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The Roman town of Bassianae was situated in the southeastern corner of Pannonia and, from 106 AD, Pannonia Inferior. Its remnants are visible in the vicinity of modern Ruma, on the site of Gradina, near the modern village of Donji Petrovci. It is believed that the settlement which developed on the territory of the civitas Scordiscorum became a municipum under Hadrian, possibly in 124 AD when the emperor visited Pannonia Inferior. Caracalla granted Bassianae the status of a colony. The change is connected to his visit to Pannonia in 214 AD. This paper aims to summarise the history of Roman Bassianae and reassess the data provided by the sources, primarily epigraphic evidence. Inscriptions discovered during the previous two decades in Bassianae and in its territory shed additional light on various aspects of the town’s history (population, government, cults, road network). New evidence allows us, for instance, to add the name of Publius Aelius Censorinus to the list of decurions of the colony of Bassianae. It also provides information on the professions practiced by the inhabitants of the town since one tombstone mentions a medicus. New evidence also includes several altars dedicated to Jupiter and one dedicated probably to Libera, as well as two milestones dated to the reign of the Severan dynasty.

Les recherches archéologiques conduites en 1976 et 1977 dans la basilique Saint-Irénée et la nécropole qui l’entoure ont mis au jour près de soixante monuments épigraphiques. En dépit de leur état très lacunaire, les inscriptions apportent une contribution non négligeable à la connaissance de Sirmium, de la société civile et religieuse de la ville et des pratiques épigraphiques de ses habitants pendant l’Antiquité tardive. La découverte en 1976 de la mention de la basilica domini nostri Erenei sur une inscription d’une importance cardinale. Elle a conduit à étendre les recherches l’année suivante afin de fouiller la basilique de Saint-Irénée. Les autres inscriptions enrichent nos connaissances sur la société sirmienne. L’onomastique révéle que Sirmium ait été une ville largement cosmopolite. Certains personnes, par exemple, portent les noms qui peuvent renvoyer à l’Égypte, au monde libyque ou à l’Asie Mineure. Les monuments épigraphiques gardent les informations sur la société chrétienne de Sirmium. Une inscription garde la memoire d’un exorciste et d’une moniale au sein de l’Église locale, tandis que d’autres mentionnent deux ou trois néophytes parmi ses fidèles.

Epigraphic evidence from the territory of Montenegro pertaining to the Roman army testifies to the history of the province of Dalmatia and its garrison. Inscriptions imply the existence of stations of beneficiarii consularis in Doclea and Municipium Splonistarum respectively. From the reign of Marcus Aurelius onwards, the latter town might have been garrisoned by a detachment of the cohort II milliaria Delmatarum, which was stationed on the border between Dalmatia and Moesia Superior. Epigraphic evidence from Risinium and Municipium Splonistarum shows that the units of the Roman army were replenished with recruits from these towns and their territories. Onomastic evidence implies that some of the conscripts belonged to the indigenous population of Dalmatia.

O postojanju razvijene i dobro organizovane sanitetske službe u rimskoj vojsci svedoče raznovrsni izvori. Značajno mesto među njima pripada epigrafskim spomenicima iz Rima, Italije i provincija. Na njima se pominju lekari (medici) i drugi pripadnici saniteta (optiones valetudinarii, capsarii, marsi, seplasiarii) u jedinicama kopnene vojske i floti. Termini kao što su medicus chirurgus i medicus clinicus ukazuju na postojanje specijalista. U natpisima nalazimo i termin medicus ordinarius, čije je značenje predmet rasprava u modernoj istoriografiji. On se možda odnosi na status lekara, ali bi mogao označavati i lekara oppšte prakse. Epigrafski spomenici omogućavaju da se među lekarima identifikuju profesionalni vojnici, ali i civili angažovani na određeno vreme.

A fragmentary Latin inscription was discovered in 2016 during the reconstruction works in the Upper Town of the Belgrade fortress. Erected after Hadrian’s reign, it commemorates the wife of a soldier or officer of the legion IV Flavia. The most interesting feature of the text is the dedicator’s rank, partially preserved at the beginning of the first line. Epigraphic evidence implies that it should be resotred as centurio ordinarius or medicus ordinarius.

