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The article informs about the concept of speed in relation to bi- and multilingual education and its consequences, discussing the social, economic, political, and pedagogical aspects of speed and its impact on various stakeholders in education. Topics include examining the experience of speed in language programs in different geopolitical locations, the intersection of speed with bi- and multilingualism, and the forms of language practices influenced by speed.

The article provides information on the book "Legacies of Spanish Colonialism in Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines," which examines the colonial legacies of these countries and their connections. The book explores the theoretical and methodological framework of an "archipelagic perspective" that allows for a comparative analysis of colonial legacies, challenges Western-centric narratives, and highlights the global dynamics of coloniality.

China's geoeconomic assertiveness through the Belt and Road Initiative and Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank has a significant impact on countries in various parts of the world, and India is one of the major countries that have received complicated influences from such assertiveness. This article aims to examine India's strategic response to China's increasing geoeconomic presence in South Asia and the Indian Ocean Region. It argues that India has adopted policy options of confrontation and practical cooperation through risk management amid China's growing geoeconomic presence, and has pursued a multi‐pronged engagement, aimed at not taking sides between the United States and China and securing 'strategic autonomy'. These policy options contributed, as a hedging strategy, to defending and enhancing its dominant regional status in uncertain geostrategic politics. Additionally, India has pursued a hedging‐oriented ideational strategy of diluting the confrontational nature of the US‐led Indo‐Pacific strategy and advancing its ideational vision for the Indo‐Pacific. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rapidly changing security environment has brought a plethora of non-military measures to the fore. These measures have completely changed the nature of hostilities by giving them a hybrid character. With regard to the South Caucasus region, the chasm among the political courses pursued by particular states makes the overall region more susceptible to diverse external threats of a political, economic, military and cultural nature. This paper focuses on the economic component of the hybrid warfare in the South Caucasus region. The issues are considered from a security point of view and not from an economic perspective. The vulnerabilities of particular nations in the region to economic coercion are highlighted in the paper and suggestions for improving them made. The authors underscore the regional unity in the South Caucasus as a prerequisite for eliminating or at least mitigating economic dependence and healing the "regional fracture" that has lasted for decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The world on which Covid-19 has unleashed its destructive force is one where the partly supranational and multilateral-minded EU is ill at ease. The pandemic has devastated economies across the world and exacerbated pre-existing dynamics of growing geopolitical rivalry and the declining clout of multilateral regimes and practices. The EU's response to the Covid shock has been twofold: on the one hand, it has embarked on a new integration effort, with the contours of a 'transfer union' emerging for the first time in EU history; on the other hand, it has failed to use the crisis to advance its strategic autonomy agenda. The reason for this dichotomy is that, while the severity of the Covid emergency has shifted public and elite attitudes towards economic solidarity, the lingering commitment to the US has worked as a brake on a similar trend in European foreign policy preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) evolved from promotion of Eurasian connectivity into a catchall for Chinese foreign policy and infrastructure investments worldwide. Although usually portrayed as a top-down geopolitical project of the Chinese central government, this article argues the BRI is actually shaped by converging and diverging interests of a wide variety of actors within and outside China. In order to conceptualize the relational, contingent, and unstable emergence of the BRI in Latin America, the article emphasizes the process of co-production as a theoretical framework. It first analyzes how the BRI incorporated Latin America through policy and discourse analysis, then examines the multi-scalar and multi-sited co-production of Chinese-funded port and railroad infrastructures through interviews and public documents in Brazil. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates India and Australia's respective strategic narratives of regional order in the Indo-Pacific. Despite apparently significant convergences in their terminology around the desire for a 'stable', 'prosperous', 'open', 'free' and 'inclusive' Indo-Pacific, the regional order narratives of India and Australia each promote a distinct conception of regional order, reflecting different sets of political, geopolitical, economic and institutional concerns and agendas. India's narrative promotes 'issue-based' alliances with a variety of countries including China, Russia and the United States, to promote a multipolar regional order, and reflects a long-standing desire to culturally identify and economically integrate with East Asian states. Australia's narrative seeks to perpetuate the post-World War II status quo in the region, with respect to the continuation of a dominant US presence. It promotes closer partnerships with countries like India, Japan and Indonesia, within a US-led regional order, to diversify its economic and security relationships amidst perceptions of China's growing assertiveness. It also carves out a central strategic role for Australia in a region where its leaders have traditionally felt like 'outsiders'. The analysis advances a cultural political economy (CPE) approach to strategic narratives, demonstrating how and why strategic narratives are formed, projected