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Aim. Objective is to formulate the position of the EAEU in the negotiations on the free trade area with China.Tasks. We determine the potential results of the creation of the China-EAEU free trade area for each country.Methods. The indices of complementarity and trade intensity were calculated, and the benefits to society from the abolition of customs tariffs were calculated using a partial equilibrium trade-policy simulation.Results. The study of supply and demand for excavators showed that the total benefit of consumers (the construction industry) from the abolition of customs duties only slightly exceeds the losses of producers and the government. Based on the complementarity assessment, it was found that the free trade agreement is more beneficial for China than for the EAEU countries — the structure of China’s exports better corresponds to the structure of imports of the EAEU countries. It was revealed that the exports of the EAEU countries to China are not diversified, and the main export goods face minimal tariffs — 0% for crude oil from Russia and Kazakhstan, 3% for potash fertilizers from Belarus, 0% for ores and concentrates of precious metals from Kyrgyzstan, 0% for copper ores and concentrates from Armenia. The EAEU countries may be interested in further liberalization of trade with China due to the intention to export frozen fish, corn, wheat and rice (Russia), tobacco (Kyrgyzstan and Armenia), meat and dairy products (Belarus), and cognac (Armenia).Conclusions. Reduction of duties on the specified goods may be the subject of a preliminary temporary agreement. A free trade zone may be created by finalizing the existing Agreement on Trade and Economic Cooperation between the EAEU and its Member States and the PRC. It is recommended that, in addition to including provisions on the abolition of customs duties, sections on trade in services, investments, and movement of individuals be included.

The Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) underwent three years of negotiations by the EU and US, both experienced and capable negotiators, yet the negotiations failed, raising questions. This article delves into the factors that caused TTIP's demise by examining the negotiation structure, the impact of secrecy versus transparency, and the disruptive influence of spoilers. The change in negotiation structure caused a cascading effect, enabling disruptive actors to flourish, and causing the negotiators to switch from an integrative negotiation strategy into a distributive strategy. To enhance the chances of success and avoid similar pitfalls, this article presents recommendations: (1) maintaining a consistent negotiation structure, (2) coordinating any structural changes with the negotiation partner, (3) expanding the agreement's scope to garner more internal political support, and (4) establishing political backing before commencing negotiations. By addressing these issues, future negotiations can mitigate risks and improve their chances of achieving desired outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the principal reasons for the establishment of Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) between countries is to negotiate the reciprocal reduction and/or elimination of customs tariffs. According to Mongolian law, the Customs General Administration of Mongolia (CGAM) is responsible for determining the optimal rate and amounts of customs duties. As such, it plays a leading role in the negotiation of tariffs and the implementation of FTAs with partner countries. This paper examines the legal text of tariff negotiations and the modality of reducing tariffs, and determines specific goods of interest for tariff negotiations within the framework of the agreement between Mongolia and the Republic of Korea (ROK), based on analysis of the revealed comparative advantage (RCA) index. The results of the analysis show that, during the negotiation process, Mongolia should focus on textiles and apparel, as well as agricultural production, while the ROK should concentrate on automobiles, items of machinery and their parts, tobacco, cosmetics and noodles. This study should prove useful to Mongolian Customs experts and tariff negotiation team members, trade policy makers and domestic producers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study utilizes panel data encompassing 164 countries to analyze China’s foreign labor export from 2008 to 2017. Employing the multi-period double-difference method, the research investigates the impact of Free Trade Agreement (FTA) signings on China’s labor export. Empirical findings reveal the following insights:The signing of FTAs significantly enhances China’s foreign labor export, demonstrating a temporal effect. Importantly, this conclusion withstands rigorous testing through various robustness checks. FTAs have a positive impact on China’s labor export to developing countries but do not exhibit a similar effect on developed countries. The impact of FTAs on labor export is pronounced in contractual engineering scenarios, while no discernible effect is observed in China’s labor cooperation. Through a meticulous examination of specific WTO+ and WTO-X provisions, the study underscores that it is primarily the WTO+ provisions that drive China’s foreign labor export. Consequently, strategic recommendations are proposed. These include fostering additional FTAs between China and developing nations, prioritizing labor export within contracted projects, encouraging expansion of Chinese labor export enterprises into new markets, promoting multi-party cooperation to facilitate overseas labor export, diligent consideration of existing FTA provisions, and exploration of transitioning from WTO+ to WTO-X provisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increased