Ovaj rad je zamišljen kao šesti u nizu članaka posvećenih regrutaciji podunavskih legija u doba principata. Legija II Adiutrix je od vremena Domicijanovih ratova protiv Dačana bila stacionirana u Panoniji. Epigrafski izvori ukazuju na razliku u njenom sastavu između prvih decenija boravka na srednjedunavskom limesu i kasnijeg perioda. U legiji II Adiutrix su pre Trajanovih ratova protiv Dačana i Parćana najbrojniji regruti iz severnih regiona Italije, a posvedočeni su i vojnici iz provincija, kako onih u susedstvu Panonije, tako i drugih. Kada je reč o II i III veku, epigrafski spomenici ukazuju da su glavni izvor regruta bile Gornja i Donja Panonija. Legija II Adiutrix je popunjavana u naseljima kraj legijskih logora i auksilijarnihutvrđenja na limesu, ali i u gradovima i oblastima u unutrašnjosti panonskih provincija. Sudeći prema onomastičkom materijalu, u II i III veku relativno su brojni bili i vojnici tračkog porekla., Military garrisons of the Roman provinces on the middle and lower Danube consisted of legions and numerous auxiliary regiments. The continuous presence of soldiers originating from various parts of the empire on the border and in the interior accelerated considerably the acculturation and romanisation of the indigenous population. The legion II Adiutrix was established in 69 AD. In 86 AD it was transferred from Britannia to Pannonia, during Domitian's preparations for the Dacian campaign. Its sojourn in Aquincum lasted until late antiquity and it was briefly interruped after Trajan's Dacian wars. Upon participating in the second campaign, II Adiutrix garrisoned Dacia. In 113 AD it was sent to the east as part of the forces which waged war on the Parthians. Its return to Aquincum is dated to 118 AD. Epigraphic evidence from Italy, Panonnia and other provinces and regions of the Roman Empire provides basic data concerning the recruitment of the legion II Adiutrix. It reveals significant differences between the first decades of the unit's sojourn in Pannonia and the subsequent period. Recruits from the northern regions of Italy (Transpadana, Venetia et Histria, Liguria) predominate prior to Trajan's Parthian campaign (113-115 AD). Soldiers from the neighbouring provinces of Noricum and Dalmatia are also attested. The epitaph of one Norican legionary suggests the presence of indigenous recruits in the levies for II Adiutrix. Kalendinus, son of Celatus, bore a Norican name and belonged to the native population.Two soldiers from the provinces in northern Africa (Africa Proconsularis and Mauretania Caesariensis) probably came to Aquincum under extraordinary circumstances. The legion participated in Trajan's second campaign against Decebalus. The losses it suffered might have been compensated by an extraordinary levy which encompassed recruits from various provinces of the Roman empire. It appears that Pannonian recruits in II Adiutrix were few in number during the first de

Rimskim vojnicima je tokom prva dva veka principata, do 197. godine, bilo zabranjeno da sklapaju punovažne brakove. Uprkos ovoj zabrani, brojni legionari i pripadnici pomoćnih odreda u svim provincijama Rimskog carstva zasnivali su porodice sa rimskim građankama ili ženama peregrinog statusa. Jedno od pitanja vezanih za istoriju vojničkih porodica jeste da li je vojnički poziv bio nasledan? Koliko su često sinovi sledili svoje očeve? U ovom radu razmatraju se epigrafski spomenici iz Gornje Mezije koji svedoče o tome da su sinovi, kao i njihovi očevi, služili u rimskoj vojsci. Najčešće su regrutovani u istu legiju, ali ima i primera da su služili u različitim legijama. Samo je u jednom slučaju otac bio pripadnik kohorte, a sin legionar. Kada je reč o vojničkoj hijerarhiji, neki od sinova dosegli su više činove od očeva.

The aim of this paper would be to examine the social status and role of veterans of the Roman army in the municipal life in Moesia Superior. Scant epigraphic evidence suggests that discharged soldiers rarely took an active part in the administration of the towns which they had chosen as places of their retirement. This picture is in accordance with the situation throughout the Roman Empire. Legionary and auxiliary veterans are attested as decurions and magistrates of the municipia and colonies of Moesia Superior. Some of them were wealthy enough to finance the construction of architectural structures, such as temples or baths. Most of the veterans who had participated in municipal administration and public life of their respective communities were duplicarii during their military service. Their favourable economic and social situation made them more eager to undertake municipal offices and duties than men discharged as ordinary soldiers.

Ovaj rad je zamišljen kao peti u nizu članaka posve­ ćenih regrutaciji podunavskih legija u doba principata. Legija I Adiutrix je od vremena Domicijanovih ratova protiv Dačana bila stacionirana u Panoniji. U njoj su tokom prvih decenija boravka na srednjem toku Duna­ va posvedočeni vojnici iz severnoafričkih i istočnih provincija, ali i iz Panonije. Kada je reč o II i III veku, epigrafski spomenici ukazuju da su panonske provincije bile glavni izvor regruta. Legija I Adiutrix je popunjavana na limesu, u naseljima kraj legijskih logora i auksilijarnih utvrđenja, ali i u unutrašnjosti Gornje i Donje Panonije.