and received at particular junctures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Espacios is the property of Talleres de Impresos Oma and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Research Summary : We explore multinational strategy formation in the context of rising economic nationalism. Specifically, we examine how firms develop strategies to capitalize on the historical and aspirational attributes of national identity. Analyzing the histories of two German multinationals in late colonial India, we find that these firms engaged in "geopolitical jockeying" to delegitimize rival multinationals and position themselves as complementary to the economic and political goals of the host nation. Toward that end they employed "aspirational political practices," addressing the inherently future‐oriented character of nationalism, and invested in the development of political capabilities to gather information and shape perceptions of national contexts. The paper contributes to a more robust conceptualization of nations and nationalism and their role in the formation of international competition and strategy. Managerial Summary : Rising economic nationalism can create political and economic opportunities as well as threats for multinational firms. Through a historical analysis of the emerging strategy of two German companies—Siemens and Bayer—in late colonial India, we show how firms can engage in "geopolitical jockeying" to delegitimize rival multinationals and position themselves as complementary to the economic and political goals of host nations. To do so the companies engaged in "aspirational political practices," addressing the inherently future or goal‐oriented aspects of nations, and created political capabilities designed to both gather intelligence on and shape the nationalist movements. The paper uses history as a mirror for reflecting on the causes and consequences of economic nationalism for international strategy in our own time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a geographical concept, 'Indo-Pacific' has existed for decades. As a political and strategic concept, it has since 2010 gradually become established in the foreign policy lexicon of some countries, especially Australia, India, Japan and the United States. However, China seems to be reluctant to identify itself as part of the Indo-Pacific; Chinese leaders believe that the US-led Indo-Pacific strategy aims to contain China's rise. While the battle between the two geographical concepts 'Indo-Pacific' and 'Asia–Pacific' may be fairly easily settled in the future, US–China strategic competition has just begun. Will the Indo-Pacific become a battlefield for US–China rivalry? How will China cope with the US 'free and open Indo-Pacific' (FOIP) strategy? How will other regional actors respond to the US–China strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific? What are the strategic implications of the 'Indo-Pacific' concept for regional order transformation? How will the Indo-Pacific be institutionalized, economically, politically and strategically? This article introduces the January 2020 special issue of International Affairs , which aims to address those questions, using both country-specific and regional perspectives. Seven articles focus on the policy responses of major players (Australia, China, India, Indonesia, Japan and ASEAN) to the US FOIP strategy and related US–China rivalry in the region. A further three articles examine the profound implications of Indo-Pacific dynamics for regional institution-building and for geopolitical and geo-economic architecture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been regarded by international society as a major policy tool in China's geo-economic strategy. Under this policy platform, Beijing has pledged to invest billions of dollars in the infrastructure and industrial sectors across Eurasia and in the Indo-Pacific nations. It is widely believed that such huge amount of investment will inevitably generate significant geostrategic repercussions in these regions. In response to the BRI, the United States and other powers have come up with a 'free and open Indo-Pacific' strategy. This article attempts to address the following question: what impact is the BRI likely to have on the security ties between China and the other major players in the Indo-Pacific? The author finds that the BRI may significantly transform China's international security policy and the expansion of Beijing's security influence may further intensify the security competition between China and other major powers in the Indo-Pacific region. The article also proposes a new analytical angle for the study of geo-economics that unpacks the role of economic activities and processes in generating geopolitical intentions and catalysing geopolitical competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we analyze the role of country-specific and global geopolitical risks (GPRs) on the returns and volatility of 18 emerging market economies over the monthly period of 1998:11 to 2017:06. For our purpose, we use a panel Generalized Autoregressive Conditional Heteroskedasticity (GARCH) approach, which offers substantial efficiency gains in estimating the conditional variance and covariance processes by accounting for interdependencies and heterogeneity across economies, unlikein a time series-based GARCH model. We find that, while country-specific GPRs do not have an impact on stock returns, and the positive effect on equity market volatility is statistically weak. But when we consider a broad measure of global GPR, though there is still no significant effect on returns, the impact on volatility is both economically and statistically stronger than that obtained under the country-specific GPRs, thus highlighting the dominance of global rather than domestic shocks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes whether China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a geopolitical strategy. Topics discussed are responsibility of China in reviving the ancient Silk Road and goal of BRI to promote inclusive development towards globalization, concept of Community of Shared Future as manifestation of Chinese Harmonious and Syncretic Culture that aims for geoeconomy and geocivilization, and misperceptions about the BRI.

