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Stress position in English words is well-known to correlate with both their morphological properties and their phonological organisation in terms of non-segmental, prosodic categories like syllable structure. While two generalisations capturing this correlation, directionality and stratification, are well established, the exact nature of the interaction of phonological and morphological factors in English stress assignment is a much debated issue in the literature. The present study investigates if and how directionality and stratification effects in English can be learned by means of Naive Discriminative Learning, a computational model that is trained using error-driven learning and that does not make any a-priori assumptions about the higher-level phonological organisation and morphological structure of words. Based on a series of simulation studies we show that neither directionality nor stratification need to be stipulated as a-priori properties of words or constraints in the lexicon. Stress can be learned solely on the basis of very flat word representations. Morphological stratification emerges as an effect of the model learning that informativity with regard to stress position is unevenly distributed across all trigrams constituting a word. Morphological affix classes like stress-preserving and stress-shifting affixes are, hence, not predefined classes but sets of trigrams that have similar informativity values with regard to stress position. Directionality, by contrast, emerges as spurious in our simulations; no syllable counting or recourse to abstract prosodic representations seems to be necessary to learn stress position in English.

In recent years, more and more evidence is accumulating that there is a great deal of variation as a result of morphological complexity, both at the level of phonology and at the level of phonetics. Such findings challenge established linguistic models in which morphological information is lost in comprehension or production. The present Special Issue presents five studies that investigate the phenomenon in more detail, centered around the following questions: How do morphological relations affect articulatory and phonological properties of complex words? How do articulatory and phonological properties of complex words reflect their morphological relations? What do these two questions imply about theories that address morphological relatedness at the level of sounds?

Many theories of word structure in linguistics and morphological processing in cognitive psychology are grounded in a compositional perspective on the (mental) lexicon in which complex words are built up during speech production from sublexical elements such as morphemes, stems, and exponents. When combined with the hypothesis that storage in the lexicon is restricted to the irregular, the prediction follows that properties specific to regular inflected words cannot co-determine the phonetic realization of these inflected words. This study shows that the stem vowels of regular English inflected verb forms that are more frequent in their paradigm are produced with more enhanced articulatory gestures in the midsaggital plane, challenging compositional models of lexical processing. The effect of paradigmatic probability dovetails well with the Paradigmatic Enhancement Hypothesis and is consistent with a growing body of research indicating that the whole is more than its parts.

Sequence learning is fundamental to a wide range of cognitive functions, and explaining how sequences --- and the relations between the elements they comprise --- are learned is a fundamental challenge to cognitive science. However, although hundreds of articles addressing this question are published each year, the actual learning mechanisms involved in the learning of sequences are rarely investigated. We present three experiments that seek to examine this question during a typing task. Experiments 1 and 2 tested learning during typing single letters on each trial. Experiment 3 tested for `chunking' of these letters into `words'. The results of these experiments were used to examine the mechanisms that could best account for them, with a focus on two particular proposals: associative transitional probability learning and discriminative error-driven learning. Experiments 1 and 2 showed that error-driven learning was a better predictor of response latencies than either n-gram frequencies or transitional probabilities.No evidence for chunking was found in Experiment 3, probably due to interspersing visual cues with the motor response.In addition, learning occurred across a greater distance in Experiment 1 than Experiment 2, suggesting that the greater predictability that comes with increased structure leads to greater learnability. These results shed new light on the mechanism responsible for sequence learning. Despite the widely held assumption that transitional probability learning is essential to this process, the present results suggest instead that the sequences are learned through a process of discriminative learning, involving prediction and feedback from prediction error.

In this paper, we discuss three studies. In the first study, we replicated the phonetic enhancement effect of frequency using ultrasound. While this study supported the hypothesis of paradigmatic signal enhancement by higher frequency (or probability), it was also contradictory to the studies that found phonetic reduction effects of frequency. To reconcile this contradiction, in the second study, we investigated the effect of frequency in interaction with morphological status. The result showed that higher frequency was associated with phonetically reduced realizations for non-inflected words, while phonetic enhancement was observed for inflected words. Subsequently, in the third study, we explained the enhancement effect of frequency in terms of semantic support from words' meanings to their forms.