All the Roman provinces on the middle and lower Danube were garrisoned by various military units since their creation. The army of Moesia (created under Augustus, before 12 AD) comprised a number of alae and cohorts, besides several legions. Some of these units can be identified with a fair amount of certainty thanks to various epigraphic sources. The alae Bosporanorum, I Gallorum Capitoniana, Pansiana, Scubulorum, and cohorts I Cantabrorum and I Cretum sagittariorum are recorded on Moesian inscriptions dating from the time before the reign of the Flavian dynasty. Judging by the epigraphic monuments from the same period, discovered in Hispania and northern Italy, the cohorts I Cilicum and I Cisipadensium also belonged to the provincial garrison. Tacitus testifies to the early presence of the cohort I Sugambrorum veterana in Moesia. In 26 AD, a cohors Sugambrorum saved the army of Poppaeus Sabinus from defeat at the hands of rebellious Thracians. Military diplomas issued to the soldiers of the Moesian garrison in 75 AD and 78 AD mention the cohort I Sugambrorum tironum. This unit probably garrisoned Moesia since its creation under Claudius. The cohorts II Chalcidenorum sagittariorum, I Lusitanorum equitata and I Tyriorum sagittariorum are recorded for the first time on diplomas issued in 75 AD. Since they have left no traces in other parts of the Roman Empire, one can presume that they belonged to the Moesian army before 75 AD. The same is inferred in the case of alae I Gallorum Atectorigiana and I Flavia Gaetulorum. The earliest mentions of these units are recorded on diplomas of Moesia Inferior, issued in 92 AD. The second half of the first century AD brought significant changes to the Moesian garrison. Its strengthening started under Nero with the transfer of the ala I Asturum from the Rhine and the cohort I Bracaraugustanorum from Dalmatia. The latter regiment presumably came with the legion VII Claudia, between 63 and 66 AD. Some units were transferred from the

The aim of this paper would be to examine the patterns of recruitment of auxiliary regiments which garrisoned Illyricum during the reign of the Julio-Claudian dynasty. Scant epigraphic evidence allows us only to glimpse general principles of conscription. Inscriptions seem to indicate two distinct sources of new soldiers. The alae and cohorts of Illyricum were conscripted in the areas where they had been raised. Local recruitment started as early as the first half of the first century AD. It seems that the main bulk of recruits came from the tribes of southern Pannonia, an area which has been under the Roman rule and influence since Augustus’ reign., U Iliriku su, tijekom vladavine julijevsko-klaudijevske dinastije, bili stacionirani brojni pomoćni odredi. Analiza epigrafskog materijala otkriva dva glavna načela njihove regrutacije. Neke jedinice su novim vojnicima popunjavane u provincijama i područjima u kojima su osnovane. Tako u kohortama II Alpinorum i III Alpinorum, koje su bile stacionirane u Panoniji, odnosno Dalmaciji, srećemo pripadnike alpskih plemena, pokorenih 15. godine pr. Kr. (Bodiontii, Caturiges, Egui, Ulati, Velauni). Sudeći prema onomastičkom materijalu, kohorta I Campanorum, dio posade Dalmacije od vremena Batonovog rata (6-9. godine), barem je djelomično popunjavana regrutima iz Kampanije. Pomoćni odredi osnovani na Iberskom poluotoku redovito su, čini se, novačeni u hispanskim provincijama. U ali II Asturum, koja je bila dio panonskog garnizona, posvjedočen je jedan pripadnik Zela (Zoelae), jednog od 22 plemena Astura. U kohorti I Lucensium, čiji je logor bio Humac u Dalmaciji, služio je jedan vojnik iz grada Lucus Augusti u provinciji Hispania Tarraconensis. Redovima hispanskih novaka u spomenutoj jedinici i kohorti I Bracaraugustanorum pripadaju još petorica vojnika. Na to ukazuju njihova imena i imena njihovih očeva, koja se svrstavaju u epihorsku onomastiku Iberskog poluotoka (Alburus, Andamionius, Angetus, Caturo, Medutus). Odredi osnovani u Siriji također su popunjavani sirijskim novacima. U kohorti II Cyrrhestarum, koja je u Dalmaciji bila od Batonovog rata, posvjedočena su četvorica vojnika iz Beroje i jedan iz Kira. U ali I Augusta Ituraeorum u Panoniji srećemo jednog Iturejca, a redovima sirijskih, možda i iturejskih, novaka pripadaju još petorica vojnika koji nose semitska imena (Acrabunis, Baramna, Bricbelus, Hanicus, Zanis). Poznati kao izuzetno dobri strijelci, Iturejci su u rimskoj vojsci služili još od vremena građanskog rata između Cezara i Pompeja. Pomoćni odredi stacionirani u Iliriku popunjavani su za vlade Julijevaca-Klaudijevaca i lokalnim regrutima. U Panoniji je nov