market access through trade liberalization can affect the markups, prices, and marginal costs of exporters. Understanding these dynamics is critical for firms and policymakers, particularly as they formulate export strategies. We examine the impact of China lowering tariffs on Pakistani products under the Pakistan–China Free Trade Agreement (FTA), which gave Pakistani exporters greater market access. Using disaggregated output and price data for textile manufacturers in Punjab, Pakistan, we estimate product-level markups and marginal costs using the methodology of De Loecker, Goldberg, Khandelwal, and Pavcnik (2016) ["Prices, Markups, and Trade Reform." Economterica 84 (2): 445–510]. We then extend this to the firm level by using the methodology of De Loecker and Warzynsksi (2012) ["Markups and Firm-Level Export Status." American Economic Review, 2437–2471]. We find that Pakistani firms exporting to China followed a dynamic pricing strategy by reducing prices to compete with global competitors in the Chinese market. We also find evidence of a decrease in marginal costs as a result of reductions in X-inefficiencies. But because Pakistan's exports to China are relatively homogeneous, the extent of quality differentiation and markup margins was limited. Finally, we find evidence of pro-competitive effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the potential for U.S. soy exports to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) under a free trade agreement (FTA). It highlights the current barriers faced by U.S. soy products in ASEAN due to tariffs and nontariff measures. The article emphasizes the importance of FTAs in eliminating trade barriers and increasing market access for U.S. soybean products in ASEAN, particularly in meeting the growing demand for feed inputs in the expanding pork and poultry industries in countries like the Philippines and Vietnam. [Extracted from the article]

The European Union (EU) and the Southern Common Market (Mercosur) free trade agreement (FTA) aims to increase regional trade and major integration between the regions; after decades of negotiations, in 2019, finalization of the agreement was reached. However, there are several blockages from both parties in the ratification process: whilst few EU members the criticize environmental and sustainability issues within the agreement, the Mercosur partners oppose the imposition of sustainability standards onto the region without adequate financial support. On this topic, the literature is still too poor to build a systematic literature review; thus, the present analysis follows a quasi-historical approach considering the major steps of the EU–Mercosur FTA looking both at the scientific and gray literature. The study underlines how environmental and sustainability issues are at the core of the European policies; thus, themes such as deforestation and pesticides could be a dealbreaker in the ratification of the agreement. For the EU, the FTA with Mercosur could mark a new step in the race towards it being a new "global standard" for sustainability and production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose -- This paper evaluates Indonesia's trade integration efforts and their impact on export competitiveness from 1989 to 2021. It examines the evolution of trade arrangements, starting with the ASEAN Preferential Trade Arrangement (APTA) and progressing to bilateral agreements. Methods -- Based on Leamer and Stern, the Constant Market Share Analysis (CMSA) measures Indonesia's export competitiveness over the study period. Findings -- The results indicate no significant improvement in competitiveness during the analysis period, with export growth primarily driven by the effect of world growth. Although competitiveness did not shift markedly over time, it remained positive overall, suggesting a buffer effect during economic crises. Implications -- The paper suggests that Indonesia should pursue deeper trade integration and unilateral economic reforms. Drawing on Korea's experience, combining export promotion policies with trade agreements could enhance market access and foster internal competitiveness. Originality -- This study provides long-term insights into Indonesia's export competitiveness amidst global trade integration efforts and offers policy recommendations based on the success of Korea's trade reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mexican Journal of Economics & Finance / Revista Mexicana de Economia y Finanzas is the property of Instituto Mexicano de Ejecutivos de Finanzas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose ― This paper evaluates Indonesia's trade integration efforts and their impact on export competitiveness from 1989 to 2021. It examines the evolution of trade arrangements, starting with the ASEAN Preferential Trade Arrangement (APTA) and progressing to bilateral agreements. Methods ― Based on Leamer and Stern, the Constant Market Share Analysis (CMSA) measures Indonesia’s export competitiveness over the years. Findings ― The results indicate no significant improvement in competitiveness during the analysis period, with export growth primarily driven by the effect of world growth. Although competitiveness did not shift markedly over time, it remained positive overall, suggesting a buffer effect during economic crises. Implications ― The paper suggests Indonesia should pursue deeper trade integration and unilateral economic reforms. Drawing on Korea’s experience, combining export promotion policies with trade agreements could enhance market access and foster internal competitiveness. Originality ― This study provides long-term insights into Indonesia’s export competitiveness amidst global trade integration efforts and offers policy recommendations based on the success of Korea’s trade reforms.

