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During the presidency of Charles de Gaulle (1958-1969), state-led spatial planning transformed the Paris region. The aim of the Schéma directeur d'aménagement et d'urbanisme de la région de Paris (1965) was to improve urban life through modernization; but its scale and ambition meant that it came to represent the hubris of state power. This article examines the role of discourse and narrative in state planning. It explores the role of planning discourses in the production of space, as well as stories told about planning by the planners and those who live with their actions. It investigates perceptions of power in post-war France, placing the Gaullist view of the state as a force for good in the context of contemporary critiques of state power. Addressing the relationship between power, resistance, and critique, it sees the environments produced by spatial planning as complex objects of dispute, enmeshed in conflicting hopes and visions of the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social crisis of "May-June 1968" was part of a longer era of disruption and transformation in France. If much of the 1968 story is well known, we know less about how the events and their aftermath were experienced in various industrial sectors directly subject to the state's authority. To explore this territory, this article examines the aeronautical firms and chemical companies in the département of the Haute-Garonne. These two sectors exemplify contrasting industrial trajectories through the 1960s and 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relying on archives and testimonies, this article focuses on the emotions expressed by participants in the May–June 1968 events in France and treats those emotions as an object of inquiry in their own right. By exploring the emotional experience of politics from below, this essay demonstrates that emotions helped establish the crisis atmosphere of May '68 and shaped its unfolding dynamic. From joy aroused by the opening of a wide field of possibilities to propulsive anger, mutual hatred, and fear, emotions were at the core of the "protagonism" of people discovering their capacity to influence the course of history and of the antagonisms among political stakeholders. Thus the article emphasizes both the benefits of analyzing moments of crisis through the prism of emotions and the significance of crises for the study of emotions in the social sciences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Diane Kurys is known in French cinema for her popular, seemingly apolitical and "sentimental" films. Kurys's early films, however, chart a mode of historical consciousness, memory and temporality that alerts us to both the origins and afterlives of May '68. In the widely celebrated 1977 Diabolo menthe, set in 1963 just after the end of the Franco-AlgerianWar, and the 1980 commercial and critical flop Cocktail Molotov, which took May '68 as its subject, Kurys fictionalizes a meditation on the ways gender, sex and Jewishness have been at the heart of these event's politics for her. Through the figure of the jeune fille at the heart of her films, Kurys traces an ambivalent memory linking the specters of the Franco- Algerian war to those of World War II to map an ambivalent and gendered post-Holocaust French Jewish identity. For Kurys, finding meaning in May '68 means revealing how only sex constitutes a politics that can rearrange the ordering of bodies in a community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines changes in how the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs handled anti-Vietnam War protests in the period immediately following the May-June 1968 uprisings. Through a study of the Quai dOrsay Asie-Océanie archives along with American Embassy and CIA documents, the article adds to research on French domestic protest activity and expands understanding of the philo-American shift in French foreign policy following May. In its emphasis on how foreign policy affected domestic experience, the article argues for the importance of situating May globally to evaluate its full impact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is provided to articles within the issue on the theme of 1968 with topics, including France's relationship with the Vietnam War, emotions of radicals and conservatives in 1968 France and cultural transfer between Germany and France in 1968.

The Vietnam War made May '68 possible. The war prompted young radicals to experiment with new forms of struggle, reinvent radical internationalism and ultimately embrace revolution. Transnational exchanges and a changing political conjuncture pushed some radicals to argue that the best way to aid their Vietnamese comrades abroad was to bring the war home to France. Their efforts to translate the exemplary struggles in Vietnam into a domestic idiom helped trigger the events of May '68. Seen in this transnational context, May '68 was one front among many in a broader, worldwide anti-imperialist struggle, led primarily by the Vietnamese. In France, Vietnam became a universal symbol of revolt, supercharging other struggles, while radicals elsewhere were inspired to translate the French May into their own national contexts. This article shows just how profoundly Vietnam shaped the radical imaginary of the "68 years". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the economic transformations under the surface turbulence of political crises in France. The transformation led to the establishment of a personal dictatorship by General De Gaulle. These developments started under the Fourth Republic that have converted France from a conservative society of industrialists having the lowest rate of economic growth in Europe into a rapidly growing nation. Through their ambitious economic planning on a national scale, a growing base of scientific research, and a growing readiness to use new technologies have contributed to their national growth.