Recent research on the acoustic realization of affixes has revealed differences between phonologically homophonous affixes, e.g. the different kinds of final [s] and [z] in English (Plag, Homann & Kunter 2017, Zimmermann 2016a). Such results are unexpected and unaccounted for in widely accepted post-Bloomfieldian item-and-arrangement models (Hockett 1954), which separate lexical and post-lexical phonology, and in models which interpret phonetic effects as consequences of different prosodic structure. This paper demonstrates that the differences in duration of English final S as a function of the morphological function it expresses (non-morphemic, plural, third person singular, genitive, genitive plural, cliticizedhas, and cliticizedis) can be approximated by considering the support for these morphological functions from the words’ sublexical and collocational properties. We estimated this support using naïve discriminative learning and replicated previous results for English vowels (Tucker, Sims & Baayen 2019), indicating that segment duration is lengthened under higher functional certainty but shortened under functional uncertainty. We discuss the implications of these results, obtained with a wide learning network that eschews representations for morphemes and exponents, for models in theoretical morphology as well as for models of lexical processing.

Glossolalia can be regarded as an instance of speech production in which practitioners produce syllables in seemingly random sequences. However, a closer inspection of glossalalia’s statistical properties reveals that sequences show a Zipfian pattern similar to natural languages, with some syllables being more probable than others. It is well established that statistical properties of sequences are implicitly learned, and that these statistical properties correlate with changes in kinematic and speech behavior. For speech, this means that more predictable items are phonetically shorter. Accordingly, we hypothesized for glossolalia that if practitioners have learned a serial pattern in glossolalia in the same manner as in natural languages, its statistical properties should correlate with its phonetic characteristics. Our hypothesis was supported. We find significantly shorter syllables associated with higher syllable probabilities in glossolalia. We discuss this finding in relation to theories about the sources of probability-related changes in the speech signal.

Grammatical knowledge of native speakers has often been investigated in so-called wug tests, in which participants have to inflect pseudo-word forms (wugs). Typically it has been argued that in inflecting these pseudo-words, speakers apply their knowledge of word formation processes. However, it remains unclear what exactly this knowledge is and how it is learned.According to one theory, the knowledge is best characterized as abstractions and rules that specify how units can be combined. Another theory maintains that it is best characterized by analogy. In both cases the knowledge is learned by association based on positive evidence alone.In this paper, we model the classification of pseudo-words to Maltese plural classes on the basis of phonetic input using a shallow neural network trained with an error-driven learning algorithm. We demonstrate that the classification patterns mirror those of Maltese native speakers in a wug test. Our results indicate that speakers rely on gradient knowledge of a relation between the phonetics of whole words and plural classes, which is learned in an error-driven way.

The uncertainty associated with paradigmatic families has been shown to correlate with their phonetic characteristics in speech, suggesting that representations of complex sublexical relations between words are part of speaker knowledge. To better understand this, recent studies have used two-layer neural network models to examine the way paradigmatic uncertainty emerges in learning. However, to date this work has largely ignored the way choices about the representation of inflectional and grammatical functions (IFS) in models strongly influence what they subsequently learn. To explore the consequences of this, we investigate how representations of IFS in the input-output structures of learning models affect the capacity of uncertainty estimates derived from them to account for phonetic variability in speech. Specifically, we examine whether IFS are best represented as outputs to neural networks (as in previous studies) or as inputs by building models that embody both choices and examining their capacity to account for uncertainty effects in the formant trajectories of word final [ɐ], which in German discriminates around sixty different IFS. Overall, we find that formants are enhanced as the uncertainty associated with IFS decreases. This result dovetails with a growing number of studies of morphological and inflectional families that have shown that enhancement is associated with lower uncertainty in context. Importantly, we also find that in models where IFS serve as inputs-as our theoretical analysis suggests they ought to-its uncertainty measures provide better fits to the empirical variance observed in [ɐ] formants than models where IFS serve as outputs. This supports our suggestion that IFS serve as cognitive cues during speech production, and should be treated as such in modeling. It is also consistent with the idea that when IFS serve as inputs to a learning network. This maintains the distinction between those parts of the network that represent message and those that represent signal. We conclude by describing how maintaining a "signal-message-uncertainty distinction" can allow us to reconcile a range of apparently contradictory findings about the relationship between articulation and uncertainty in context.