Počevši od druge polovine XIX veka, na Gradini na Jelici pronađena su dvadeset tri epigrafska spomenika. U manjem broju slučajeva reč je o pojedinačnim nalazima, dok je veći broj natpisa otkriven tokom sistematskih arheoloških istraživanja lokaliteta u poslednjim decenijama XX i prvoj deceniji XXI veka. Iako fragmentarni, epigrafski spomenici sa Gradine osvetljavaju pojedine aspekte istorije Čačka i okoline u rimsko doba. Oni pružaju podatke o vojnoj posadi oblasti koja se nalazila na granici Dalmacije sa Gornjom Mezijom. U pograničnoj stanici, koja se nalazila u Čačku ili njegovoj okolini, bila je stacionirana druga kohorta Delmata (cohors II milliaria Delmatarum). Njen dolazak treba datovati u vreme posle 170. godine. U pograničnoj stanici je posvedočeno i prisustvo konzularskih beneficijara, koji su bili zaduženi za kontrolu puteva i bezbednost saobraćaja. Verovatno su nadgledali i rudnike srebra za koje se pretpostavlja da su postojali u oblastima koje su gravitirale Čačku. Epigrafski spomenici sa Gradine na Jelici svedoče i o rimskim kultovima u oblasti Čačka i, posredno, o ekonomskoj istoriji istočne Dalmacije. Žrtvenici posvećeni Dijani ukazuju na postojanje rudnika srebra u pomenutoj oblasti. Za istoriju Gradine na Jelici značajan je i jedan fragment epigrafskog spomenika nađen u crkvi A. On možda svedoči o izgradnji crkve na pomenutom lokalitetu.

Veteran settlement iussu principis was a common feature of imperial policy towards discharged legionaries during the first century AD and in the first decades of the second century AD. Former soldiers were granted pieces of land as praemia militiae and their settlement on various sites in the provinces was usually associated with the establishment of a colony. This policy started under Augustus, who had founded such colonies in western and eastern provinces of the Roman Empire, and subsided after the reign of Hadrian. In certain instances, however, veteran settlement iussu principis was not related to the foundation of a colony. In this paper we shall discuss three such cases attested in Illyricum during the reign of Tiberius. It seems that Augustus’ heir had allotted land-grants to former legionaries on the territory of Scarbantia in Pannonia and in the vicinity of Bigeste and, possibly, the falls of Roški Slap in Dalmatia.

Za antičko rimsko društvo, kao i antički svet u celini je karakteristično patrijarhalno društveno uređenje u kojem su žene podređene muškarcima. Muškarci vode, odlučuju, kontrolišu i nadziru sve društvene segmente, uključujući i živote žena. Seksualni moral rimskog društva karakteriše dvostruki standard po pitanju muške i ženske seksualnosti. Muškarčeva seksualnost se ne ograničava i ne sputava, dok se od žena očekuje uzdržanost u seksu. Muškarčeva moć i njegov društevni ugled se ogledaju, između ostalog, u tome koliko uspešno on kontroliše seksualnost žena koje su mu podređene (kćeri, supruge, sestre, majka). U tаkvom društvu nepriličnim je smаtrаn sаmo onаj seksualni odnos koji kаljа ugled muškarca koji se nalazi na čelu porodice. Iz istog je uglа posmаtrаnа i preljubа. Rimsko prаvo definiše preljubu (adulterium) kаo vаnbrаčni odnos udаte žene, to jest, odnos sа njom. Sаmo su nevernа suprugа i njen ljubаvnik podlegаli društvenoj osudi i zаkonskim sаnkcijаmа, dok su muževljeve vаnbrаčne аvаnture generаlno bile prihvаtljive, i nisu bile kаžnjive..., Ancient Roman society, as well as the ancient world in general, was characterised by a patriarchal social system in which women were subordinate to men. Men were the ones in charge; they made decisions, controlled and supervised all social aspects, including the lives of women. Sexual morality of the Roman society was characterised by double standards when it came to male and female sexuality. Male sexuality was not to be limited or restrained, whereas women were expected to show restraint in sex. A man’s power and his social reputation were reflected, among other things, in his success of exerting control over the sexuality of women who were his subordinates (daughters, wives, sisters, mother). In such a society, the only improper sexual relationship for a man was the one that tarnished the reputation of a man who was the head of a family. The same standards were also applied to adultery. Roman law defines adultery (adulterium) as extramarital relationship of a married woman, i.e. intercourse with such a woman). Only the adulterous wife and her lover were subjected to public condemnation and legal sanctions, whereas the husband’s extramarital activities were acceptable and did not entail punishment...