Vietnam's trade balance was positive with the United States, the Netherlands, Hong Kong, the United Kingdom, the United Arab Emirates, and Austria. However, it was negative in several countries, including South Korea, China, Taiwan, Thailand, Singapore, and Argentina. This paper aims to investigate the asymmetric effects of several macroeconomic factors on Vietnam's trade balance in the post-global financial crisis era. This paper aims to capture better the nuanced effects of free trade agreements on Vietnam's trade balance. Using regression methods like Pooled OLS, Random Effect Model, Fixed Effect Model, and Hausman Taylor, it analyzes factors affecting bilateral trade with Comprehensive Economic Partnership for East Asia nations. These factors include gross domestic product (GDP), population, distance, exchange rates, national borders, and Free Trade Agreements. Findings suggest that GDP, population, and exchange rates significantly influence Vietnam's trade relationships, but free trade agreements have not yielded the expected results. This study's novelty lies in its exploration of comprehensive regression analysis, offering valuable insights into Vietnam's trade dynamics.

Copyright of Revista Derecho del Estado is the property of Universidad Externado de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Business Science (JOBS) / İşletme Bilimi Dergisi (JOBS) is the property of Journal of Business Science / Isletme Bilimi Dergisi (JOBS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Using a dynamic preferential trade agreement (PTA) formation model, we show that political biases in exporting and import‐competing sectors substantially impact the extent of PTA formation. While both exclusion and free riding incentives constrain the expansion to global free trade in a free trade agreement (FTA) game, only the former incentive arises in a customs union (CU) game. When we endogenize the choice between FTAs and CUs, the tension between the flexibility benefit of FTAs and the coordination benefit of CUs reveals that FTAs always serve as PTA building blocks while CUs may serve as PTA building or stumbling blocks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Oman's trade performance achievements with Singapore are assessed within the Gulf–Singapore Free Trade Agreement (GSFTA) framework. Since coming into force in January 2015, Oman's total export value to Singapore has plunged significantly. The number of imported products from Singapore remained significantly higher than the number of Oman's exports to Singapore, confirming that Omani exports have a weaker presence in the Singaporean market. In the post‐2015 period, Oman's export partner share in trade remained below its import partner share. Although Oman's comparative advantage strengthened in consumer goods, intermediate goods, chemicals and metals since 2015, animals, food, vegetables and wood consistently revealed their comparative disadvantage since 2000. Between 2015 and 2018, Oman's export share of capital and intermediate goods to Singapore fell from 45.23% to 33.57%, while it rose for consumer goods, chemicals, fuels, machinery and electrical products. Oman's trade reforms have resulted in weighted average tariffs on all products falling from around 5% in 2005 to below 0.60% in 2018. While GSFTA has delivered on expanding trade between Oman and Singapore (though with different magnitudes), it has fallen short of delivering the 'level playing field' as expected of Oman's bilateral trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic integration, which in today's global trade is the fundamental component of linking economic ties between countries, is another important factor in the acceleration of economic growth. The provision of trade logistics services is essential to a nation's economic success in international trade activities. It is essential for enterprises engaged in active international trade to achieve competitive advantages. The international trade and localised commercial activity, to a large extent, is dependent on the logistics and supply chain infrastructure and operational capacity. However, the area received little attention from the perspective of applied economics. The in-depth empirical studies on the impacts of logistics on trade efficiency are few and limited. The study aims to investigate the role of logistics and supply chains in international and national trade in a developing country. It uses secondary data for the analysis. The model and software used in the study are the gravity model and GTAP10a. The time horizon used spans 2014–2030. The results show that in order to enhance trading and commercial activities, a developing country should develop logistics and supply chain infrastructure, train people, and design a flexible logistics policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the study of strategic directions of cooperation between Ukraine and the Republic of Turkey through the prism of the ratification of the Free Trade Agreement. Scientific interest in the topic was aroused by the provisions of the Agreement on Free Trade between the Government of Ukraine and the Government of the Republic of Turkey in terms of the legal obligations of the states and their consequences for the parties. In the article, the author analyzed in historical retrospect the Protocol on the establishment of diplomatic relations between Ukraine and the Republic of Turkey. Also, the Framework Agreement between the Government