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"Les camps de regroupement en Algérie: Une histoire des déplacements forcés (1954–1962)" by Fabien Sacriste is a meticulously researched history of the forced relocation of Algeria's rural population by the French military between 1954 and 1962. The author examines the bureaucratic infighting and difficult relationships between French military and civil authorities during this period. The book also explores the negative connotations associated with the term "camp de regroupement" and the government's response to the displacement of Algerians. The author sheds light on the relationship between military tactics and modernization efforts in Algeria, as well as the long-lasting impact of the forced relocations. [Extracted from the article]

This paper presents an account of Jaysh al-Tahrir (Liberation Army) in the Sahara, an anticolonial insurgency from the late 1950s. Occurring after Moroccan independence, the Liberation Army's aims were at once irredentist, in surpassing Morocco's borders, and anticolonial, in attacking French and Spanish military outposts dotting colonial borders across the western Sahara. While histories of this movement have largely been coopted, erased, or marginalised by nationalist narratives and processes of Sahrawi, Moroccan, Mauritanian and Algerian state formation, the afterlives of the Liberation Army continue to haunt the region's political present. This paper argues that the history of the Liberation Army reveals multiple dynamics of Maghrebi decolonisation. The first involves the complex relations of autonomy and dependence between Maghrebi and Saharan peoples that challenge the border-making processes of nation-state formation. The second shows the nonsynchronous dimension to decolonisation in the Maghreb and Sahara, raising questions about when decolonisation ended. With these insights, the MLA defies methodological nationalism and also complicates the global turn in decolonisation historiography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the 'guerre des mémoires' that has defined the memorial landscape surrounding the Algerian War and seen it mired it in a competitive memory dynamic that Benjamin Stora terms 'une surenchère victimaire'. It argues that since the fiftieth anniversary of independence in 2012 there are signs of attempts to move beyond the impasse. Drawing on the work of Jacques Rancière, Chantal Mouffe and Anna Cento Bull, the article examines two recent plays that adopt contrasting approaches to the aim of representing conflicting experiences of the war. Et le cœur fume encore features elements of Rancerian thought, emphasising the multiplicity of conflicting experiences, and interrupting viewer empathy through distancing techniques that disengage actor from character to defer empathetic engagement until the full complexity of post-war experience is made available. In contrast, Les Pieds tanqués works to create an entente between audience and characters that emphasises not only division but also the culture and humour that unites protagonists from different backgrounds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, most research on the long '68 has underlined the importance of connections between the First World and the Third World. This article takes one of these intertwined histories into account: the one that ties ETA to the Algerian FLN. More specifically, it focuses on the strategy of political defence used in some of the trials against ETA members and their inspiration in previous FLN processes. The research pays particular attention to the Burgos Trial of December 1970, which was one of the most notable events in Europe's long '68. In Spain, the protests against this court martial marked a turning point in the pathway of the Franco regime. At the same time, the trial inspired an exceptional expression of international solidarity. The article stresses the key role played during the Burgos Trial – and before – by several left-wing lawyers from Spain and France. Their collective experiences and personal trajectories show the relevance of transnational interconnections and illustrate the different genealogies of the idea of political defence, based mainly on communist and anticolonial struggles. Despite pointing out the importance of these exchanges, the research also emphasizes some of their limits and contradictions, something that previous studies have insufficiently addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Albert Camus has been at the centre of a long and bitter controversy for his positions on the Algerian war. Accused of being a colonialist, marked by Eurocentrism and/or a de facto supporter of imperialism, he in fact joined the struggle for decolonization from his earliest steps in politics, untethering it, however, from any nationalist perspective. This essay delineates the formation of Camusian position on the Algerian crisis, its turning points and the path followed in this regard from the late 1930s to the late 1950s, seeking to reveal his perspective of a decolonial federalism that would simultaneously transform Europe and Africa in order to establish a political community in which there would be neither dominant nor dominated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 18 December 1965, a little over a month after Rhodesia's Unilateral Declaration of Independence, Algeria broke off diplomatic relations with the United Kingdom, in protest at the