Recent evidence indicates that a word’s paradigmatic neighbors affect production. However, these findings have mostly been obtained in careful laboratory settings using words in isolation, and thus ignoring potential effects that may arise from the syntagmatic context, which is typically present in spontaneous speech. The current corpus analysis investigates paradigmatic and syntagmatic effects in Estonian spontaneous speech. Following work on English, we focus on the duration of inflected and uninflected word-final /-s/ in content words, while simultaneously investigating whole words. Our analyses reveal three points. First, we find an effect of realized inflectional paradigm size, such that smaller paradigms actively used by the speakers lead to longer durations. Second, higher conditional probability is associated with shorter word forms and shorter segments. Finally, we do not directly replicate previous work on effects of inflectional status as in English word-final /-s/. Instead, we find that inflectional status interacts with conditional probability. We discuss the results in light of models of speech production and how they account for morphologically complex words and their paradigmatic neighbors.

Does morphological structure affect articulation when segmental similarity is strictly controlled? To address this question, we used electromagnetic articulography to study the articulatory trajectories of tongue tip and tongue body during the articulation of German words containing [a(:)] as stem vowels followed by [t] that in roughly half of the words realized an inflectional function. According to a generalized additive model fitted to the articulatory trajectories of tongue body and tongue tip sensors using electromagnetic articulography, a factorial predictor signaling the presence or absence of an inflectional exponent underperformed compared to a quantitative measure derived from a Linear Discriminative Learning model. This quantitative measure is based on the functional load of triphones, i.e., the extent to which a triphone contributes to the meaning of the word. The relative functional load of the stem triphone (centered around [a(:)]) and the triphone pivoted on the [t] emerged as a strong co-determinant of articulation. Importantly, words with a balanced relative functional load (i.e., a value close to zero) revealed optimized smooth co-articulation at tongue body and tongue tip sensors. These results provide evidence for the possibility that differences in the details of articulation straightforwardly reflect differences in meaning as captured by distributional semantics., This study was funded by the European Research Council (WIDE-#742545 awarded to the third author) and by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (Research Unit FOR2373 'Spoken Morphology', Project 'The articulation of morphologically complex words', BA3080/3-2).

In the last two decades, statistical clustering models have emerged as a dominant model of how infants learn the sounds of their language. However, recent empirical and computational evidence suggests that purely statistical clustering methods may not be sufficient to explain speech sound acquisition. To model early development of speech perception, the present study used a two-layer network trained with Rescorla-Wagner learning equations, an implementation of discriminative, error-driven learning. The model contained no a priori linguistic units, such as phonemes or phonetic features. Instead, expectations about the upcoming acoustic speech signal were learned from the surrounding speech signal, with spectral components extracted from an audio recording of child- directed speech as both inputs and outputs of the model. To evaluate model performance, we simulated infant responses in the high-amplitude sucking paradigm using vowel and fricative pairs and continua. The simulations were able to discriminate vowel and consonant pairs and predicted the infant speech perception data. The model also showed the greatest amount of discrimination in the expected spectral frequencies. These results suggest that discriminative error-driven learning may provide a viable approach to modelling early infant speech sound acquisition.

It has been shown that a movement in a direction incongruent with the spatial semantics of words typically requires more time than movements that are directionally congruent. Two explanations have been proposed for this effect. Either a word's meaning is understood by using an internal model to simulate a word's meaning -- and incogruent directionality needs time to be resolved. Or words simply serve to reduce hearers' uncertainty about future states of the world, facilitating actions that prepare for them. However, since previous experiments have focused on actions that are directly involved in the exploration of space, they provide evidence for both hypotheses. Experiment 1 of the present study avoids this shortcoming. We investigated the basic downwards directed articulatory gesture producing a high-frequency German word, "ja" (`yes'), in response to reading words with vertical semantics. This task is thus completely unrelated to the semantics of the words. We show that tongue movements are systematically modulated by verticality ratings collected from the same speakers. To investigate the source of the effect, we performed two additional, linguistically unrelated experiments. Experiment 2 demonstrates anti-phasic coupling between tongue body movements and vertical arm and leg movements. Experiment 3 investigates tongue body movements prior to head movements and uncovers preparatory tongue raising to head raising in contrast to head lowering. Taken together, the results indicate that the changes in "ja" associated with vertical semantics most likely emerge from anticipating a head movement in the direction of the spatial target associated with the read word in order to optimize the body position for subsequent actions. Thus, the results support the assumption that words reduce the uncertainty about future states of the world.

