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Copyright of Revista Brasileira de Linguística Antropológica is the property of Revista Brasileira de Linguística Antropológica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Brasileira de Linguística Antropológica is the property of Revista Brasileira de Linguística Antropológica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Brasileira de Linguística Antropológica is the property of Revista Brasileira de Linguística Antropológica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to describe and examine the antipassive construction in the Tenetehára language (Tupi-Guarani family). For this, it will be shown that the transitive verbs, on receiving the morpheme {puru-}, then exhibit the following properties of antipassive constructions: (i) they come to have an intransitive syntactic structure and (ii) the abstract Case of the internal argument is not valued by v, but by the postposition -ehe. Generally, such configurations behave essentially like intransitive sentences. Using a minimalist approach, we show that the main difference between an antipassive clause and a transitive one is that although the antipassive vP selects an external argument, its head is not able to value the abstract Case of the internal argument. For this reason, the object is dependent on the postposition -ehe for the oblique Case. Furthermore, unlike what happens in the derivation of transitive constructions, the f-feature of the antipassive vP is lexically valued, which does not allow the agreement (nominative system) in terms of f-feature, with its external argument. The result is that this external argument moves to the highest vP Spec position in the tree structure, whose head is instantiated by the verb {-wer} "want", with which it establishes a relationship agreement in terms of f-feature, triggering the second agreement paradigm (absolutive system). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, based on Brazilian indigenous languages, I will provide an overview of the argumentation about the different roles attributed to the vP projection. Following an initial suggestion of Pylkkänen (2002, 2008), many of the original functions of the vP have been divided between two independent projections: VoiceP and vPCAUSE. Some languages project a bundled Voiceo/vo CAUSE, and then all functions are unified in this single projection; and others languages project Voiceo and vo CAUSE independently, and then the effects of each head can be seen separately. My goal is to review the implications of work on Kuikuro (Karib), Wari' (Txapakura), Paresi-Haliti (Arawak) and Tenetehára (Tupí-Guaraní) for Pylkkänen's (2002, 2008) hypothesis. In this regard, we will examine some constructions that involve passivization, applicativization, causativization, intransitivization, anticausativization, nominalization and case-marking patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of LIAMES: Línguas Indígenas Americanas is the property of Universidade Estadual de Campinas - Portal de Periodicos Eletronicos Cientificos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims at examining the antipassive constructions in the Tenetehára language (Tupí-Guaraní). Transitive verbs, which receive the morpheme {puru-}, exhibit the following grammatical properties: (i) they appear in an intransitive structure and (ii) the abstract Case of the internal argument is not valued by little v, but by means of the functional posposition -ehe. Assuming a minimalist approach, we will posit that, even though the vP of the antipassive construction selects an external argument, its head is not able to value accusative Case to the internal argument, which is thus dependent on the posposition -ehe to receive an inherent oblique Case. Furthermore, it is assumed that the external argument has to move to a specifier of a higher vP in the tree, whose head is morphologically realized by the verb {-wer} "want". Thus the external argument triggers an AGREE operation with the φ-features of this head, a situation that explains the emergence of the absolutive agreement pattern in the antipassive constructions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]