Labour Government's decision not to use force against the white minority government in Salisbury. On one level, the diplomatic break seemed of secondary importance, and by the time relations resumed in April 1968, there had been no significant change in Britain's or Algeria's position on Rhodesia. However, as this article argues, the management of Britain's relations with Algeria between 1965 and 1968 sheds important light on the place and views of Africa in Labour and diplomatic circles, at a time of decolonisation, of a second, unsuccessful, application to the EEC and of the creation of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. The article focuses on four areas of policy in turn: the place of Rhodesia in Anglo-Algerian relations; the influence of Labour contacts on the management of relations with Algeria; the influence of the crisis on Britain's relations with the French in Africa and the impact of Franco-British exchanges on the evolution of British views and interests; and finally, the shifting place of Algeria in British diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

France's colonial history in Algeria has been the subject of "Memory Wars" since the end of the 1990s. Culminating in 2012 at the fiftieth anniversary of the Algerian War (1954–1962), these Memory Wars contributed to numerous publications about every aspect of Algeria. Large format coffee-table photographic books (beaux livres), as well as paperbacks full of collected memories of the colonial years and the war, from both French and Algerians, flooded French bookshops. In this article, I engage with the concepts of competitive, hoarded, and multidirectional memory to demonstrate how French memorial books that are especially photo driven appear to place war on display, but, at the same time, bury difficult and traumatic memory. The research examines three French memorial books published between 2010 and 2012, leading up to the fiftieth anniversary of Algerian independence, and addresses how traumatic memories are recuperated and still hidden within texts that attempt to fill a memorial void. Despite book titles that claim to examine the memories of war, within the books, Algeria often remains a beautiful, peaceful, and nostalgic backdrop. War is not clearly depicted in the images but emerges in accompanying descriptive texts. In light of France's establishment of the Truth and Memory Commission on the Algerian War in 2022, I examine how diverse versions of the past come into dialogue with each other, while individual memorial books continue to crowd out unspeakable violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This analysis applies theories of recognition explicated by Frantz Fanon, Nancy Fraser, and Pierre Bourdieu towards the semiotic analysis of Le Joli Mai (1963), The Battle of Algiers (1966), and La Haine (1995). This article argues that embodied affective histories (constituting the habitus) seek to be validated and recognised at the level of the individual, the collective group identity, and the nation-state. The films analysed constitute attempts at recognition within the global Bourdieusian field of cinema through means of semiotic communication. In doing so, this project hopes to analyse film from a social action perspective, focusing on the effects of the film with audience interaction in mind, and how toexplain the role audiences and publics have within the conceptualisation and execution of semiotic communication within the context of a postcolonial film. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There would be a suggestion of a "white saviour narrative" in this development if Gildas had not already been introduced in Part I of the narrative and if the character had not been as well-rounded as all of Khadra's characters tend to be in I Les Vertueux i . I Les Vertueux i is not a novel about the Algerian War of Independence, but in moments such as this, Khadra foreshadows the rebellion that is still to come. I Les Vertueux i is the latest novel by the prolific and highly acclaimed author Yasmina Khadra ( I nom de plume i of Mohammed Moulessehoul). [Extracted from the article]

The well-known Algerian intellectual Mohammed Harbi has famously said that while most states have an army, in Algeria the army has a state. What Arezki shows in great detail is that the armed forces were already intent on building a professional army that would become the core institution of the Algerian state. When Saphia Arezki began her research into the Algerian army, many people told her that her task was impossible, so secretive and opaque was the institution in question. [Extracted from the article]

