 43210 Article note: William P. Eveland Jr.; e-mail: eveland.6@osu.edu.

This article examines the role of the Internet as a source of political information and a sphere for public expression. Informational media use, whether traditional news sources or online public affairs content, is expected to foster interpersonal political discussion and online civic messaging, contributing to increased civic participation. Using two-wave national panel survey data, three types of synchronous structural equation models are tested: cross sectional (relating individual differences), fixed effects (relating intraindividual change), and auto regressive (relating aggregate change). All models reveal that online media complement traditional media to foster political discussion and civic messaging. These two forms of political expression, in turn, influence civic participation. Other variable orderings are tested to compare the theorized model to alternative causal specifications. Results reveal that the model produces the best fit, empirically and theoretically, with the influence of the Internet, rivaling the mobilizing power of traditional modes of information and expression. Keywords: civic engagement; computer-mediated communication; interpersonal discussion; media effects; political participation; social capital

Past research has demonstrated that nonlinear Web presentations (i.e., those that allow viewing in multiple orders) may lead to decreased free recall and learning of factual information compared to traditional, print-like linear Web designs. Recent evidence suggests, however, that nonlinear designs may facilitate learning of the interconnectedness of the presented information. This article presents experimental data from a combined sample of college students and adults (N = 172) manipulating site design and motivation designed to test for these various learning effects and to examine the potential influence of two mediating variables: selective scanning and elaboration. The central finding is that linear site designs encourage factual learning, whereas nonlinear designs increase knowledge structure density (KSD). The effects of elaboration and selective scanning, however, are mixed.

The increasing use of online news, particularly by young Americans, points to the importance of understanding what users learn from this form of news and whether features of online news encourage or discourage various types of learning. This experimental study demonstrates that online news that takes advantage of one of the key characteristics of the Web--the use of in-text hyperlinks--may actually discourage learning of the facts that make up many news stories. But this same linking structure apparently encourages those who commonly use the Web to have more densely interconnected knowledge structures for public affairs topics. However, those who rarely use the Web for news do not gain such advantages and may even suffer disadvantages. These findings point to limitations in most past online news learning research, which has been limited to 'just the facts' in its measurement of learning from the news. Keywords: schema; expertise; sophistication; WWW; Internet; learning

This two-wave national panel study was designed to test the causal claims of the 'cognitive mediation model.' The data indicate strong support for the following causal relationships predicted by the model: (a) surveillance motivations influence information processing, (b) information processing influences knowledge, and (c) motivations influence knowledge only indirectly through information processing. However, additional analyses demonstrated that these variables are not related in a simple unidirectional causal pattern. Instead, panel analyses found that most of these relationships are mutually causal. Future research should consider the reciprocal nature of relationships between information processing and knowledge, particularly as it relates to the study of the knowledge gap hypothesis. Keywords: uses and gratifications; elaboration; knowledge gap; political knowledge; news media

Response-effects research has shown that survey questions shape and channel public opinion. Our study examines the degree to which the variance in people's cognitions about and attitudes toward crime policy proposals is a methodological artifact and the degree to which it represents media effects. Four different forms of a survey were used to manipulate the order of the proposal (death penalty vs. rehabilitation) and criterion (cognition vs. attitude). Results show that experimental manipulations affected cognitions or attitudes only for the death penalty. Respondents who were asked the cognition measure first showed a high level of consistency between the net valence of their arguments and their attitudes. Respondents who were asked their attitudes first reported relatively more affective arguments, a phenomenon that we label affective priming. Exposure and attention to specific media content influenced cognitions and attitudes differentially.

Research is presented on the patterns of voting and political participation among groups of highly educated and lower educated individuals to evaluate gaps in knowledge, focusing on their use of television news and newspapers as information resources. Results indicate that these gaps were larger among light than heavy usage of television news, a pattern that was present but weaker among newspaper usage.

Accurate derivation of hypotheses from theory and tests with statistics revealed that inappropriate and ineffective tests of hypotheses confuse the theory-building process. Making conclusions based on these tests causes ambiguity in evaluating the validity of the theory. However, interactions and nonlinearity are important in mass communication which concerns quantitative researchers' theory and statistical methods used in the field.

Recent calls for censorship of rap music have demonstrated the need to test the perceptual and especially the behavioral components of Davison's third-person effect hypothesis. The hypothesis states that people perceive media content to have a greater impact on others than on themselves (perceptual component), and that these perceptions lead people to take actions, such as censorship, to prevent the impact (behavioral component). Results of a survey of college students (N = 202) using rap lyrics as the context revealed strong support for both components of the hypothesis. Limited support was found for the social distance corollary of the perceptual component, while the knowledge corollary of the perceptual component was not supported. A new target corollary to the perceptual component was proposed; it predicts that those groups seen as likely targets of a communication will produce larger third-person perceptions than will generalized others.

The 1992 presidential election campaign marked the first time that non-traditional news media (e.g. talk shows) were employed as a prevalent form of campaign communication by the candidates. The present study employs a path analysis of panel data (N = 151) to assess the influence of traditional and non-traditional forms of news media in the initial phase of the presidential election campaign (i.e., early September) on the perceptions and attitudes of prospective voters both during the initial and the final phase (i.e., early November) of the campaign, as well as their voting intentions in the final phase. The results indicate that non-traditional media exert greater influence on the perceptions and attitudes during the initial phase. However, the influence of traditional news media in the initial phase demonstrates greater persistence, exerting greater impact on attitudes and voting intentions in the final phase of the campaign. The findings of this study document the impact of non-traditional news media, and contribute to the literature on media effects at different points of an election campaign.

An analysis of the actual and perceived public opinion from 292 residents of New Castle County, Delaware, during the 1991 Persian Gulf War shows that 53.1% of the people were against the war, which is very much contradictory according to the actual projection of the conceiving pro-war message in the U.S. mainstream media. This was investigated from the U.S. news media, public opinion and survey data.

For the first time in the history of televised presidential debates, organizers in 1992 used undecided voters to query the candidates, a significant deviation from the traditional practice of using experienced journalists. The present study uses quantitative and qualitative analysis to compare the questions asked by undecided voters and reporters. Results indicate reporters used more successful question types and asked questions more concisely, however they were equally if not more likely to jeopardize question clarity. Reporters were also more likely to ask more argumentative, accusatory, and leading questions. Both groups did reasonably well addressing topics considered important in making vote decisions. KEY CONCEPTS Presidential debates, elections, debate question types, political campaigns

Dialogue about race-based topics is essential to combat prejudice, foster mutual understanding, and improve race relations. This study describes the extent to which political conversations—especially those about race-related topics—are taking place within and across racial and political groups. This national survey with a Black oversample found racially diverse discussion networks to be more likely among Blacks than Whites, but politically diverse networks to be more likely among Whites than Blacks. Blacks were more likely than Whites to talk about race-related topics such as police treatment of Blacks (and less likely about several topics not explicitly tied to race), but by no means did Whites entirely avoid race-related topics, even in their same-race discussions. Moreover, there was evidence that discussion in cross-race dyads affected the mix of topics Whites and Blacks discussed, revealing the potential for cross-race interaction to alter political agendas. Rather than being less likely to talk about police treatment of Blacks with Blacks, Whites were more likely to discuss this topic when in mixed-race dyads, while Blacks talked about it less often with Whites than with other Blacks. Findings are discussed in the context of political disagreement and intergroup contact theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]