The article deconstructs China's Belt and Road Initiative focusing on its vision of modernity, geopolitics and global order. Topics discussed are aim of China to promote infrastructure connectivity and investment, economic and political aspects of BRI in coordination with the Modernization Vision and Common Destiny Vision founded on sovereignty and authoritarianism, potential return of Mackinder's Eurasian Heartland theory, and BRI as a geopolitical means towards Pax-Sinica.

Energy diplomacy, regulation of the single energy market and the export of this regulatory model to EU's vicinity govern EU energy affairs. This governance nexus, however, suffers from three distinct shortcomings. This paper addresses these in the context of EU external energy governance vis-à-vis Egypt. Firstly, it highlights how geopolitical rationales blur the commercial logic in pipeline politics, derail gas schemes, and marginalize Egypt despite its pivotal energy role. Secondly, it showcases how the three governance modes contradict each other and add layers of contingencies in EU-Egypt gas trade. Thirdly, it questions EU's hierarchal approach to Egypt, demonstrating how the EU suffers from a clear misconception of Egypt's role and interests, and hence fails to tap into Egypt's gas assets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Brasileira de Estudos Urbanos e Regionais is the property of Associacao Nacional de Pos-Graduacao e Pesquisa em Planejamento Urbano e Regional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Pak-China relations have been exemplary in the contemporary international politics. Both States have been maintaining strong ties in terms of diplomatic and military cooperation. However, the close economic cooperation has added a new dimension in the Pak-China all weather partnership. Over the years, China and Pakistan strategic cooperation has evolved at unprecedented level. In the year 2013, the Chinese President Xi Jinping proposed the construction of One Belt One Road (OBOR) that aims to connect China with West Asia, Central Asia, South Asia and Middle East. It is a bitter fact that, since 9/11 Pakistan has suffered in socio-political and especially in economic dimension. The regional security environment and rise of extremism and terrorism has resulted into the hampering economic development. Therefore, the CPEC project will prove to be game changer and when completed it will have deep impact on economic development of Pakistan in future. The CPEC provides an opportunity for Pakistan to stabilize its society and reshape its positive image at international level from fragile State to emerging economy in the South Asian region. The rise of China in economic sphere has been jealously seen by other developed countries while for Pakistan it has been a blessing factor. Thus, PakChina strategic partnership entered into the new phase of economic cooperation that will certainly change the dynamics of the regional politics. This paper aims to discuss the multiple dimensions of CPEC its importance for Pakistan and China along with its internal and external challenges. Moreover, economic and security perspectives will be focused in detail. To fully understand the role of CPEC as driving force of economic prosperity, this paper discusses its potential as a game changer for both China and Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of the One Belt, One Road (OBOR) as a continental infrastructural integration project driven by geo-economic, and potentially geopolitical, interests of the People's Republic of China, with a view to both setting out the broad perspective on the project's significance for the future of Eurasian economic and infrastructural integration and positing Ukraine's potential place in this process. Based on the aforementioned analysis, the author presents an argument in favor of a cautious and considerate approach on the part of Ukraine's policy actors in so far as balancing the opportunities for restoring Ukraine's potential as a transit state with the country's commitments to its Euro-Atlantic partners may be concerned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to economic statecraft theory, states use investments by state-owned enterprises ("SOEs") to achieve geopolitical objectives, such as securing control over resources or exercising influence in zones of special strategic interest. There is increasing interest about the geopolitics of foreign investments under the Chinese and Russian infrastructure diplomacy. Geopolitical investments pose a challenge to investment arbitration-a mechanism created to depoliticize the resolution of investor-state disputes. This article argues that, in the context of growing economic power of SOEs and increasing geopolitical tensions, geopolitics cannot and should not be excluded from the investment arbitration process. At the jurisdictional stage, it makes sense to focus on the commercial nature of investments in strategic sectors, given the difficulty of establishing the real motivation of foreign investors on the basis of objective criteria. However, on the merits, geopolitical arguments are often the only basis on which host states can substantiate their security concerns regarding foreign control over strategic assets. Excluding geopolitical analysis from investment arbitration would negatively affect host states' defense of regulatory interference with strategic investments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Scientific Bulletin of National Mining University is the property of National Mining University, State Higher Educational Institution and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The current study is a content analysis of international economic news about Chinese outward foreign direct investment in Latin American countries from corresponding Latin American newspapers. We studied the portrayal of Chinese outward foreign direct investment among 