In the territories of the Russian Empire populated by the Latvians, the years of the First World War (1914–1918) and the ensuing Latvian War of Independence (1918–1920) witnessed a significant transformation in the discourse on family planning and birth control. Because men were mobilized, there was a marked fall in the number of registered marriages, which meant that women had only a slim chance of marrying and planning a family. The nation's ideologues faced a challenge: how to restrain Latvian women from marriages and casual relationships with soldiers of the multi-ethnic Russian army and the occupying German army, who had been stationed in the Latvian-populated provinces since 1915, these having been separated by the battlefront. Women's demographic behavior was changing, with sexual life beginning before marriage, giving rise to a phenomenon of casual liaisons. Latvian nationalists, seeking to prevent such casual relationships in the name of the future they imagined for their people, promoted sexual restraint, which became at this time one of the strategies of the nation-building process. This article examines the wartime possibilities for marriage and the family planning associated with it and investigates the discourse of the propaganda of sexual restraint that was maintained and developed by Latvian nationalists, looking at their assessment of the situation and the principles they formulated for the appropriate (non-) use of sexuality, which in that context acted as a birth control instrument. The article looks at the role of abortion as a traditional means of birth control, and how the wartime conditions affected the number of children born outside of marriage. The research is based mainly on analyses of press materials, statistical data, and archival documents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Battle of Algiers (1966) is often considered one of the most important films in the history of cinema produced during the 1960s as well as a quintessential anticolonial film. This article analyzes the making of Gillo Pontecorvo's film and the cultural and political conditions that made The Battle of Algiers possible. It focuses on the interactions between Italy and Algeria in the 1950s and 1960s, other projects dealing with the Algerian war, and subsequent Algerian-Italian films produced as a consequence of the successful industrial model used for The Battle of Algiers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the massacre of peaceful Algerian demonstrators by French police on October 17, 1961, has been thoroughly studied by historians and is well known to the general public thanks to a sprawling corpus of novels, plays, songs, films, bandes dessinées, and other retrospective representations, to date there has been no careful archaeology of the event's original audiovisual archive from 1961. This article takes up that challenge in two stages: first, by identifying the photos and newsreel footage shot on the night of October 17, specifying the circumstances of their production, (non)distribution, and impact in the immediate aftermath of the massacre; second, by surveying how key elements of the original archive were recycled over the following sixty years to serve in turn as surrogates for and complements to other sources of knowledge about this infamous and long‐dissimulated crime d'état. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a quantitative study of 3000 young French people aged 18 to 25 and qualitative interviews conducted with grandchildren of families affected by the Algerian war, this research proposes an exploration of young people's memory of this very controversial past in French society. It demonstrates that family history and politicization are both vectors of knowledge and interest in this history. However, if family history simply explains a greater interest in this history, the judgement on the past and its actors remains determined by young people's political orientations. Issues of otherness and negative perceptions of Algerians, Muslims, and Arabs are at the heart of this contemporary political cleavage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the memoirs of three former militants who, in the later years of their lives, reflect on the significance of their participation in the anticolonial struggle: Louisette Ighilahriz at 64, Zohra Drif at 79, Yamina Cherrad Bennaceur at 81. I choose these three memoirs because each recounts a remarkable journey to empowerment and when brought together they emphasize the collective nature of the liberation struggle. Drif played a prominent role in the war as a 'poseuse de bombes' during the Battle of Algiers, Ighilahriz was a courier for the FLN, Bennaceur a nurse in the maquis. My intent in this article is to study their memoirs as historical artefacts that depict a collective anticolonial struggle and as chronicles of personal struggle in time of war. I test the premise that the three chroniclers looking back on the past confirm that their participation in the liberation struggle was transformative. Their courage and resilience tested, the young women emerged empowered. Yet, the war experience was traumatic, and each memoir reveals the trauma endured, and by articulating that trauma, hopefully helps heal psychological wounds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the ethics of representation in Franco-Algerian filmmaker Rachid Bouchareb's short 2019 documentaries Louisette and Annie, which highlight the participation of mujahidat (female militants) Louisette Ighilahriz and Annie Fiorio-Steiner in the 1954–1962 war of independence from the French. Given how much these women suffered (including under torture) during the war, how to convey their experiences in an ethical manner is a central concern. Bouchareb achieves an ethical balance between avoiding voyeurism and bearing testimony to these women's suffering and active agency through using film techniques that approach his protagonists with respect, a central feature of his ethical cinema. He also relies on techniques that enhance spectatorial identification with the protagonists through triggering emotional responses. I identify and detail specific formal and thematic choices he made to highlight the past's continuing relevance to the present and to centre women's experiences, voices, and bodies. The films finally honour mujahidat (almost a decade after Bouchareb's male-centred epic film Hors la loi). Seeking to both stage and remedy the difficult anamnesis of the war, they bring memories together and carry messages about the need to always fight against injustice that are relevant on both sides of the Mediterranean, sixty years later. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the approach of the sixtieth anniversary of the Evian Accords that brought an end to the Algerian War, France's president, Emmanuel Macron, commissioned the historian, Benjamin Stora, to prepare a report on the evolution of relations between the two countries since the independence of Algeria. Stora, born in Algeria in 1950, is one of the most productive French historians of the Algerian nationalist movement, author of many studies of the wartime period and its aftermath. Relations between the two countries have often been strained, and observers note that there has been little reconciliation of the traumas of colonisation and the exodus of the European pied-noir population in 1962. Predictably the Stora Report has proved controversial. The paper will analyse the context, the content, and the reception of the report on the two shores of the Mediterranean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Avec Algérie ! Algérie ! (2007), Éric Michel retrace des évènements de la guerre d'Algérie, en Algérie comme en France, de 1954 jusqu'aux massacres d'octobre 1961 à Paris. Cette naturalisation de l'Histoire collective par la fiction rejoint le roman historique où « l'événement est objet de récit » (Ricœur) et l'écriture « raconte » l'Histoire en transformant la fiction en discours liminal, un discours ambigu qui « brouille la ligne de partage » entre fiction et Histoire (Rancière). L'analyse recense les différentes formes d'archives qui constituent la base de l'écriture et permettent au lecteur d'historiciser les éléments du récit qui sont liés à l'Histoire de l'Algérie. Pour Alice Zeniter, L'art de perdre (2017a) n'a pas pour motivation de raconter la guerre d'Algérie mais d'« écrire un roman qui soit une trajectoire de migration » (2017b) sur trois générations. L'enquête de Naïma sur ses origines algériennes sur Internet, en bibliothèque, chez les historiens, fait de la fiction une « anarchive » (« une alternative aux archives officielles », Brozgal) où l'alliance entre mémoire, postmémoire et écriture de fiction « renvoie[nt] à une manière de 'faire l'histoire' » (Certeau). Les deux romans se conjuguent pour faire de l'anarchive un complément de l'archive dans l'écriture d'une Histoire « vivante ». [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines geopolitical responses to postcolonial films on the Internet Movie Database (IMDb). Maghrebi-French films Days of Glory (French: Indigenes) (2006), Outside the Law (French: Hors la loi) (2010) and Free Men (French: Les hommes libres) (2011) collectively re-tell Algerian histories of resistance and anti-colonialism in the Second World War and the Algerian War of Independence, using Hollywood combat and gangster genre to do so. This paper finds that the specific temporal and spatial narratives of (post)colonial France and Algeria are transformed and read geopolitically as allegories of more familiar conflict, namely the War on Terror, the Arab Spring and Israel-Palestine. Drawing on the fields of postcolonial theory and popular geopolitics, this article extends the scope of popular geopolitics to consider postcolonial film and its reception as a site of geopolitical contestation. In doing so, this article highlights how the reception of 'foreign-language' postcolonial stories in the Anglosphere is mediated by popular geopolitical frames of reference, and is dependent on the context of reception and (post)colonial power relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how photographs of women taken by Marc Garanger during his army service in Algeria (1960–1962) have become sites of multiple, often competing mnemonic projections. At the height of the Algerian War of Independence, Garanger produced nearly two thousand identity photographs of those displaced by the French army from villages to detention camps. The photographs of women are some of the most cited images from the war, having been popularised through Garanger's own photobooks. They are either read as strictly exploitative or, following Garanger's narrative, as bearing witness to Algerian suffering. The article departs from attempts to fix the 'true' meaning of these images and examines their afterlives, while reflecting upon the hyper-visibility of women as images. It discusses newly recovered archival material, alongside Garanger's decision to return to Algeria in 2004, revealing inconsistencies in Garanger's carefully crafted narrative and reflecting upon the speculative futures of these contested images. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The city of Algiers experienced during the Algerian war a disproportionate increase of bidonvilles. This term, which was firstly used in the Maghreb in the late 30’s (Descloitres, 1961), represented the living conditions of the poorest indigenous populations. At CIAM 9 of 1953, ClAM-Algiers group made a remarkable presentation of the bidonville Mahieddine. By representing Algerian silhouettes through the Modulor, the goal was to seek in the vernacular and popular culture a way to renew modernity (Abram, 1999). This meticulous work gave birth to a sketch of the Muslim home cell. The latter was tested and experimented in various applications but had its climax through the housing programs of the “Plan of Constantine”. In this paper, we will try to understand how urban processes shape the territory and how this Plan dating from 1958 participated in the mutation of the Algerian landscape through the social housing experimentation carried out principally by the modern movement architects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Republic of Türkiye gave up the ideal of establishing a national defense industry, which it had set as a target since the War of Independence, due to the failure of the investments made since 1923 for different reasons and the military aid that came after 1947. The emergence of the USSR threat pushed Türkiye to become an ally with the USA after the war, and in 1952, Türkiye came under the protection umbrella of NATO. In this period, the conditional weapons aid from the US, in particular, caused Türkiye to experience an illusion of security. After the decision to intervene in Cyprus in 1964, with the letter sent by US President Johnson, Türkiye became aware of its illusory state. One of the reasons for delaying the Cyprus intervention for 10 years was the notification to Türkiye that the use of US-origin weapons would not be tolerated to intervene in Cyprus. Türkiye understood that it was impossible to rely on foreign weapons to realize national interests in this period, and the national defense industry, which has continued its development until today, re-adopted its founding goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes as its starting point the use of fire as a political metaphor by Algerians who participated in the Screening Violence research project; it emerged in these discussions as a trope of struggle and conflict in Algeria. In part, this political imaginary has been influenced by France, where fire has historically represented freedom and resistance to unjust powers. However, this inheritance has not been received passively in Algeria, and its irony in a colonial context contributes to a complex relationship with tropes of resistance in Algerian cultural and social discourse. We therefore trace a genealogy of the trope of fire which acknowledges the inevitable and significant contribution of the French political imaginary to the Algerian, but which also recognises the distinct cultural modes of resistance taken up by Algerian artists and political activists themselves, from the Algerian Revolution of 1954 to the Hirak protests of 2019. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates how the concept of 'conscience' emerged as a battleground within the French Catholic Church and as a politicized concept with implications for ideas about human rights. State-sponsored torture during the Algerian War (1954–62) prompted dissident Christians to pioneer the use of 'individual conscience' as a tool of resistance. The Christians of the anti-torture movement embraced the theologically informed language of conscience alongside a French, secular tradition of rights drawn from the 1789 Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen. The way that Catholic dissidents thought about rights transcended the secular–religious divide; while recognizing a liberal concept of rights coming out of the French Revolution, these Catholics also insisted upon the spiritual function of individual conscience as a check upon the state. Intra-Catholic debates about conscience thus reveal the political and theological diversity within mid-twentieth-century Christianity, long assumed to have been dominated by actors on the political right, as well as the multiplicity of coexisting ways of speaking about and interpreting human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The deconstruction of the 'War of Independence' (1808–1814) as a Spanish nationalist myth was a necessary step in advancing our knowledge of the history of the Age of Revolutions in Spain and of Spanish nation-building itself. However, it set aside those who had in fact experienced those events through a genuine Spanish nationalized lens. Using a corpus of autobiographical sources written between the 1780s and the 1830s, this paper argues that political concepts of Spanish nationhood were already available before the liberal revolution unleashed by the French invasion, that anti-liberals used the language of nationhood in their ego-documents too, and that ideas of independence and constitution pervaded social cleavages and ideological divides. Arguably, then, the War of Independence had both mythical and real dimensions in terms of the history of national identities. Therefore, the great issue in nineteenth-century Spanish nation-building would have not been a congenital 'lack' or 'weakness' of nationhood but an intense cultural war for its definition along political lines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented which explores the radiological legacy of the nuclear bomb detonations carried out by the French military in the early 1960s in the region now called the Algerian Sahara. Topics discussed include the construction of chemical and atomic weapons sites by the French military during the French-Algerian War, the independence from France gained by Algeria following the conflict, and the economic cost of the nuclear imperial violence in the region.