During the archaeological excavations performed in 1969/70 at the northern necropolis of Sirmium, around the Basilica of St Synerotes, a few sepulchral slabs with inscriptions and symbols of Early Christian character were discovered. The inscription on one slab, which reads: [±1 ? M]arturiu/[s p]incerna /[C]onstanti/[I]nperatori/[s(!)qui] vixsit(!) an/n[is] nonag/inta una cu/m matron/a sua Man/[- - -, shows that this is a tombstone of a certain Marturius, the cup-bearer of Constantius II. This emperor spent many months in Sirmium during 351-352 and 357-359, celebrating twice in this city the triumph over Quadi and Sarmatae, and intensifying not only the building of its infrastructure, but also of the sacral structures. As a fervent Christian of Arian orientation, he organised four ecclesiastical synods in Sirmium. On another slab, an inscription in Greek letters is written around a Christogram in a double circle, while on the third slab, decorated with floral motifs around a Christogram, the inscription is partly preserved. These tombstones are located south of the southern portico of Basilica of St Synerotes.

The province of Illyricum, established shortly after Octavian’s Illyrian war and divided into Illyricum Superius (Dalmatia) and Illyricum Inferius (Pannonia) during or after the Pannonian-Dalmatian Rebellion, was garrisoned by several legions and various auxiliary regiments. The list of auxilia includes an ala Pannoniorum. Epigraphic evidence from Dalmatia and Pannonia provides some information on its relocation, as well as on its recruitment. Under Augustus, the regiment was in Dalmatia. It was relocated to Pannonia ca. 15 AD. At the beginning of Vespasian’s reign, the ala Pannoniorum was transferred to Moesia Inferior. Its return to the Pannonian section of the Danubian limes is dated after the Marcommanic War of Marcus Aurelius. Belonging to the army of Pannonia Inferior, the unit was probably stationed in the fortress of Cusum. Epigraphic evidence allows us to glimpse certain patterns of its recruitment during the first sojourn in Illyricum. It appears that it was conscripted among the bellicose tribes of the Iberian Peninsula and the indigenous population of the southern Pannonia.

Singidunum i Viminacijum ubrajaju se među najznačanija urbana središta Gornje Mezije, ali i podunavskih provincija Rimskog carstva. Epigrafski izvori svedoče da su u oba grada postojale relativno brojne i dobro organizovane zajednice rimskih veterana. Naseljavanje isluženih vojnika u Viminacijumu počelo je krajem 1. veka, a u Singidunumu nešto kasnije – u prvim decenijama 2. veka. Singidunum i Viminacijum privlačili su veterane kao značajni ekonomski centri koji su pružali povoljne prilike za povratak civilnom životu. Iako su isluženi vojnici pripadali imućnijim slojevima stanovništva, retko su uzimali učešća u gradskoj upravi. Epigrafski izvori ukazuju da je više od polovine veterana u Singidunumu i Viminacijumu imalo porodice.

The Greek city of Tomis on the west coast of the Black Sea was founded during the 6th century BC as a trading outpost of Ionian Miletus. Despite its rather humble beginnings (Tomis seems to have been dependent on neighbouring Histria up to the middle of the 3rd century BC), it gradually became one of the most prosperous cities of the Balkan Peninsula, particularly flourishing under Roman rule. The Roman protectorate of Tomis and the western coast of the Black Sea was established after the successful campaign against the Bastarnae and the Dacians, waged in 29-28 BC by M. Licinius Crassus, proconsul of Macedonia. Tomis became the metropolis of the federation of the five most important Greek cities of the region. Later on, its territory was incorporated into the province of Moesia, which was probably established sometime in the reign of Tiberius. Under Roman rule, especially from the reign of Claudius onward, Tomis developed into one of the major urban centres of the Balkan provinces

The collection of the City Museum of Vršac contains a small piece of a military diploma published by H. Nesselhauf in 1936 (CIL XVI 19). Close examination of the fragment has allowed us to propose a slightly different reading and interpretation of the partially preserved text. The inner side contained information on the place on the Capitol, in Rome, where the original document had been exhibited (ara gentis Iuliae). Two partially preserved witness signatures, consisting of their names and origo, are recorded on the outer side. One of them seemingly included additional elements, i. e. the filiation, followed by a tribe. Judging by the mention of the altar of the Julian family, the Stara Palanka fragment should be dated to the time between 68 AD and 71 AD.