14 different Latin American newspapers. The study aims at illustrating differences between newspaper portrayals of Chinese outward foreign direct investment in the region, with a special focus on the possible factors that influence the editorial selection of relevant news frames on international economic news. We found that the use of conflict and economic consequence frames corresponds to the editorial distinct focuses on either geopolitical interpretations or economic interpretations of international economic news in the case of Chinese outward foreign direct investment in Latin America. We also found attitudes and perspectives adopted in the portrayals are different both on a national basis and on an editorial basis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anxieties about the effects of international property investment in world cities like London have mainly focused on super-rich investors and corporate vehicles that have generated price inflation of assets and accelerated exclusion from an already expensive market. In fact, many international investors in the city’s housing market are middle-class individuals, and focusing on Hong Kong as an emblematic example of such processes, we examine their motives and the products offered to them by important investment intermediaries. We find that an important rationale for these investments lies in local class-based uncertainties and existential anxieties concerning the future of Hong Kong itself. We focus on the cultural roots of these investor rationalities but also consider the role of investment intermediaries who have helped bolster confidence while shielding investors from the consequences of their aggregated market power – concerns in London over household displacement from foreign investment. We suggest that what may seem to be the predatory search to ‘fry’ property (炒樓), a Hongkonger colloquialism referring to the search for high performing investments, should also be understood as actions anchored in and generated by the habitus of the Hong Kong middle class whose lives have been moulded by historical geopolitical uncertainty and worries about its longer-term social positioning and security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Futuribles is the property of Futuribles SARL and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses China's Geopolitical and Geoeconomic Strategy under the Belt and Road Initiative. Topics include the implementation of the Cooperation Framework for the China-Mongolia- Russia economic corridor that promotes policy coordination, facilities connectivity, trade, financial integration.

In this paper, we investigate the contribution of transport infrastructure, represented by highways, to territorial cohesion in the European Union. In addition to the endowment of motorways, the degree of integration into the global economy contributes significantly to increasing territorial cohesion. We used highway density and highway cross-border connection density as a proxy for motorway endowment and the KOF Globalization Index as a proxy for assessing the level of global integration. Our findings indicate that the cumulative effects of the uneven spatial distribution of highway networks and the KOF Globalization Index reflect some territorial inequalities in the European space. Territorial cohesion deficits highlight the reality of a concentric multi-speed Europe. In order to illustrate this model, we proposed a three-speed European project, designed on the basis of differentiated territorial cohesion given by the uneven endowment with highways and an uneven global integration. Therefore, the differentiated territorial cohesion is an important geopolitical stake for the new European Union that will be built by a future European treaty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main topic assumed in the article are investments in the real estate market, with particular consideration given to their scale and changes in the directions of investing in the context of a dynamically changing geopolitical and economic situation throughout the world. This is seeing as how the activity of investors reflects the need and preferences of various groups of buyers and users of built surfaces, while accounting for the risk accompanying investment decisions as well as the widely understood operating conditions. Constant observation and monitoring of these phenomena, their dynamics as well as structural changes is a remarkably important and very needed study, both as far as science and practical application are concerned, as it allows for the processes taking place to be tracked, while their informational value is more valuable the more uncertain the market and more difficult it and the behaviors of its participants are to predict. The work uses the newest available reports and analyses of the largest auditors dealing with worldwide and global real estate markets, such as: JLL, Colliers International, CBRE, Cushman&Wakefield, KPMG, World Economic Forum, or Savills and UBS Group Ag. The aim of the work is the synthetic analysis of changes and directions of investing on the real estate market on a global scale, in the context of the newest political-economic situations throughout the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The dominant narrative of global income inequality is one of convergence. Recent high-profile publications by Branko Milanovic and the World Bank claim that the global Gini coefficient has declined since 1988, and that inter-country inequality has declined since 1960. But the convergence narrative relies on a misleading presentation of the data. It obscures the fact that convergence is driven mostly by China; it fails to acknowledge rising absolute inequality; and it ignores divergence between geopolitical regions. This paper suggests alternative measures that bring geopolitics back in by looking at the gap between the core and periphery of the world system. From this perspective, global inequality has tripled since 1960. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How will the robot age transform warfare? What geopolitical futures are being imagined by the US military? This article constructs a robotic futurology to examine these crucial questions. Its central concern is how robots - driven by leaps in artificial intelligence and swarming - are rewiring the spaces and logics of US empire, warfare, and geopolitics. The article begins by building a more-than-human geopolitics to de-center the role of humans in conflict and foreground a worldly understanding of robots. The article then analyzes the idea of US empire, before speculating upon how and why robots are materializing new forms of proxy war. A three-part examination of the shifting spaces of US empire then follows: (1) Swarm Wars explores the implications of miniaturized drone swarming; (2) Roboworld investigates how robots are changing US military basing strategy and producing new topological spaces of violence; and (3) The Autogenic Battle-Site reveals how autonomous robots will produce emergent, technologically event-ful sites of security and violence - revolutionizing the battlespace. The conclusion reflects on the rise of a robotic US empire and its consequences for democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research background: Stable and reliable access to a variety of energy carriers is undoubtedly a basis for the development of any economy. Therefore, the primary condition for the security of the state and its citizens is to ensure the essential minimum of energy on its territory. We can observe, however, an increasing dependence of the Polish energy sector on external sources. Purpose of the article: The aim of this paper is to examine and evaluate the economic aspects of the Polish energy security considering the fact of growing de-pendency on foreign supplies of energy carriers. Methods: In this paper we analyze the Polish energy security using several indicators: fuel/price efficiency ratio, energy intensity of the economy and Herfindahl-Hirschman rate of market concentration. For calculations we use statistical data provided by Energy Market Agency publications, including "Energy Situation in Poland" covering the years of 2000- 2015. Findings & Value added: On the one hand, the Polish energy security depends on its internal conditions and resources -- in this context, the available resources of coal and lignite play an extremely positive role because they provide access to a reliable source of energy. On the other hand, Poland is becoming dependent on external commitments that restrict the free use of domestic resources, thus lowering the energy security of the country, speaking in particular of oil and natural gas resources. The analysis carried out in this paper will allow to evaluate the effectiveness of using various energy carriers with respect to their price, market structure and geopolitical conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last few years, migration, as a phenomenon of the globalizing world, has become more active and much more prominent in all spheres of social life. It has gained even more prominence in the context of the geopolitical changes to become a global phenomenon. This is true of labor migration from China to the countries of the Customs Union, unfolding in the context of the global financial and economic crisis. Chinese migration can be described as one of the important factors that affect the social, economic and, probably, demographic development of these countries in the long-term perspective. Here we have proceeded from the fact that the demographic situation and main migration processes are the important elements of everyday life and politics of contemporary China, the impact of which is not limited to China, the development of its neighbors being affected as well. In the future, these processes will become some of the factors to be considered in the relationship between China and its closest neighbors. Today, the steady growth of Chinese uncontrolled migration is responsible for the worsening standards of living in the host countries; it exacerbates the problems created by the equally steady growth of protest sentiments among the local population. To downplay the negative effects of Chinese migration and the protest sentiments it stirs up, China and Kazakhstan, fully aware of mutual synergy of their economics and mainly identical interests in the world, adopted a joint Strategy of Cooperation for the 21st Century that outlined the main directions of their strategic partnership. It was for the first time that the top officials discussed the problem of Chinese workforce illegally brought into Kazakhstan by Chinese oil and gas companies, working in the Aktobe Region in Western Kazakhstan, and the mass protests stirred up by these practices.Today, migration can be described as one of the main factors that directly affect economy, culture, nationalities policy, ethnic and international relations. Migration can no longer be described as a socioeconomic phenomenon--it is gradually acquiring political dimensions. This means that to maintain national and regional security, the interconnections between the political processes and migration, and the nature and directions of their interaction should be carefully studied and understood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers the author's argument on pragmatism as the key in evaluating the trade options for post-Brexit foreign policies in Great Britain. Topics mentioned include the aim to make policies without the help from the European Union which starts on the Brexit vote held on June 23, 2016, the need of the government under Prime Minister Theresa May to consider the link of geopolitics and economics in the integrated world, and the calls for tariff disarmament and unilateral free trade.