In the wake of Algeria's "black decade" of violence in the 1990s, references to a star (or nedjma in Arabic) came to be inscribed and contextualised within a diverse range of novels. Its function varies but seems in every case to prompt a reflection on Algeria's revolutionary past and its uncertain present. Such novels include Malika Mokeddem, Les Hommes qui marchent (1999), Salim Bachi, Le Chien d'Ulysse (2001), Mourad Djebel, Les Sens interdits (2001), Aziz Chouaki, L'Étoile d'Alger (2002) and Mustapha Benfodil, Archéologie du chaos (amoureux) (2007). These novelists draw upon the emblematic power of the star and its centrality to a symbolic condensation of the nation and its revolutionary struggle given form by Kateb Yacine in his novel Nedjma (1956), which was published during the Algerian War of Independence (1954–62). In juxtaposing these two periods – the one anticolonial and the other postcolonial – we can reflect on how the aesthetics and creative processes of the earlier period are reworked in order to prompt agency. In this way, such novels suggest that anticolonial aesthetics can serve not only to think about decolonization but also about the failures, if not the failure, of the postcolonial state. At the same time, the postcolonial state continues to draw upon that same symbolic reservoir to reassert its political legitimacy. How writers and artists rework, resist or appropriate the aesthetics of Algeria's revolution, creating a dialectic of past and present, is central to this essay. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chronique d'un été (Chronicle of a Summer , Edgar Morin and Jean Rouch, 1961) fails to make a clear statement concerning the controversial Franco-Algerian War (1954–1962) and its associated torture, terrorism, and draft. This article explores the reasons for Chronique d'un été 's ambivalence before unearthing Algérie, année zéro (Algeria, year zero, 1962), a virtually unknown documentary filmed two months after the war by an activist couple featured in Chronique d'un été , Marceline Loridan and Jean-Pierre Sergent. Using Jacques Derrida's term différance , I argue that the films overlap, contradict, and parallel each other to reveal the French Left's evolving relationship with Algeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Algerian cultural production over the past twenty years or so has in large part woven narratives from the warp of the décennie noire and the weft of the Algerian Revolution or War of Independence. It mentions historical events continue to be dominant features within cultural production, the relationship of writers and filmmakers to the War of Independence has shifted from experience to received memory.

The article reports that the Museum of Modern Art of Algiers staged a group exhibition that featured photography from the Algerian War of Independence. Topics include considered images taken by professional and amateur Algerian photographers were placed alongside those by international and French image makers, revealing the broader networks of visual production during the war and examines fought between the National Liberation Front and the French colonial state, the Algerian War of Independence holds a prolific place within histories of decolonization due to its excessive violence and impact on other liberation movements on the continent.

On July 5, 2021, Algeria celebrated the fifty-ninth anniversary of her independence. The eight-year war, which broke out on November 1, 1954, cost the country much blood and resulted in 1.5 million deaths. This article looks at this page of history. My objective is to show why the Algerians took up arms, and to reexamine the conflict between the French philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre and the Algeria-born philosopher Albert Camus in light of the War of Independence. I argue that the friendship between the two philosophers can be seen as one casualty of this war, a friendship that had no chance of surviving given their different approaches to justice. Whereas for Sartre, justice was in no manner exclusive of freedom; for Camus, it was all that the Arabs needed, any demand for freedom being solely the work of a few militants "without any political culture." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

History, like fiction, is a narrative interpretation of events, and its writing or telling of the past is always mediated from a present position. The narratological turn in historical discourse from the 1960s challenged the assumption that accounts of the past were the objective accumulation of documented facts and emphasized the ideological mediation of historiography. With a focus on Roland Barthes's poststructuralist theory of myth as a hermeneutic structure for historical interpretation, this article argues that demythologization is less an elimination of ideological structures than an illumination; a counter- or re-mythologization that perpetuates interpretative work. As a demythologizing critique of Charles de Gaulle's myth of post-Occupation resistancialism, Michel Déon's Les Poneys sauvages (1970/2010) undermines the myth of a unanimous and united France and opens up spaces of ambiguity and subjectivity that reveal interpretative conflicts over the historical narratives of the Second World War and the Algerian War of Independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the history of specialized social housing for North African families living in shantytowns in Marseille from the early 1950s to the mid-1970s. During the Algerian War, social housing assistance formed part of a welfare network that