Ovaj rad je zamišljen kao četvrti u nizu članaka posvećenih regrutaciji podunavskih legija u doba principata. Legija XIV Gemina je od poslednje decenije I veka bila stacionirana u Panoniji. U njoj su, na početku boravka na srednjem toku Dunava, u najvećem broju posvedočeni vojnici iz severne Italije i Narbonske Galije. Ovi podaci uklapaju se u opštu sliku sastava legije XIV Gemina tokom druge polovine I veka. Kada je reč o II i III veku, epigrafski izvori ukazuju da je glavni izvor novih legionara bila Gornja Panonija, te da je legija popunjavana i regrutima iz susednih provincija (Dalmacija, Norik)., Provinces on the middle and lower Danube were garrisoned by numerous legions from the time of their establishment. The continuous presence of soldiers hailing from various parts of the Roman Empire on the border and in the interior accelerated considerably the acculturation and romanisation of the indigenous population. The legion XIV Gemina was brought to Pannonia at the end of the first century AD. The site of its earliest fortress remains to be determined. From 100/101 AD to 118/119 AD it garrisoned Vindobona, and then Carnuntum, having replaced the XV Apollinaris. Epigraphic evidence from Panonnia and other parts of the Roman Empire provides basic data concerning the recruitment of the legion XIV Gemina and the origins of its soldiers. Men from northern Italy (from the regions of Liguria, Transpadana, Venetia and Histria) and Gallia Narbonensis prevail at the beginning of the unit’s sojourn on the middle Danube, roughly until its relocation to Carnuntum. This picture fits perfectly with the data on its recruitment during the second half of the first century AD. Prior to its transfer to Pannonia, the legion XIV Gemina was primarily enlisted in Italy and Gallia Narbonensis. Epigraphic evidence from the second and third century AD reveals new major areas of recruitment for the XIV Gemina. It appears that the bulk of fresh conscripts came from various parts of Pannonia Superior. Legionaries were conscripted in the civil settlements in the vicinity of the legion’s fortress of Carnuntum. It is impossible, however, to determine whether they were drafted in the canabae or in the Hadrianic municipium/Severan colony. Pannonian towns (or their territories) in the interior of the province, such as the Claudian colony of Savaria or the Flavian municipium of Scarbantia, should be considered as important sources of new recruits as well. Onomastic evidence implies that some of the recruits from Pannonia Superior actually belonged to the native population. It appears that Tarton

Doktorska disertacija prati nastanak i razvoj rimske drţavne politike prema rudnicima srebra i olova na osnovu istraţivanja organizacionih aspekata dva najznaĉajnija rudniĉka regiona. Rimski rudnici srebra i olova u španskim provincijama i u Iliriku u razliĉitim vremenskim periodima bili su najbogatiji rudniĉki regioni od primarnog znaĉaja za drţavu. Sistem u okviru kojeg su se eksploatisali nastao je tokom dugog vremenskog perioda i imao je svoje specifiĉne karakteristike. U radu se na cjelovit naĉin uporedo prouĉava ureĊenje rudnika srebra i olova na podruĉju španskih provincija i u Iliriku kako bi se prepoznali zajedniĉki elementi u razvoju jedinstvene rimske uprave u rudnicima srebra i olova od vremena principata do vremena poznog Carstva.Glavni naglasak studije je na rudniĉkoj administraciji i na pravnom statusu rudniĉkih domena., This doctoral dissertation aims to analyse the origin and establishment of a Roman mining policy towards the silver and lead mines. The analysis focuses on the organisational aspects of the two most important mining regions. The richest silver and lead mines were located in the Spanish provinces and in Illyricum, the latter playing a dominant role during the Principate and the former during the Republic. The Roman mining regime regulating exploitation of these mining regions, took a long time to be established. This study investigates the constitution of the silver and lead mines in a unified and comparative way in order to show the process of development of the Roman mining administration, with the emphasis on the local mining management and on the legal status of mining territories.