of Ukraine and the Government of the Republic of Turkey on cooperation in the field of high technologies, aviation and space industries and its impact on the Free Trade Agreement and its formation were analyzed. The analysis of this Framework Agreement by the author was carried out through the prism of the specified legal obligations of the states, in particular, the legal obligations of Ukraine in terms of granting benefits and preferences to Turkish companies were investigated. In addition, the Memorandum of Understanding on the Free Trade Agreement between the Government of Ukraine and the Government of the Republic of Turkey and bilateral trade between the Government of Ukraine and the Government of the Republic of Turkey was examined. In particular, the author analyzed the provisions of the Memorandum as part of the proposed legal mechanisms for the protection of the market for agricultural products. The content of the Free Trade Agreement between the Government of Ukraine and the Government of the Republic of Turkey was analyzed taking into account the provisions of the Agreement on Agriculture of the World Trade Organization. To fulfill the stated purpose of this research, the author investigated the provisions of the Constitution of Ukraine in the part of regulating the principles of foreign economic activity regarding the compliance of the provisions of the Free Trade Agreement between the Government of Ukraine and the Government of the Republic of Turkey with domestic legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using data from Canadian and Korean public companies available at Bloomberg, this study attempts to demonstrate the relationship between investment in establishments and trade liberalization, an effect caused mainly by increased competitiveness. This project contributes to the studies previously conducted on the subject and adds information regarding countries with different peculiarities, such as Canada, better known for being the main trading partner of the USA and major producer of commodities, and South Korea, which for some decades has invested to become a reference in technology and world innovation. In line with previous studies, a negative and statistically significant relationship was found between investment and trade liberalization, an effect that was verified mainly for those establishments that are far from the frontier of the sector in which they operate, and for the firms in the frontier this effect is positive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyse the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) and its potential to unleash the development of women in Africa. The envisaged benefits of the AfCFTA include increased trade diversification, regional integration, enhanced human security, increased foreign direct investment and technological advancement. Despite optimism about the prospects of the agreement as a local innovation spearheaded by the African Union, pessimists raise questions about the extent of stakeholder engagement. The agreement must be gender-responsive to enhance outcomes for women cross-border traders. The paper concludes that the lack of gender sensitivity confirms the need to address the specific needs of African women, especially those involved in informal cross-border trade. Hence, for AfCFTA, the policy focus should be on ensuring the formalisation of women who participate in informal trade, thus helping increase access to markets, information and growth opportunities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Economía del Caribe is the property of Fundacion Universidad del Norte and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article provides profound knowledge of labour commitments in the new-generation European Union (EU) free trade agreement (FTA). It sheds light on the historical and theoretical rationales that underlie trade-labour linkages in EU policy in general and the labour commitments under the new-generation EU FTA in particular. The article further elaborates on how labour commitments are proposed in EU FTAs by making a comparison among developing countries, including the EU-Vietnam FTA (EVFTA). And ultimately, the paper revisits and critically analyses the decision of the panel of experts with reasoning regarding the EU-South Korea (Korea) dispute under labour commitments within the EU-Korea FTA so as to clarify the nature of these commitments in EU FTAs and suggest policy implications for Vietnam and other developing countries on how to effectively implement them within EU FTAs in the long run. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan has limited trade with Central Asian Republics (CARs). Facing with stagnant exports and widening trade gap, CARs offer a great opportunity to Pakistan to diversify and expand its trade. The study analyzed the existing trade profile of Pakistan generally and with Central Asian states particularly. Additionally, the potentials for trade with CARs were also explored. The analysis suggests that trade with the CARs has not been encouraging as trade volume with these countries is nominal as total exports to CARs rose from US$ 40.4 M in 2016 to US$109 M in 202. Similarly imports also grew at nominal rate from US$ 28.0 M IN 2016 to US$ 59.1 M in 2021. Great trade potential exists for trade with Central Asian Countries. Pakistan has comparative advantage in different products like cotton and cotton products, pharmaceuticals, sports items, surgical