It has been shown that a movement in a direction incongruent with the spatial semantics of words typically requires more time than movements that are directionally congruent. Two explanations have been proposed for this effect. Either a word's meaning is understood by using an internal model to simulate a word's meaning -- and incogruent directionality needs time to be resolved. Or words simply serve to reduce hearers' uncertainty about future states of the world, facilitating actions that prepare for them. However, since previous experiments have focused on actions that are directly involved in the exploration of space, they provide evidence for both hypotheses. Experiment 1 of the present study avoids this shortcoming. We investigated the basic downwards directed articulatory gesture producing a high-frequency German word, "ja" (yes), in response to reading words with vertical semantics. This task is thus completely unrelated to the semantics of the words. We show that tongue movements are systematically modulated by verticality ratings collected from the same speakers. To investigate the source of the effect, we performed two additional, linguistically unrelated experiments. Experiment 2 demonstrates anti-phasic coupling between tongue body movements and vertical arm and leg movements. Experiment 3 investigates tongue body movements prior to head movements and uncovers preparatory tongue raising to head raising in contrast to head lowering. Taken together, the results indicate that the changes in "ja" associated with vertical semantics most likely emerge from anticipating a head movement in the direction of the spatial target associated with the read word in order to optimize the body position for subsequent actions. Thus, the results support the assumption that words reduce the uncertainty about future states of the world.

Life forms on Earth use a vast array of methods of communication, within which there is a wide range of complexity and adaptivity. As far as is currently known, the systems most capable of adapting to new input and new communicative needs are human languages. This seems to result from the high degree of reliance on learning, relative to genetic encoding, in human linguistic systems. We propose that the relative contribution of learning versus genetic encoding will have a similar effects on complexity and adaptivity in extraterrestrial communication systems. We discuss this issue from the perspective of discriminative learning, a learning theory that has accounted for many learning effects in animals, including in human language. We investigate two aspects of the human communicative signal that are likely to differ in extraterrestrial life forms compared to human speech - atmospheric effects and biological effects - and how variation in these characteristics on other planets might impact the signal. Our analyses show that even subtle differences in these attributes have a substantial impact on signal properties.

Word and Paradigm morphology proposes that morphologically complex words are stored as wholes in the mental lexicon, and by doing so it avoids problems that are related to the notion of the morpheme. However, it is not yet clear to what degree it is possible to computationally model classification and production of complex word forms without morphemes.We take up this question by modeling the classification and production of the Maltese noun plural system. Maltese is a Semitic language that has two broad classes of plurals: concatenative ones and non-concatenative ones. We model the classification in two models, and the production in a third one. The first model for classification, the Tilburg Memory Based Learner (TiMBL), is a computational implementation of exemplar models. TiMBL is impartial as to the existence of morphemes in the mental lexicon, and allows us to directly compare the classification with and without morphemes. It turns out that the classification with and without morphemes of Maltese nouns is equally good. The second classification model is the Naive Discriminative Learner (NDL). NDL is a computational implementation of discriminative learning. It can be understood as an implementation of the Word and Paradigm model and thus eschews morphemes. It differs from TiMBL in its assumptions about learning, and they way in which the classifications are obtained. NDL, too, classifies Maltese nouns well. A classification task is very different from a production task, and therefore we used neural networks to model the production of plurals. In these models we address the question whether the production of a plural noun for a given singular can be modeled without recourse to morphemes. We used two neural networks architectures (LSTM and GRU) that have been applied to linguistic phenomena, and find that they are able to correctly produce plurals, without making use of morphemes.We conclude that the Maltese noun plural system can be modeled on the basis of whole words alone without morphemes. These results, therefore, support the Word and Paradigm theory of the mental lexicon.

Recent research has revealed substantial between-speaker variation in speech rhythm, which in effect refers to the coordination of consonants and vowels over time. In the current proof-of-concept study, the hypothesis was investigated that these idiosyncrasies arise, in part, from differences in the tongue's movement amplitude. Speech rhythm was parameterized by means of the percentage over which speech is vocalic (%V) in the German pronoun "sie" [ziː]. The findings support the hypothesis: all else being equal, idiosyncratic %V values behaved proportionally to a speaker's tongue movement area. This research underlines the importance of studying language-external factors, such as a speaker's individual tongue movement behavior, to investigate variation in temporal coordination.