Konstantinu Velikom se tokom njegove vladavine ukazalo nekoliko vizija. Najčuvenije su one hrišćanske, koje opisuju Eusebije i Laktancije. U ovom radu pažnja će biti usmerena na pagansku viziju u hramu Apolona Grana (Apollo Grannus) u današnjem Granu (Grand) u Vogezima. Konstantinu se u ovom čuvenom svetilištu, koje je posetio 310. godine, ukazao Apolon u pratnji Pobede, proričući mu dug život i vladavinu. Car je u liku onoga kome su pesnici prorekli da će vladati čitavim svetom video i prepoznao sebe. Čitav događaj podrobno je opisan u anonimnom panegiriku iz 310. godine. Konstantinova vizija u Apolonovom hramu zaokupljala je pažnju modernih istraživača od prvih decenija XX veka. U ovom radu su izložena njena najznačajnija tumačenja i objašnjenja., Ancient literary sources mention a number of visions experienced by the emperor Constantine. The one described by the anonymous panegyrist in 310 is equally important as the Christian visions found in Eusebius and Lactantius. After defeating his father-in-law Maximian, the emperor was returning to his residence in Augusta Treverorum and the Rhine frontier, threatened by Franks.When he had learned that the barbarians had forsaken their plan at the news of his return, he turned off the road to visit the temple of Apollo Grannus in Grand. There he saw Apollo, accompanied by Victory, offering him laurel wreaths and each of them was marked with a portent of thirty years. The god thus predicted that Constantine would rule even longer than Nestor, mythical king of Pylos. The emperor afterward saw and recognized himself in the likeness of the one to who, according to the prophecies of divinely inspired poets, would rule the whole world (cf. Pan. Lat. VI 21, 3–7). The vision of Apollo, described by the anonymous orator in 310, has provoked a lively discussion among modern scholars ever since the first decades of the twentieth century. They have asked and attempted to answer many questions. The most important ones are related to the authenticity and nature of Constantine’s vision and to the identity of the one in whose likeness the emperor recognized himself. Following H. Grégoire, many scholars have accepted the religious experience as a genuine one and some of them have attempted to explain what actually happened in the temple. Others have concluded that the story was invented by Constatine or, possibly, by one of his advisors or the anonymous orator. Some have surmised that the whole event was staged by the priests of Apollo’s temple in honor of the emperor. Bearing in mind the importance of visions and dreams in ancient world, it is not unlikely that Constantine actually had a religious experience of some kind in the sanctuary at Grand. One might presume that Apollo appea

Ovaj rad je zamišljen kao treći u nizu članaka posvećenih regrutaciji podunavskih legija u doba principata. Proces njihovog popunjavanja novim vojnicima tesno je povezan sa romanizacijom u provincijama u kojima su bile stacionirane. Malobrojni epigrafski spomenici omogućavaju stvaranje opšte slike o popunjavanju legije X Gemina u II i III veku, za vreme njenog boravka u Panoniji. Izgleda da su glavna područja regrutacije bile Gornja Panonija i susedne provincije (Norik, Dalmacija)., Provinces on the middle and lower Danube were garrisoned by various legions from the time of their establishment. The continuous presence of soldiers on the border and in the interior accelerated considerably the process of romanisation of the indigenous population. The legion X Gemina garrisoned Pannonia on two occasions. Its first sojourn in the province, in Carnuntum, is dated between 62/63 and 68 AD, and the second one started in 101/102 AD and lasted throughout the second and third century AD. Epigraphic evidence testifying to the recruitment of X Gemina during its second stay in Pannonia, while it garrisoned first Aquincum and then Vindobona, is rather scarce. It allows us only to glimpse the general patterns of its enlistment. It seems that Pannonia and the neighbouring provinces (Noricum and Dalmatia) should be considered as main areas of conscription. Pannonian recruits were enlisted both in the border zone (Vindobona and Carnuntum), as well as in the interior of the province. The fact that certain soldiers came from the areas of Neviodunum and Aquae Balissae implies that the Pannonian legions were enlisted not only in colonies, but in the territories of municipia as well. Inscriptions from Aquincum and Vindobona record a number of Italians and soldiers from the western (Gallia Narbonensis, Raetia or Britannia) and eastern provinces of the Roman Empire. Three legionaries were born in northern Italy, in Aquae Statiellae, Aquileia and Vercellae respectively. The fourth Italian was conscripted on the territory of the Marsi. The presence of Italians in X Gemina during the second and third centuries AD suggests that the number of Italian recruits in the Roman legions was higher than presumed by modern scholars. The two soldiers born in the eastern cities – Sebaste in Phrygia and an Antiochia (possibly in Syria or Pisydia) – were conscripted during the extraordinary levies in the eastern provinces. The legion X Gemina participated in the Parthian campaigns of Luc