items, cement, sugar, IT and telecommunication etc. and can export cheaper goods to the Central Asian states. Moreover, Central Asian Republics are rich in natural resources and Pakistan can import a number of products to meet local needs and accelerate economic development. However, Pakistan’s trade with the CARs has been facing upheavals, mainly due to continuous insecurity in Afghanistan, money exchange issues, banking and transaction problems, tariff issues and absence of direct flights. It is recommended that trad with Central Asian states shall be improved through transit and free trade agreements. Moreover, rationalization of tariff and provision of banking facilities in CARs, trade exhibitions, simplification of processes, tourism and cultural and educational exchange programs facilitated by direct flights and easy visa processes can help boost mutual trade. Construction of road and railways infrastructure in Afghanistan and extension of CPEC project to Afghanistan will connect Afghanistan and CARs to Pakistan which will reduce time and cost of transportation and hence will improve trade among Pakistan, Afghanistan and Central Asian Republics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study attempts to investigate the institutional factors affecting bilateral or multilateral investment treaties with regard to foreign direct investment. This is an applied research based on descriptive and correlational approach. In order to test the postulated hypotheses, given the availability of data, 42 countries were considered for the period 2006-2021, and the PPML technique was applied using Eviews 13 within the framework of the gravity model. The results showed that investment treaties have a positive and significant effect on foreign direct investment, although this effect will be greater in the case of developing countries. Factors such as common language, market capacity, and distance also have a significant impact, whereas population and geographic proximity are not significant determinants for the flow of foreign direct investment except for the paired developing countries. In general, the empirical investigation demonstrated that a bilateral investment treaty acts as a signaling device, indicating that the host country is serious about protecting the investment.

This article analyzes the integration processes in Brazil, focusing on the impact of a free trade agreement on the country's constitutional powers. The constitutional and historical context of Brazil is examined, including the constituent process and the transition from dictatorship to democracy. Brazil's participation in Latin American integration, such as Mercosur, and its relationship with the European Union and the United States through free trade agreements are also studied. The article highlights how free trade agreements have become a tool for developing international political alliances. Additionally, the active role of the Supreme Federal Court and the Superior Court of Justice in the Brazilian judicial system is mentioned. The article also addresses the conflict of powers between administrative and judicial authorities of the Union and the states in Brazil, as well as Brazil's participation in Mercosur and conflict resolution systems between countries. The importance of Brazil in the economic integration of Latin America is emphasized. The article also analyzes Brazil's role in integration processes and its relationship with the United States, as well as the reorientation of Brazilian foreign policy in a time of great global instability. Brazil seeks to consolidate its position in the international sphere through the signing of free trade agreements. [Extracted from the article]

Why do legislators support some free trade agreements but oppose others? Despite a wide variation in legislative support for free trade agreements, the heterogeneous preferences of legislators have received little attention in the literature, which largely focuses on general trade policy preferences of legislators and individual voters. We bring in geopolitical factors as a key source of legislative preferences on specific free trade agreements. Using voting records of the U.S. House representatives on all major bills related to free trade agreements, we find that the geostrategic importance of potential trading partner has a substantial effect on voting for trade agreements. We find that legislators become less sensitive to their constituents' economic interests when considering trade agreements with allies or countries with closely aligned interests. This highlights the importance of examining security externalities of trade cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research aims to comprehensively analyze the potential environmental impact of the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) in Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) countries. To achieve this, a two‐model approach is employed, consisting of a fixed and random effects model covering the period of 1990 to 2021 and a difference‐in‐differences (DID) model focusing on the period of 2014 to 2021. The fixed and random effects model provides insights into long‐term trends and country‐specific effects, while the DID model assesses short‐term changes and estimates causal relationship effects of the AfCFTA by comparing changes in environmental indicators before and after the AfCFTA establishment. Our conclusion is based on the random effect, which was determined to be more