Most psycholinguistic models of lexical processing assume that the comprehension and production of inflected forms is mediated by morphemic constituents. Several more recent studies, however, have challenged this assumption by providing empirical evidence that information about individual inflected forms and their paradigmatic relations is available in long-term memory (Baayen et al. 1997; Milin et al. 2009a, 2009b). Here, we investigate how whole-word frequency, inflectional paradigm size and morphological family size affect production latencies and articulation durations when subjects are asked to read aloud isolated Estonian case-inflected nouns. In Experiment 1, we observed that words with a larger morphological family elicited shorter speech onset latencies, and that forms with higher whole-word frequency had shorter acoustic durations. Experiment 2, for which we increased statistical power by using 2,800 words, revealed that higher whole-word frequency, inflectional paradigm size, and morphological family size reduced both speech onset times and acoustic durations. These results extend our knowledge of morphological processing in three ways. First, whole-word frequency effects of inflected forms in morphologically rich languages are not restricted to a small number of very high-frequency forms, contrary to previous claims (Niemi et al. 1994; Hankamer 1989; Yang 2016). Second, we replicated the morphological family size effect in a new domain, the acoustic durations of inflected forms. Third, we showed that a novel paradigmatic measure, inflectional paradigm size, predicts word naming latencies and acoustic durations. These results fit well with Word-and-Paradigm morphology (Blevins 2016) and argue against strictly (de)compositional models of lexical processing.

The present study investigates the informativity of anticipatory coarticulatory acoustic detail about inflectional suffixes in English verbs, performing two experiments in which listeners classified inflectional functions of verbs. Listener response latencies were slower when acoustic detail resulting from anticipatory coarticulation mismatched with the inflectional suffix. The results indicate that listeners actively use coarticulatory phonetic detail to predict the verbs' inflectional function.

More and more studies find differences in fine phonetic detail related to the morphological function of words and segments. In the present study, we investigated to what extent these differences arise due to anticipatory coarticulation of inflectional exponents and the amount of long-term practice with individual verbs such as American English "clean", "cleaned", "cleans", "cleaning". Kinematic studies of hand movements show that with greater practice, i.e. regular repetition of a sequence of gestures, upcoming gestures are stronger and smoother anticipated. Consequently, we hypothesized to find stronger anticipatory coarticulation of inflectional exponents during the articulation of the stem vowel in verbs for which speakers acquired a greater lexical proficiency, as their articulatory gestures were better practiced. We observed both, stronger anticipatory coarticulation towards the offset of the gesture and less coarticulation concomittant with more hyperarticulation towards the onset of the gesture. We link these results to findings that morphological function is reflected in fine phonetic detail, challenging traditional models of speech production, which assume a separation of lexical information and the phonetic detail.

This chapter explores the extent to which phonetic environment, lexical frequency, and social factors interact and incite or impede sound change over the lifespan of the individual. The corpus consists of sociolinguistic interviews with 20 panel speakers of Swabian, an Alemannic dialect spoken in southwestern Germany, from two different communities, Stuttgart and Schwäbisch Gmünd, first recorded in 1982 and again in 2017. We investigate the modern standard German diphthong [ai] which evolved from two different Middle High German (MHG) phonemes, /i:/ and /ei/. We use generalised additive mixed-effect models to investigate to what extent F1/F2 trajectories in the vowel space differ in lemmata originating from the two MHG phonemes based on the Total Euclidean Distance Squared (TEDS). In addition to voicing effects, we find that an interaction between community, lexical frequency, and indexicalities of Swabian identity affects the degree to which the two diphthongs are merging, or at least becoming more similar to one another, within the lifespan of one generation. By analysing intra-speaker trajectories, we show how sound change is governed by the intricate interplay between structural factors and individual speaker notions of language ideology, social meaning, and dialect identity.

