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The use of unique markers in ornithology has a long history and is predicated on the assumption that markers have negligible effects on behavior and survival. The assumption that marks are harmless is particularly important with imperiled species. We studied the effects of two different marking schemes on Piping Plovers (Charadrius melodus), a small shorebird protected under the U.S. Endangered Species Act that is intensively monitored and managed. We used two marking schemes, (1) color bands and (2) uniquely engraved flags during breeding seasons from 2013 to 2023 to determine whether the injuries were causing additive mortality and thus actually limiting populations. We estimated the effect of perceived limping and injury (e.g., swelling, laceration, etc.) on chick and hatch-year survival. We detected injuries in some years and associated with both marking schemes (range 0.0–6.0%, average = 2.7% of marked chicks each year). Interval survival for banded chicks was like that of flagged chicks (β = − 0.55, 95% BCI: − 1.30–0.33, f = 0.92). Mean survival to fledging, however, was higher in years where flags were used ( ϕ ¯ = 0.55 ± 0.14) than when bands were used ( ϕ ¯ = 0.34 ± 0.14), but we surmise that this difference was partly conflated with negative density-dependent factors (β = − 0.49, 95% BCI: − 0.73 to − 0.25, f = 1.00) and predation. Our results show that pre-fledge survival of birds with uniquely coded flags was similar to that of birds receiving color bands. There was also no evidence that injured birds had a significantly lower hatch-year survival than those that were not injured. However, the relatively high (up to 6%) injury rate in some years remains a concern. Injury and survival rates need to be considered and evaluated when deciding on whether to mark individuals. Ultimately, wildlife practitioners should strive to use the best methods for information gathering and management, without negatively impacting the species. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Hundreds of Fisheries Local Action Groups (FLAGs) have emerged along the European Union coast trying to dynamize fisheries‐dependent areas through an approach based on community‐led local development (CLLD) strategies. In this research, we characterized and analyzed environmental projects funded by the FLAGs through the European Maritime and Fisheries Fund in Spain from 2014 to 2020. The Spanish Network of Fisheries Groups database allowed us to locate projects defined as environmental, which were then classified into six areas and different project typologies. Most projects were categorized by FLAGs as environmental but were really linked to tourism development. Moreover, true environmental projects were substantially lower in total cost than statistics showed. These conclusions should lead to a reflection on the role that FLAGs and European fisheries funds should play in environmental care of European coasts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why did Hong Kong protestors choose a symbol of former oppression – the old colonial flag – as a banner for their fight for democracy, rights and autonomy in 2019? We propose to answer this puzzle by studying the colonial-era flag as a displacement device. The waving of the colonial-era flag is shown to induce non-linear temporal and extraterritorial displacements, as well as contradictory interpretations of Hong Kong's core values, national sovereignty and cultural identity. The flag's displacements are amplified against the contested colonial history of the former British enclave. Conceptually, this pragmatic definition of the flag moves beyond approaches that study flags as representations of a structure of symbolic meaning. The flag is neither an unimportant prop nor is it a free-floating signifier; its materiality elicits significant political effects. Methodologically, this translates into an exploration of the flag's second-order agency. The old colonial-era Hong Kong flag, in combination with discourse and institutional arrangements, is shown to be integral to contentious politics. The flag and its displacements shed new light on a city uneasy with its past, dissatisfied with its present and uncertain about its future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political objects, like national flags, arouse emotions even when they are subliminal stimuli. Through two experiments that show subliminal stimuli to the subjects, this article analyzes if those emotions are positive or negative ones—that is to say, if they enhance an inclusive reaction or an excluding one. Besides, the article compares the intensity of the flag's emotional effect with that of the emoticons, which are figures intended to represent emotional reactions or states. Findings confirm that the Spanish flag, as a subliminal stimulus, influences the opinions of the participants. However, it has had a lower effect than that obtained in previous, similar experiments. Emoticons produce a much more intense type of response than flags. The experiments (n = 85; n = 126) enlarge the knowledge about the emotional effects of political objects of nonconscious perception. Besides, we present an original methodological contribution: the use of emoticons to alter political views. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary place branding practices face occasional pushback in the form of public rejection of the identity elements deployed as part of the brand. In United States municipalities, one important symbol – and one increasingly contested – is the city flag. The flag occupies a unique space outside the core group of identity elements that commonly form the iconography of a place brand and flag design or redesign efforts can be particularly emotive. Using a mixed methods approach, this study sought to identify trends in public preferences for civic flag design in the United States. Its findings reinforce the popular appeal of traditional practices in flag design, such as textless flags and simple composition, while outlining possible perils associated with market-oriented designs single-mindedly driven by a city's external concerns. These findings will be useful to the civic marketer as a grounding point from which a meaningful public discussion on the design, redesign, or retention of a city flag can be initiated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fisheries and coastal economies across Europe have witnessed substantial structural changes that have brought about challenges for territorial cohesion and social renewal within the fishing sector. Notably, there has been a disconnect between the industry and local communities, with fisheries largely producing commodities for wide‐ranging and often distant markets. In response, short food supply chains (SFSCs) are often an important element of the local development strategies of Fisheries Local Action Groups (FLAGs), being regarded as a possible mechanism for increasing added value and (re‐)localising the sector to aid territorial development. This article examines the conditions that lead to SFSCs having a higher market share in a FLAG area. Drawing on social capital theory, we employ a novel fuzzy‐set qualitative comparative analysis approach using survey data from FLAG managers from across Europe, in what is a first empirical attempt to apply the method in the context of community‐led local development. The analysis pays particular attention to the three dimensions of social capital—structural, normative‐cognitive and network governance—and finds that while different combinations of social capital can lead to a stronger presence of SFSCs, certain types of social capital are more conducive to SFSCs depending on the nature of territorial factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Maps with flags have securitized China's actions in Africa. This article combines spatial and cartographic analysis with securitization theory to test the role played by visual symbols in the securitization of the East African space and then compares this with on-the-ground realities. It finds that maps with flags have decisively securitized China's presence and actions in East Africa for state actors with antithetical interests. Despite valid security concerns, securitizing China in East Africa conflates presence with hegemony and, thus, willfully ignores the sovereignty and agency of African states and peoples and simplifies East Africa to a zone on the map of great power contestation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Anbar University for Law & Political Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Taking certain events as moments of synthesis of political crisis, this chapter considers the diverse symbolism behind the Cuban flag in its independence history, taking into account its diverse modern uses and the capacity to represent different and often contradictory positions. The flag represented an inclusive political unity at a time when the project of revolution was in crisis. This chapter aims to a) provide descriptions with a historical perspective of the ways in which national flags are used; b) generate anthropologically based explanations of the causes of the intensified use of national symbols in moments of exacerbated political conflict; and c) analyse conceptions of nationality associated with the meanings that members of different social groups give to flags. The structure of the chapter is as follows: 1) The use of the flag in the most important political parade in Cuba: May Day across a decade (2009 - 2019). 2) Reclaiming the homeland through the flag: Fidel’s death and moments of historical transcendence. 3) The flag in sport: Yulieski vs Orlando: sport, passion and nation. 4) History of the flag: a history of the struggle for independence. 5) Flag - Revolution - State: redefining the nation through its symbols. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we analyse the process of identity construction and reconstruction that is occurring on the coasts of southern Chile, in the framework of the formal creation of indigenous associations and communities, including the demands of indigenous peoples for marine coastal spaces. Through a study of ethnographic strategies and the specialist literature, we problematise the appearance of indigenous nomenclatures and symbolisms — in particular Mapuche flags — as a political-ideational correlate of this process. We point out that territorial demands in the marine coastal space of southern Chile possess an instrumental aspect that is superimposed on Mapuche identity narratives, and appears to derive more from deliberate political actions or projects than from a social memory anchored in a historical consciousness of indigenous life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of usages and functions of flags remains underdeveloped, and particularly in the Iberoamerican sphere. This monograph establishes empirical and theoretical foundations to give impulse to this area of research and to move forward in the analysis of the reasons why the presence of flags in the public sphere fluctuates — very abruptly on occasion. Beyond the relation this may have with the contested concept of nationalism, the fluctuating public prominence of flags constitutes an intriguing phenomenon that raises substantive questions about social dynamics, political communication, and individual and collective behaviours in diverse cultural spheres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines a recurrent and well documented social phenomenon: the usage of national flags is intensified in periods of social instability and in contexts of marked political polarisation. Through a critical review of theoretical efforts that opened avenues to explain this phenomenon, it identifies the main theoretical barriers that have prevented its convincing explanation. One of these barriers is sustained by theoretical perspectives that disregard the search for causalities in social analysis; another barrier is erected by theoretical decisions that detach the study of the function of political symbols from the the analysis of the morphological base of society, and from social conflict and power struggles. This article argues that the explanation of the intensified usage of flags in periods of instability requires a