appropriate following the Hausman diagnostic test and the DID results. The random effect model results show that GDP increases environmental degradation, whereas GDP squared improves environmental quality. Trade openness and energy consumption improve the region's environmental quality, while foreign direct investment inflows damage the environment. The DID results indicate that the treatment variable (establishment of AfCFTA) has the potential of worsening the environment while the control variable (ECOWAS member) has the potential of improving environmental quality. The interaction variable (treatment × control) enhances environmental quality. The study suggests that the trade agreement has the potential to contribute to sustainable development and environmental protection. Policymakers should seize this opportunity by implementing environmental safeguards, promoting sustainable trade practices, fostering regional collaboration, and ensuring effective monitoring and evaluation mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Internasjonal Politikk is the property of Cappelen Damm Akademisk and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Countries are increasingly using free trade agreements (FTAs) and customs unions (CUs) to cooperate on environmental issues by including environmental provisions in regional trade agreements (RTAs). We examine whether countries form RTAs with regional environmental regulations and join a multilateral trade agreement (MTA) with a common environmental regulation that maximizes world welfare. Each government imposes an environmental tax to mitigate negative externalities caused by the consumption of differentiated goods. The main finding is that a deep FTA with regional harmonization of environmental taxes may act as a stumbling block for an MTA with multilateral harmonization of environmental taxes if the degree of product differentiation is intermediate. In contrast, a deep CU with a regional environmental tax serves as a building block, even if negative consumption externalities are transboundary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The subject of this paper is the legitimacy and purpose of concluding a free trade agreement (FTA) between the USA and Kenya. The main research problem lies in whether the US-Kenya FTA can become a template for strengthening trade cooperation between the US and Africa and strengthening the American economic position on the continent. The main hypothesis is that the successful negotiations leading to the conclusion of an FTA, satisfactory for both the US and Kenya, might motivate other African countries to negotiate with the US in this regard. The US-Kenya FTA could become a model document, helping the US and African countries to negotiate free trade cooperation. It may prove to be a milestone on the road to closer economic cooperation between the United States and Africa.

Abstract This paper investigates the potential effects of the Mercosur-EU agreement for the automotive value chains in Argentina and Brazil, identifying the trade balance movements of each partner. Its main results point to an improved trade balance in most automotive and auto parts products for the EU. Besides differences in international competitiveness, other factors prompt these results, such as differences in production scale between partners, greater tariff preferences granted by Mercosur, greater potential demand for vehicles in Argentina and Brazil than in the EU, higher regulation requirements on product and process quality in the EU market, among others.

Chile and Korea subscribed a free trade agreement in 2003, which entered into force in 2004. One of the main objectives behind the agreement was to modify the concentration of the Chilean export basket, traditionally dominated by primary products, through preferential access to the country's main export destinations. From here, this paper analyses the achievement of this objective through mixed-methods. Acknowledging that econometric models may not fully explain trade patterns, this article uses both quantitative data to understand the impact of the agreement on export flows, and qualitative information to complement these results. It concludes that Chile has not been capable of achieving the objective stated, due to constrains in the public and private sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing body of literature has emerged on the links between free trade agreement (FTA) and agricultural export margins. As a key component of intensive margins, export survival and duration play essential roles in long-term and sustainable export growth. We investigated the impact of FTAs on agricultural export duration from the perspective of firm-destination pair. Based on highly disaggregated firm-level panel data of Chinese agricultural exporters covering the period of 2000–2016, we applied the proper survival method to empirically analyze the effect of FTA on export duration and survival. The results identify dynamic export stylized facts among firm-destination country pairs: although most of the agricultural firm-destination export relations demonstrated longer duration than those of other industries in China, they were still short-lived. Most importantly, we confirmed that FTA produced two opposite effects: Compared to non-FTA partners, the FTA membership role helps extend the length of export duration for agricultural export relation in general. However, for newly created relations, the