Recent research on the acoustic realization of affixes has revealed differencesbetween phonologically homophonous affixes, for example the different kinds offinal [s] and [z] in English (Plag et al. 2017, Zimmermann 2016). Such resultsare unexpected and unaccounted for in widely-accepted post-Bloomfieldian item-and-arrangement models (Hockett, 1954), which separate lexical and post-lexicalphonology, and in models which interpret phonetic effects as consequences of different prosodic structure. This paper demonstrates that the differences in duration of English final S as a function of the morphological function it expresses (non-morphemic, plural, third person singular, genitive, genitive plural, cliticized has, and cliticized is) can be approximated by considering the support for these morphological functions from the words’ sublexical and collocational properties. We estimated this support using naive discriminative learning, and replicated previous results for English vowels (Tucker et al., 2019) indicating that segment duration is lengthened under higher functional certainty, but shortened under functional uncertainty. We discuss the implications of these results, obtained with wide learning network that eschews representations for morphemes and exponents, for models in theoretical morphology as well as for models of lexical processing.

Many studies report shorter acoustic durations, more coarticulation and reduced articulatory targets for frequent words. This study investigates a factor ignored in discussions on the relation between frequency and phonetic detail, namely, that motor skills improve with experience. Since frequency is a measure of experience, it follows that frequent words should show increased articulatory proficiency. We used EMA to test this prediction on German inflected verbs with [a] as stem vowels. Modeling median vertical tongue positions with quantile regression, we observed significant modulation by frequency of the U-shaped trajectory characterizing the articulation of the [a:]. These modulations reflect two constraints, one favoring smooth trajectories through anticipatory coarticulation, and one favoring clear articulation by realizing lower minima. The predominant pattern across sensors, exponents, and speech rate suggests that the constraint of clarity dominates for lower-frequency words. For medium-frequency words, the smoothness constraint leads to a raising of the trajectory. For the higher-frequency words, both constraints are met simultaneously, resulting in low minima and stronger coarticulation. These consequences of motor practice for articulation challenge both the common view that a higher-frequency of use comes with more articulatory reduction, and cognitive models of speech production positing that articulation is post-lexical.

The relation between speed and curvature provides a characterization of the spatio-temporal orchestration of kinematic movements. For hand movements, this relation has been reported to follow a power law with exponent - 1 / 3 . The same power law has been claimed to govern articulatory movements. We studied the functional form of speed as predicted by curvature using electromagnetic articulography, focusing on three sensors: the tongue tip, the tongue body, and the lower lip. Of specific interest to us was the question of whether the speed-curvature relation is modified by articulatory practice, gauged with words’ frequencies of occurrence. Although analyses imposing linearity a priori indeed supported a power law, relaxation of this linearity assumption revealed that the effect of curvature on speed levels off substantially for lower values of curvature. A modification of the power law is proposed that takes this curvature into account. Furthermore, controlling statistically for number of phones and word duration, we observed that the speed-curvature function was further modulated by an interaction of lexical frequency by curvature, such that for increasing frequency, speed decreased slightly for low curvatures while it increased slightly for high curvatures. The modulation of the balance between speed and curvature by lexical frequency provides further evidence that the skill of articulation improves with practice on a word-to-word basis, and challenges theories of speech production.

Sound units play a pivotal role in cognitive models of auditory comprehension. The general consensus is that during perception listeners break down speech into auditory words and subsequently phones. Indeed, cognitive speech recognition is typically taken to be computationally intractable without phones. Here we present a computational model trained on 20 hours of conversational speech that recognizes word meanings within the range of human performance (model 25%, native speakers 20-44%), without making use of phone or word form representations. Our model also generates successfully predictions about the speed and accuracy of human auditory comprehension. At the heart of the model is a 'wide' yet sparse two-layer artificial neural network with some hundred thousand input units representing summaries of changes in acoustic frequency bands, and proxies for lexical meanings as output units. We believe that our model holds promise for resolving longstanding theoretical problems surrounding the notion of the phone in linguistic theory.

Recent experiments showed that the perception of vowel length by German listeners exhibits the characteristics of categorical perception. The present study sought to find the neural activity reflecting categorical vowel length and the short-long boundary by examining the processing of non-contrastive durations and categorical length using MEG. Using disyllabic words with varying /a/-durations and temporally-matched nonspeech stimuli, we found that each syllable elicited an M50/M100-complex. The M50-amplitude to the second syllable varied along the durational continuum, possibly reflecting the mapping of duration onto a rhythm representation. Categorical length was reflected by an additional response elicited when vowel duration exceeded the short-long boundary. This was interpreted to reflect the integration of an additional timing unit for long in contrast to short vowels. Unlike to speech, responses to short nonspeech durations lacked a M100 to the first and M50 to the second syllable, indicating different integration windows for speech and nonspeech signals.