exclusively sought to "integrate" Algerian migrants into French society. Through shantytown clearance and rehousing initiatives, government officials and social service providers encouraged shantytown-dwelling Algerian families to adopt the customs of France's majority White population. Following the Algerian War, France moved away from delivering Algerian-focused welfare and instead developed an expanded immigrant welfare network. Despite this shift, some officials and social service providers remained fixated on the presence and ethno-racial differences of Algerians and other North Africans in Marseille's shantytowns. Into the mid-1970s, this fixation shaped local social assistance and produced discord between the promise and implementation of specialized social housing that hindered shantytown-dwelling North African families' incorporation into French society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses patterns of what I will call de-colonial gazing in Slanted Kisses (1962): a short film directed by two European settlers, in and around Algiers, during the Algerian War (1954–1962). As a means of departure, I identify two types of de-colonial gaze that I argue are crucial to the politics of Slanted Kisses: 'the amorous gaze' (linked to a desire to forget about conflict, and to retreat into Eurocentric solitude); and 'the panoramic gaze' (linked to a desire to control the colonial landscape, transforming it into a visual spectacle). In the third section of the article, I then examine the allegorical imaginary at play in Slanted Kisses – anchored in visual idioms of light and darkness – before concluding with some thoughts on how this allegory functions in relation to the history of decolonization in Algeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the mass demonstrations that rocked Algiers in December 1960, a major turning point in the Algerian Revolution that precipitated negotiations for independence. The (rather limited) scholarly discussions of these demonstrations centre on the question of whether they were spontaneous or organised. Instead of weighing in on either side of this debate, I use the events of December 1960 as an opportunity to unpack what we understand as 'spontaneous' and 'organised' collective action. I argue that the demonstrations were spontaneous insofar as they were not planned in advance. They were also organised on the ground through the deliberate and coherent actions of the inhabitants of Algiers. Drawing on interviews conducted with Algerians who participated in the demonstrations, this paper demonstrates that the Algerian 'masses' understood much more about the political dynamics of the war than they have been given credit for. They acted autonomously and purposefully to liberate themselves. The paper opens with an examination of demonstrators' reasons for participating in December 1960, their goals and tactics, and the role of the National Liberation Front (FLN) in these extraordinary mass demonstrations. This discussion of the spontaneous organising of the December 1960 demonstrations leads us to re-examine, in turn, our understanding of the FLN as an organisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This anide wants only to present an imperfect panorama on what the cinema have produced on the Algerian war (1954-1962). The cinema haven't done a great number of film on this topic, but a very interesting series of movies into 1961 and 2011. The films, above all frenchs and italians, except Les centurions (or The lost command, known in Italy as Né onore né Gloria, 1966) by Mark Robson, a French-American co-production, have reponed the methods used by the French army to reprime the Algerian rebellion of the F.L.N., including torture, but too all the French ambiguities on this vain and colonialist war in delay during the time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The bilingualism of The Battle of Algiers is one of the film's most salient characteristics, yet it is mostly absent from the literature. The use of two languages within the film creates disjuncture in its textual fabric, disjuncture in places that do not always align with neat French/Algerian fault-lines. The alternating use of French and Algerian Arabic exists in productive tension with a unity of perspective that the film offers the viewer, revealing the difficulty of holding together and making narrative sense of the historical moment that constitutes its subject matter, the eponymous Battle of Algiers, at the time at which the film was produced, in the newly independent Algeria of the mid-1960s. The representation of the FLN's unity and legitimacy as the sole representative of the will of the people paints over historical divisions, but the irrepressible force of the Algerian masses frequently de-centres the FLN, a fact revealed in the film's linguistic make-up. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The archives of the Secretariat General for African and Malagasy Affairs (1958-1974) include a variety of documents on French intelligence in a post-war era marked by decolonisation. Among them is a 6-page long table synthesising information on 38 paramilitary operations conducted or cancelled from January 1956 to March 1958, as well as nine additional operations that were 'in preparation' at the time. A detailed analysis of this document adds to our understanding of the French experience with covert action in the context of the Algerian War of Independence, and shows how the fog and friction of 'secret war' reinforce the subjective nature of reporting on and assessing covert action's effectiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