This article offers new insights about the demonstrations organized by the FLN's Fédération de France in October 1961. Thousands of Algerians rallied in Paris streets to protest against a discriminatory curfew. The French police repressed these demonstrations with shootings and other lethal practices. Dozens of demonstrators were killed in one of the most brutal massacres perpetrated in Western Europe after the Second World War. Since the end of the 1980s, historians and activists proposed narratives of these events that mainly portray the Algerians as victims of a colonial repression that should be recognized by French authorities. But these demonstrations were also a moment of national pride for Algerians who had emigrated to France. They contributed to the political battle for Algerian independence through the echoes given by the international press: French authorities were challenged in Paris streets and they recognized they lost a symbolic battle. The reports written by men and women who demonstrated provide the main archival materials for a new narrative focused on the political agency of Algerian immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The French stock market crisis of 1961–67 was the biggest of the twentieth century after that of the 1930s. Using the new stock index (historical CAC 40), it is possible to get a fair idea of its amplitude and detail its chronology. The possibility is considered that the crisis of the 1960s was more of a market correction after the bull run of the 1950s. The fall of the stock prices is an adjustment to the abrupt halt of the growth of dividends, the potential impacts of internal political choices and of the structural characteristics of the French stock market during this period are also investigated. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article explores the policies that the French government pursued to house repatriates from Algeria in 1962. These initiatives took place in the context of a French society overwhelmed by eight years of war, OAS terrorism that sought to overthrow the established order in metropolitan France, and the arrival of more than 600,000 people during the spring and the summer of 1962, a migration that challenged the social and economic balance of the country. To spare the repatriates the need to settle in shantytowns that would have put them on the fringe of society, the government opened collective housing and other centres d'hébergement. These efforts served the purpose of a policy of integration established through the 26 December 1962 law for people who were paradoxically both migrants and members of the national community. This policy in fact helped facilitate their integration into the metropolitan society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The French government placed 20,000 of the approximately 100,000 harkis repatriated to France following the Algerian War in the Rivesaltes camp. Located in rural French Catalonia, it had previously lodged foreigners and French citizens whom the government removed from society. The decision to house the harkis in this camp, made during summer 1962 as the French government extricated itself from its 132-year empire in Algeria, symbolized that they were aliens: Berber and Arab repatriates, nearly all of whom obtained French nationality shortly after they arrived in France, were targeted by government housing policies that distanced them from public view. The camp's architecture, living conditions, isolation from French citizens, military oversight, and 'reeducation' classes, beyond functioning as powerful symbols, reinforced-and contributed to-the government's treatment of the harkis as aliens. Over the twenty-seven months it remained open, Rivesaltes fostered an exilic existence for these harkis and socially excluded them from French society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against recent scholarship that has examined Algerian women's roles as partisans in the colonial war (1954-62), this article highlights a small but diverse segment of women who entered into the politics of decolonization as French citizens rather than as anticolonial nationalists. Given equal citizenship in 1958, these women took seriously French efforts aimed at the political integration of the Muslim Algerian population as a peaceful solution to the Algerian War. As self-professed françaises musulmanes, or as "French Muslim" citizens, these women advanced a platform highlighting Muslim women's social rights rather than national independence suggesting, often directly, that the French state could better guarantee their equality than male nationalists. The article situates their civic demands as an expression of a nascent grassroots feminism and proceeds with an examination of women's critique of the secular, consumer-oriented model of gendered citizenship offered to them by the French Fifth Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the anti-Vietnam War activism of a group of American expatriates in France, the Paris American Committee to Stopwar (PACS), from its formation in 1966 to its dissolution in 1968. Using oral history and archival research, the article uses PACS’ history to further recent studies focusing on the Vietnam War as a global event. Through an evaluation of how PACS dealt with Communism, networking, military deserters and the French government, the article demonstrates how being in France benefited and limited anti-war activism while also highlighting changes in French governmental attitudes post-May 1968. In so doing, the article showcases the significance of location in determining how anti-war protest plays out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the concept of French exceptionalism. The authors argue that the emergence of the fifth republic in France has been accompanied by an overhaul of its social-political narrative. Turning its back upon the failures of the previous republic, the country, led by President Charles de Gaulle, embarked upon an arduous mission whose aim was to redefine the essence and nature of French universalism, and to renegotiate the country's stance in global affairs. Themes discussed include French politics, higher education, and feminist activism. It is concluded that the above, far from being confined to theoretical debates, had a real impact on French policies and policy-making.

The article presents an examination into the "Plan de Constantine," the French colonial administrative plan for Algeria during the 1950s instated by President Charles De Gaulle to develop the African nation. Discussion is offered outlining the vision and initiatives of the plan. Further details are addressed regarding the historical context of the government program, noting its existence as a late-Imperial action in the post-war era.

The article focuses on European mass media discourse during the May 1968 protests in Paris, France and across Europe. The author explores the political and media debate, considers the most referenced values and themes and examines the European dimension of references in the transnational discourse during the period of May 18 to May 27, 1968. He argues that the debate in British, French and German mass media centered on values and themes such as democracy and solidarity but was mostly independent of a European-centric connection.

The article presents an examination of the relations between France and Hungary during the years 1963-1968 when Hungary undertook an effort to reestablish their international relations and foreign policy goals. It also examines how France, under President Charles de Gaulle, was trying to establish a new policy towards Eastern Europe during this time. The author notes that the period yielded valuable cultural developments, but economic and trade developments proved to be elusive.

Copyright of Parlement(s) is the property of Classiques Garnier Numerique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents abstracts on politics in France and West Germany including the political crisis of May 1968 in France, interventions of the Républicains indépendants deputies during the parliamentary debates in May 1968, and debates about the antiestablishment student movement in West Germany in 1968.

Copyright of Parlement(s) is the property of Classiques Garnier Numerique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Parlement(s) is the property of Classiques Garnier Numerique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Parlement(s) is the property of Classiques Garnier Numerique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Parlement(s) is the property of Classiques Garnier Numerique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Parlement(s) is the property of Classiques Garnier Numerique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Parlement(s) is the property of Classiques Garnier Numerique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the political and social development in the Fifth French Republic during the regime of Charles de Gaulle. It explores de Gaulle's views that led him to oppose the European Defense Community (EDC), particularly his views regarding France's independence from external control. Moreover, it examines the legacy left by de Gaulle in European policy, which according to the author is simply a set of behaviors and belief designed to create the illusion of control.

In the opinion of the author, who lived the episode and took part in the events, the student' movement of May 1968 that has given origin to so many writings and discussions has been considerably mythicized in order to give it certain scopes and contents not present in those who happened to be involved in these days of protest. This article is a claim for the truth with respect to some episodes intended to be no more than a pacific, joyful and youthful demonstration, a proposal against an exaggerated repression from the government of the moment in turn excessively nervous in view of other parallel events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]