theorisation of the function of these symbols in relation to processes of recognition and (re) constitution of strucutures of social authority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes how the constitutional revolution of 1820 in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies was portrayed by contemporaries, who highlighted its success in a short period of time, using the metaphor of «electrical communication» to express the spreading capacity of the revolutionary message. Particular attention is paid to the individual and collective practices through which the military pronouncement of early July was disseminated and embraced at the local level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the inception of the Parade of Nations in London in 1908 to its latest instalment in Tokyo in 2020, billions have watched different generations of men and women entering the Olympic stadium carrying their nations' flags as national heroes. As a product of modern Western civilisation, the Olympic movement mirrors the advances of an increasingly global society towards socially progressive agendas or otherwise. The twentieth century's latter half was a period of profound and necessary changes in women's rights. Gender inclusion, however, does not mean gender equality. Such an ongoing gradual process can be catalysed by more women being represented in leading roles formerly exclusively reserved for men. A multi-method longitudinal study of twenty-six summer Olympic opening ceremonies was conducted to measure the historical development of the likelihood of women being selected to be (and be represented to international audiences as) the main protagonists in the Parades of Nations. The data shows that despite the growing number of female flag bearers, since Munich 1972, women have been more likely to appear as aesthetically appealing event hostesses than the leaders of their teams. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public displays of nationalism increased in Spain following the referendum on Catalan independence. We show that this is due to a change in norms rather than in preferences. Spanish nationalism was stigmatized due to its association with authoritarianism. The referendum generated out-group threat, giving individuals with nationalist views an incentive to display them. This updated perceptions about the strength of the antiauthoritarian norm, leading to its erosion. We collect a longitudinal data set of Spanish flags hanging from buildings and combine it with an original survey. Evidence shows that the Catalan crisis increased displays of the Spanish flag and that their proliferation follows a pattern of normative change. Flags also worked as a coordination mechanism for normative change: their display rendered them more acceptable and made right-wing individuals more comfortable to approve of Francoism explicitly. Our results highlight the role of social norms as drivers of political behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of MATRIZes is the property of Universidade de Sao Paulo, Programa de Pos Graduacao em Ciencias da Comunicacao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Tamoios is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Leonetto Cappiello può considerarsi il precursore della moderna pubblicità; seguendo il solco tracciato dai francesi Jules Cheret e Henri Toulouse-Lautrec, con brillante intuizione, Cappiello trova la risposta ai due problemi fondamentali del poster: leggibilità e riconoscimento. Per essere leggibile, il manifesto deve contenere solo l’essenziale, questo è ciò che l’autore chiama la ricerca della “macchia”. Per agevolare il riconoscimento, i colori utilizzati nel poster devono essere quelli che meglio colpiscono la retina, esaltando quindi la percezione delmessaggio. Ciò che crea un buon manifesto è inoltre la linea, che deve essere decisa e sintetica;questa deve integrarsi al meglio al colore; inoltre, i dettagli concorrono ad evidenziare e arricchirel’immagine. Il fondo scuro della scena è una novità introdotta da Cappiello, questo fa sì che i personaggi si staglino ed emergano dai fondali neri; gli abiti coloratissimi delle figure sono resiinoltre giocando con i contrasti dei colori complementari. A volte nei suoi manifesti, per evidenziarel’origine e la tipicità di un prodotto, Cappiello adotta scelte cromatiche che richiamino i colori delle bandiere nazionali, soprattutto per le reclame di prodotti italiani e francesi. Possiamo quindi affermare che il suo stile innovativo definisce il manifesto moderno e influenzerà tutti i cartellonistidelle generazioni successive.

What are the domestic consequences of symbolic conflict resolution? We isolate the effect of symbolic conflict by looking into a dispute with no material stakes (for one side), but high symbolic ones: the Prespa Agreement, which ended the dispute on the name of FYROM, thenceforth named North Macedonia. Greeks opposed this name because the ancient Macedonian heritage is central to their national identity. Based on social identity theory, we expect this threat to the group's distinctiveness to increase nationalist sentiment. Using an original dataset of flags displayed in the façade of buildings in Athens and Thessaloniki, which we compare to Lisbon, we find an increase in national flags in the Greek cities after the Agreement. The effect is stronger in Thessaloniki, Greek Macedonia's capital, where the identity threat was more pronounced. We also find that the treaty shifted voters to the right, especially those residing in the region of Macedonia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We consider flags E• = {X ⊃ E ⊃ {q}}, where E is an exceptional divisor defining a non-positive at infinity divisorial valuation νE of a Hirzebruch surface , q a point in E and X the surface given by νE, and determine an analogue of the Seshadri constant for pairs (νE, D), D being a big divisor on. The main result is an explicit computation of the vertices of the Newton-Okounkov bodies of pairs (E•, D) as above, showing that they are quadrilaterals or triangles and distinguishing one case from another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]