U Muzeju Srema u Sremskoj Mitrovici čuva se jedna oštećena mermerna ploča sa natpisom na latinskom jeziku (sl. 1). Iako natpis nije u potpunosti sačuvan, mišljenja smo da se u njemu pominje bazilika Sv. Anastasije, o čijem postojanju u Sirmijumu svedoči podatak iz pisanih izvora. Tekst natpisa mogao bi se rekonstruisati na sledeći način: [In dom]o beati[ssimae - - - I - - - nost]re Anast[asiae - - - I - - -in] hoc loco d[epositus - - -I - - -]x qui conv[ixit mecum annis - - - I - - -] qui vixit a[nnis - - -I - - -fili]o eius d(ie)pridie [ - - -I - - -] IT Fl(avius, -avia) Decen[ - - -| - - -]++[ - - -I - - - . Na početku natpisa se pominje bazilika Sv. Anastasije, čije je postojanje u Sirmijumu posvedočeno u ranohrišćanskim literarnim izvorima. Termin domus u značenju 'crkva' relativno je čest u ranohrišćanskim natpisima. Prva dva reda mogla bi se dopuniti na sledeći način: [In dom]o beati[ssimae dominae nostr]ae Anast[asiae - - -. Posle formule in hoc loco depositus u drugom redu sledilo je ime pokojnika, koje se verovatno završavalo slovom X, prvim sačuvanim slovom u četvrtom redu. Zajedno sa pokojnikom je, izgleda, bio sahranjen i njegov sin, čije ime nije sačuvano. Na njega bi se odnosila formula qui vixit annis u petom redu. Sudeći prema paleografskim odlikama, fragment natpisa na kojem se pominje bazilika Sv. Anastasije pripada dobu pozne antike (IV-VI vek). Slovo A sa poprečnom crtom slomljenom na dole i slovo L sa koso spuštenom drugom crtom javljaju se krajem III i početkom IV veka. Rasprave o mogućoj lokaciji bazilike Sv. Anastasije u Sirmijumu i eventualnoj identifikaciji postojećih kultnih mesta sa njom u stručnoj literaturi traju od druge polovine XIX veka do današnjih dana (sl. 3-5). Naime, u Passio altera Sancti Demetrii Thessalonicensis, pominje se da je on, pošto je u Solunu podigao crkvu posvećenu Sv. Dimitriju, želeo da takvu sagradi i u Iliriku, pa je, došavši u Sirmijum, kovčeg sa okrvavljenom svečevom hlamidom i delovima njegovog orarija odloži, A fragmentary marble inscription, preserved in the Museum of Srem in Sremska Mitrovica, seems to mention the basilica of St. Anastasia: [In dom]o beati[ssimae dominae nost]re Anast[asiae. This monument provides epigraphic evidence on the cult place of the martyr in Sirmium, already recorded by written sources. According to the Passion of St. Demetrius, the church of St. Anastasia had already existed in Sirmium when Leontius, praetorian prefect of Illyricum, started the construction of the basilica of St. Demetrius. Although the find spot of the plate is not known, the finds of Ostrogothic coins next to the northern city wall imply that the basilica of St. Anastasia was located in that zone of the city, as the Ostrogoths highly respected the Martyr. It is possible that it should be identified with a martyrium leaning against the northern city wall that had been unearthed and then destroyed at the end of the 19th century.

The paper presents an overview of the history of the Roman provinces on the territory of Serbia during the Principate, from the reign of Augustus and the creation of the Moesia to the accession of Diocletian.

The paper presents an overview of the history of the Roman provinces on the territory of Serbia during the Tetrarchy and the reign of the scond Flavian dynasty (284-363 AD).

U regrutaciji legije XV Apollinaris jasno se razlikuju dva perioda, povezana sa istorijom ove jedinice. U prvoj polovini I veka, do njenog odlaska na istok, preovlađuju vojnici iz severne Italije, dok je broj provincijalaca relativno mali. Po povratku legije na srednji tok Dunava, ovaj odnos se promenio u korist vojnika iz provincija. Područje regrutacije je znatno prošireno, a počela je i lokalna regrutacija u Panoniji. U ovom razdobiju je posvedočeno i prisustvo vojnika iz istočnih provincija Carstva., Provinces on the middle and lower part of the Danube were garrisoned by legions throughout the early empire. Continuous presence of soldiers, originating in Italy and various provinces, accelerated the process of romanisation. The legion XV Apollinaris was stationed in Pannonia from Augustus' reign to the time of Hadrian. Epigraphic evidence reveals two distinct periods in its recruitment. During the first half of the first century A. D. the bulk of legionaries came to Camuntum from Italy. Most of them were enlisted in northern Italy, in Venetia and Histria, which lay close to the garrison province of Pannonia, as well as in other regions. This predominance of northern Italy is closely related to recruitment patterns of praetorian guard and urban cohorts, whose soldiers were usually enlisted in central and southern reaches of Italy. The amount of legionaries originating in the provinces is small compared to the number of Italians. Epigraphic evidence suggests Narbonese Gaul as one of the main areas, which is consistent with legionary recruitment in Hispania and on the Rhine during the first half of the first century A.D. Four legionaries from Macedonia were enlisted in extraordinary circumstances, probably during the revolt of 6-9 A.D. The patterns of recruitment changed considerably after the legion XV Apollinaris returned from the East (in 71 A.D.). The number of Italians diminished significantly and the western provinces (Gaul, Germany, Noricum) seem to have become the main area of recruitment. Judging by epigraphic evidence, this period saw the beginning of local enlistment in Pannonia, even among the indigenous population. Soldiers originating in eastern provinces were presumably recruited during the legion's stay in Syria and Judaea (66-71 A.D.), to cover the losses sustained in the Parthian campaign and in the Jewish War.