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Welfare programs in emerging economies are, in most cases, highly selective. This article illustrates this point by exploring Cambodia's emergency cash assistance scheme coverage for workers affected by the COVID‐19 pandemic. Drawing on policy analysis and interviews with government officials, industry representatives, and garment and tourism unions, it analyzes the level of benefit and efficacy of the initiative for different groups of workers. Based on this analysis, we find that garment factory and tourism workers received better support than workers in other sectors as a consequence of industry lobbying and strategic decision‐making on the part of the government designed to mitigate the impact of the pandemic on those sectors. Our analysis also reveals, however, that the relatively informal nature of even formal‐sector workplaces in Cambodia meant that the scheme's impact was highly varied even among these targeted groups of workers. We conclude with a discussion of the findings' broader implications. Related Articles: Asongu, Simplice, and Nicholas M. Odhiambo. 2023. "The Effect of Inequality on Poverty and Severity of Poverty in Sub‐Saharan Africa: The Role of Financial Development Institutions." Politics & Policy 51(5): 898–918. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12558. Lachapelle, Erick, Thomas Bergeron, Richard Nadeau, Jean‐François Daoust, Ruth Dassonneville, and Éric Bélanger. 2021. "Citizens' Willingness to Support New Taxes for COVID‐19 Measures and the Role of Trust." Politics & Policy 49(3): 534–65. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12404. Onyango, Gedion, and Japheth Otieno Ondiek. 2022. "Open Innovation during the COVID‐19 Pandemic Policy Responses in South Africa and Kenya." Politics & Policy 50(5): 1008–31. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12490. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do we understand the efforts of governments across the political spectrum to undermine trade unions in ways that do not involve overt repression? This article introduces a special issue that examines this question through the lens of authoritarian innovations, a political science concept that draws analytical attention to practices that purport to embody democratic principles but actually undermine democratic participation. As applied to the labour and industrial relations field, the concept of authoritarian innovations refers to new governance practices that appear to advance labour rights but, in fact, weaken or subvert workers' genuine, democratic and collective participation in the workplace, in labour institutions, and in the broader polity. As this article argues, this concept allows us to move beyond broad-brush assessments of the labour governance practices associated with different kinds of political regimes to a recognition that democratic and authoritarian states alike may act in ways that appear democratic but are, in reality, quite the opposite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of authoritarian innovations provides a means of interpreting labour governance practices that claim to uphold democratic values and international labour standards while restricting labour participation and genuine voice in the workplace. Two underexplored dimensions of this literature are (a) how authoritarian practices are utilised by power elites in 'hybrid' state formations and (b) under what conditions they may be discarded in favour of a return to direct forms of coercion and violence. In this article, we examine these questions with reference to Myanmar, where there was a decade of experimentation with democracy before a reversion to military-dominated authoritarian rule in February 2021. In the first half of that decade, space opened under a military-led government for decidedly more democratic labour relations, although labour governance reforms were designed and operationalised in ways that constrained the strength and reach of trade unions. In the second half, a democratically elected civilian-led government presided over the contraction of the space available to organised labour. By tracking the alignment of meso-level authoritarian practices against the changing macro-level character of Myanmar's political landscape, this article contributes to theoretical debates within the emerging literature on authoritarian innovations in labour governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Digital information and communications technologies like social media are critical for trade union renewal. Yet, although many unions now use social media, there remain ongoing debates as to what effective digital activism looks like. This question is even more pressing for the Global Unions, as international labour movement organizations without grassroots members. Drawing on social movement and networked communication theories, this article interrogates Global Unions’ social media practices through a mixed‐method analysis of 19,009 Facebook posts created between 2017 and 2022. Based on this analysis, we find that Global Unions that adopt crowd‐focused communication styles and post on broader social issues have more success in engaging with online crowds than those that emphasize workplace or organizational issues and adopt top‐down communication styles. At the same time, our findings challenge assumptions in the literature that crowd‐led, connective communication styles associated with engagement are necessarily the most effective in today's digital society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do civil society organizations (CSOs) use state‐backed supranational institutions to call multinational enterprises (MNEs) to account? There are few studies of precisely how CSOs—union and other—use institutional power in global value chain (GVC) governance or the impact of institutional change on actor behaviour. To address this gap, we assess the impact of changes in the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises on CSO engagement with MNEs, comparing complaints lodged by CSOs before and after the Guidelines were revised in June 2011 to accommodate the rise in global prominence of the human rights and business frame. In our analysis, we focus on how constitutive and institutional power plays out in GVC governance, with special attention to the impact of institutional change on actor behaviour. Our analysis reveals that this state‐backed mechanism provides CSOs with a structure through which to address human rights violations in some MNEs' supply chains but also that, despite its high degree of reflexivity, ongoing design flaws limit its capacity to address the uneven distribution of power not only between CSOs and MNEs, but among CSOs themselves. In doing so, we draw attention to the need for further research on the dynamic multilevel interactions between the configuration and adjustment of supranational institutions and how these mediate CSO and MNE interactions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the role played by brands, producer‐country governments, and unions in mitigating the impact of disruptions caused to garment supply chains by COVID‐19 in Cambodia, Indonesia, and Myanmar. Its findings challenge brand‐centric accounts, highlighting the need for more serious consideration of the dynamic, relational nature of labor governance—and, in particular, of the role of the state–labor nexus in determining producer‐country unions' ability to exercise strategic agency within global supply chains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the development of statewide system change in positive behavior support being implemented by the South Carolina Department of Disabilities and Special Needs in collaboration with the University of South Carolina. Key areas discussed include the impetus for change, the development process, plan components, capacity building, training, state regulations, waiver changes, and case-specific technical assistance. (Contains references.) (Author/DB)