implementation of FTA increased the hazard rate of export failure and shortened the length of duration. Our results cast a new light on firm-level export survival issue and FTA policy, and provide implications for both agricultural exporters and policymakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political economy literature extensively discusses how great powers use asymmetric power relations as a tool in trade negotiations, yet discussion regarding how asymmetric power relations can account for the variety of power asymmetry dynamics in international relations, especially in the cases of middle power countries such as South Korea, is scarce. This paper examines how South Korea's free trade agreement (FTA) strategies with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) were enabled under the Moon Jae-in administration's New Southern Policy (NSP) by analyzing the sources of South Korea's power asymmetry with ASEAN. Understanding power asymmetry as an evolving process, this paper takes the constructivist approach to middle power to demonstrate how South Korea's development of a middle power identity shaped the country's negotiation leverage in trade negotiations. This enabled South Korea to secure in-depth FTAs with ASEAN at the bilateral level under the NSP, despite ASEAN members' initial reluctance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following centuries of attempts to improve labour standards and fight for the elimination of forced or compulsory labour, the problem remains severe on a worldwide scale. No country or continent in the world can abolish this phenomenon in all of its forms, concomitantly, not only does it affect developed and high-income countries, but it also has an enormous impact on developing ones like Vietnam. In order to preserve a level playing field, protect fair competition, avoid divergence on social and environmental standards, and provide each party with the ability to apply its social norms, this issue must be addressed. Eliminating forced or compulsory labour, therefore, is a remarkable goal that the European Union (EU) aims to achieve in its free trade agreements (FTAs), including the EUVietnam free trade agreement (EVFTA). Accordingly, the EU also demanded that Vietnam abide by the prohibition on forced or compulsory labour in EVFTA’s labour commitments. In light of the need to uphold obligations as a member and the potential market with the EU in the future, the study of eradicating forced or compulsory labour in Vietnam is crucial to both the EU and Vietnam's pursuit of sustainable development. This study focuses on evaluating legislation for eliminating Vietnam’s forced or compulsory labour, indicating the compatibility between the EVFTA’s labour commitments and the national legal system, and looking at the other EU countries’ experiences with this problem; from that, it provides recommendations on completing Vietnamese legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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How do interest groups decide which member of Congress to target when decisions are made collectively? Do lobbying strategies change as legislation advances? Answering these questions is challenging due to a lack of systematic observations of lobbying contacts. I answer these questions using a novel data set constructed from reports submitted by lobbyists on behalf of South Korea regarding its free trade agreement with the United States for 10 years. I show that a diverse set of politicians are contacted but the timing, intensity, and strategy of lobbying contacts vary by politicians' institutional positions as well as their predisposed preferences for free trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the reasons for the establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Eurasian Economic Union in some countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States that were part of the former Soviet Union, their goals, nature and implementation of mechanisms. There are written conflicts of interest arising between the main member countries during the implementation of cooperation within the framework of these two associations, as well as the desire of neighboring countries to admit Mongolia to these two associations. The Eurasian Economic Union considers free trade agreements as a new trade policy tool for relations with third countries and is establishing free trade agreements with some countries in the framework of WTO rules and regulations. In addition, an attempt has been made to conclude on the opportunities, weaknesses, and risks of Mongolia not joining the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Eurasian Economic Union. The researcher wrote his opinions and conclusions about the importance of maintaining the position of an observer in Mongolia without joining these two regional organizations. Монгол Улс, бүс нутгийн хамтын ажиллагааны байгууллагууд: Боломж ба эрсдэл, аюул занал Хураангуй: Энэхүү өгүүлэлд хуучин ЗХУ-ын бүрэлдэхүүнд байсан тусгаар улсуудын хамтын нөхөрлөлийн зарим орнуудын Шанхайн хамтын ажиллагааны байгууллага, Евро-Азийн эдийн засгийн холбоог байгуулах болсон шалтгаан, тэдгээрийн зорилго, мөн чанар ба механизмуудын хэрэгжилтийг бичсэн. Энэ хоёр холбооны хүрээнд хамтын ажиллагааг хэрэгжүүлэх явцад голлох гишүүн орнуудын хооронд үүсэж буй эрх ашгийн зөрчил, энэ хоёр холбоонд Монгол Улсыг гишүүнээр элсүүлэх хөрш улсын хүсэл зэргийг бичсэн байна. ЕАЭЗХ нь чөлөөт худалдааны гэрээг гуравдагч улс орнуудтай харилцах худалдааны бодлогын шинэ арга хэрэгсэл гэж үзэж дэлхийн зарим улсуудтай чөлөөт худалдааны гэрээг ДХБ-ын дүрэм, журмын хүрээнд байгуулж байна. Түүнчлэн ШХАБ болон ЕАЭЗХ-д Монгол Улс гишүүнээр элсэхгүй байх эсвэл элсэхэд бий болох боломжууд ба сул талууд, эрсдэлүүдийн талаар дүгнэлт гаргах гэж оролдсон болно. Монгол Улсад ШХАБ болон ЕАЭЗХ-д элсэхгүйгээр ажиглагчийн байр сууриа хадгалаж үлдэхийн ач холбогдолын талаар судлаач өөрийн санал, дүгнэлтийг бичсэн болно. Түлхүүр үгс: Монгол Улс, ШХАБ, ЕАЭЗХ, ОХУ, БНХАУ, ажиглагч, гишүүнчлэл, чөлөөт худалдааны гэрээ, улс төр, дипломатын харилцаа, эдийн засгийн интеграци