14 On Rawls's own engagement with the trope of the "death of political philosophy", see Bejan, "Rawls's Teaching", 4-6, 13-15. 15 Murad Idris, "Islam, Rawls, and the Disciplinary Limits of Late Twentieth-Century Liberal Philosophy", I Modern Intellectual History i (Dec. 2020): 1-24, https://doi.org/10.1017/S1479244320000499. Although Rawls did not publish this work, it is evidence of how certain events and relations presented themselves as moral questions to which the Rawlsian disciplinary field sought answers and as philosophical problems around which Rawls and his interlocutors developed principled positions. Rawls Today, Rawls represents an entire mode of philosophical inquiry, one that has reshaped segments of American moral political philosophy, political theory, and legal studies programs. In the spring of 1969, two years prior to the publication of I A Theory of Justice i (1971), the American philosopher John Rawls studied just war theory and taught a course devoted partially to the topic. [Extracted from the article]

Lies propagated at the national level were an important tool of colonial exploitation. If France was enforcing a race-based segregation in the colony of Algeria, similar practices within France were leading to the violent subjugation of people of Algerian origins. In Michael Haneke's Caché (2005), a film about France's official denial of colonial crimes of the Algerian War, the presence of multiple cameras reminds us that colonial truth is perspectival. Spatial analyses reveal Georges Laurent participating in a colonial psychosis that produces Majid as the orphaned product of France's war on Algeria. The space between the viewer and the film performatively reminds us that just as the colonizer and the colonized form a mutually inflecting relation, we, too, shall forever remain implicated in the subject of our gaze. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically, the Sahara had connected the north and the south of Africa through the oases. However, national histories have focused on the populated area, neglecting the unique experience of the Saharans. This article aims to revisit a question about the political belonging of the Saharans, which arose during the Algerian War, with reference to the oasis town located in the north-central Sahara: Wargla. In the 1950s, France planned to build the new polity ‘Sahara Français’ as part of its colonial reforms. This plan was accompanied by the separation of the Saharan part of the territory of French Algeria, and it offered the people of the relevant area two possibilities: Algeria or Sahara Français. Confronted with this situation, the reactions of the inhabitants of Wargla were not uniform. The author explores the causes of their different attitudes, focusing on three caïds (muslim chiefs). After evaluating the changes in social status brought by their choices, they developed their strategies, and then decided their own political belongings. Thus, the pragmatic and specific political actions of the Saharans, which were not confined to the territorial perceptions utilized as a framework by most of historians, were revealed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first complaint about sexual violence as a form of torture in the Algerian war concerns Djamila Boupacha. Her case was defended in the Algerian and French courts by the feminist lawyer Gisèle Halimi, and it had a massive public impact thanks to the support of Simone de Beauvoir and the mobilisation of a committee composed mainly of women, which sought to raise the political and legal profile of a matter which was destined to remain hidden. The paper assesses the anti-colonial and anti-patriarchal stance on which it is based, analyses the entire judicial process, and highlights the issues that herald the evolution of law towards gender justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article critiques the novel "Fantasia: An Algerian Cavalcade," by Algerian novelist Assia Djebar, originally published in the French language in 1985. Topics discussed include the way the novel acknowledged both nationalist and Orientalist representation of Algerian women and their engagement in the Algerian War of Independence, the depiction of the post-independence roles of women, and observations on the autobiographical reflections presented by Djebar.

This article explores the hypothesis that the Algerian War of Independence (1954–1962) occupies a core position in the genealogy of the New Left, having set the political and conceptual framework – namely the 'global civil war' – by which the victory of Castro and Guevara or the triumph of the Vietcong would later be understood. The aim is to set out fresh approaches to understanding the emergence of the New Left as a complex process encompassing local, national and transnational dynamics; a process shaped by, but also shaping, decolonisation. The goal is to contribute – at least – to complicating the Western narrative of the global 1960s, by shifting the focus from Berkeley and Paris to Algiers. In this sense, it is useful to look at the anticolonial networks in and among Italy, France, and of course Algeria. The periodisation, necessarily loose, takes as terminus post quem the 'Battle of Algiers' (1957) and as terminus ad quem the fall/liberation of Saigon (1975): for the transnational public of the New Left, the first marks a short circuit between the Algerian War and the memory of the Resistance and the Second World War, while the second marks the end of Third Worldism as a political project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]