The subject of this paper is the legitimacy and purpose of concluding a free trade agreement (FTA) between the USA and Kenya. The main research problem lies in whether the US-Kenya FTA can become a template for strengthening trade cooperation between the US and Africa and strengthening the American economic position on the continent. The main hypothesis is that the successful negotiations leading to the conclusion of an FTA, satisfactory for both the US and Kenya, might motivate other African countries to negotiate with the US in this regard. The US-Kenya FTA could become a model document, helping the US and African countries to negotiate free trade cooperation. It may prove to be a milestone on the road to closer economic cooperation between the United States and Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We explored a comparative static computable general equilibrium model with six regions and 12 sectors to estimate the impacts of the recent UK–Korea free trade agreement (FTA) along with the European Union (EU)–Korea FTA. The empirical results provide quantitative evidence of the impact on national GDP, national exports and imports by sector, and the changes in exports or imports among the United Kingdom, Korea, Japan, China, and the EU. The UK–Korea FTA, along with the EU–Korea FTA, increases GDP and welfare for the United Kingdom and Korea; moreover, there is a large increase in automobiles, transport equipment, and machinery exports between Korea and the United Kingdom. The GDP and welfare level of non‐member countries such as Japan and China will slightly decline. Exports from the United Kingdom and Korea to non‐member countries are also expected to decrease in most manufacturing sectors. The UK–Korea FTA will lead to increases in imports between the United Kingdom and Korea due to mutual trade creation effects and trade diversion effects. However, non‐member countries such as Japan's exports are expected to experience a large decline in automobiles to the United Kingdom and in most manufacturing products to Korea due to the negative impact of the UK–Korea FTA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the proliferation of free trade agreements (FTAs), many exporting firms are still confronted with several challenges in utilizing the FTA preferential tariffs. Based on the Technology–Organization–Environment (TOE) framework, this study empirically examines the factors affecting the utilization of FTA schemes by exporting firms. To clarify the key factors influencing FTA utilization, this study develops a conceptual model from the perspective of the adoption of information technology innovations. Eight factors derived from the TOE framework are proposed to explore the determinants of FTA utilization in export. Partial least squares structural equation modeling is employed to analyze the data collected from 162 exporting small- and medium-sized enterprises in the South Korean textile industry. The findings reveal that compatibility and trading partner influence are positively associated with FTA utilization, while complexity is negatively related. Factors of organizational context do not show any relationship with FTA utilization. This study is the first to theoretically analyze and empirically test the determinants of FTA utilization from the perspective of technological innovation adoptions. By examining the relative importance of TOE factors in the utilization of FTA schemes, this study expects to advance a holistic understanding on the perceived factors that could potentially affect the utilization of FTA schemes.

Economic integration, which in today’s global trade is the fundamental component of linking economic ties between countries, is another important factor in the acceleration of economic growth. The provision of trade logistics services is essential to a nation’s economic success in international trade activities. It is essential for enterprises engaged in active international trade to achieve competitive advantages. The international trade and localised commercial activity, to a large extent, is dependent on the logistics and supply chain infrastructure and operational capacity. However, the area received little attention from the perspective of applied economics. The in-depth empirical studies on the impacts of logistics on trade efficiency are few and limited. The study aims to investigate the role of logistics and supply chains in international and national trade in a developing country. It uses secondary data for the analysis. The model and software used in the study are the gravity model and GTAP10a. The time horizon used spans 2014–2030. The results show that in order to enhance trading and commercial activities, a developing country should develop logistics and supply chain infrastructure, train people, and design a flexible logistics policy.