The LA River. Photo: Andrea Gibbons. ‘I'm the guy pushing a trillion-dollar infrastructure plan … Shipyards, ironworks, get them all jacked up. We're just going to throw it up against the wall and see if it sticks. It will be as exciting as the 1930s and greater than the Reagan revolution — conservatives, plus populists, in an economic nationalist movement.’(Stephen Bannon, quoted in Blake (2016)) ‘Trump … talks a lot about walls … It’s an enclave mentality, a circling-the-wagons mentality that is going to continue to pillage and gather all the resources possible while there are still resources to gather – because I think they are all afraid of global warming even as they deny it with their last breath – and deny the humanity of everyone outside those gates. It is a familiar mentality. We’re seeing it all play out again in the military actions against Native American struggles for water at Standing Rock – they are fighting for all of us and the land itself and yet the government has brought in tanks.’(Andrea Gibbon (this issue)) ‘Immersed in a rapidly flowing stream, we stubbornly fix our eyes on the few pieces of debris still visible on the shore, while the current carries us away and propels us backward into the abyss.’(Alexis de Tocqueville (2004 [1835]: 7)) When the preceding CITY editorial (‘Trumped? Some Groundings’) set out in mid- December 2016 an interim summing-up of US President Donald Trump’s ‘transitional’ arrangements and some possible environmental implications, it was still possible to conclude, tentatively, that we did not necessarily face a ‘situation of extraordinary continuing turmoil.’ However, we introduced, in opposition to that tentative conclusion, as our first epigraph there, a passage from Noam Chomsky’s almost immediate, deeply challenging response to the election results and to the report of the World Meteorological Organization (WMO) on climate change delivered on the same day, November 8th:The election outcome placed total control of the government -- executive, Congress, the Supreme Court -- in the hands of the Republican Party, which has become the most dangerous organization in world history … The Party is dedicated to racing as rapidly as possible to destruction of organized human life. ( Polychroniou 2016 )In the light of only a few months’ experience of the emerging Trump regime, there is, by now, April 2017, enough qualitative mainstream, specialist and journalistic reporting and analysis to begin to evaluate Chomsky’s overlapping contentions. With regard to his first contention, Republican control of the government – though patchy, confusing, zig-zagging between various positions, recently challenged in the streets as well as in some professional chambers, channels and courts – is emerging and beginning to simultaneously falter and accelerate. The Trump-appointed leadership of Bannon (though now apparently distanced), Mathis (‘Mad Dog’) and Tillerson has begun to take form and make decisions, supported – but not always supported – by a crowd of unpredictable extras with the continuing role of Paul Ryan, Speaker of the House of Representatives but now, it seems, as an at times head waiter at the banquets and behind the scenes. And then there is the Master himself, Trump. Of a recent episode, as the news leaked out of the White House, it was reported in the Washington Post that ‘Trump was mad — steaming, raging mad’ (Rucker, Costa, and Parker 2017). The Washington Post’s tone and focus changed slightly in a later edition. Madness disappeared and was replaced by impatience:At the center of the turmoil in the White House is an impatient president frustrated by his administration’s inability to erase the impression that his campaign was engaged with Russia, to stem leaks or to implement any signature achievements.’What was happening was perhaps exaggerated in the first version of the report. But in the world of Trump’s pantomimes, Stephen Bannon’s jacked-up realities and of Kellyanne Conway’s ‘alternative facts’, it is not easy to find ‘le mot juste’. As to Chomsky’s second contention, action on climate change is marginalised when/where it is not yet up for reversal. Though apparently premature at the time and over-stated, Chomsky’s contentions seem to be holding up. The more evidently social dimension of his forecast, refining it a little in the light of subsequent events, is taking the form of the control of the government in the hands of a plutocratic, military, technicist/professional, and promotional elite operating within the Republican Party. The process is well described, in Naomi Klein’s words, as ‘a corporate takeover’. But more than that, it is a form of regime change, occasioned, on the one hand, by an uneven, but nevertheless capitalism-threatening, humanitarian long revolution and, on the other, challenged and supplanted, bit by bit, by the attempted inauguration of another stage, possibly decisive, of a long counter-revolution, much deeper than a mere coup. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chapter 1 of the book ``Strategic Survey'' is presented which discusses the realities of geopolitics and globalization, and how they are impacting the current world order.

The geopolitical position of state relative to other states or groups of states is based on the economic, financial and military status of the country. The United States will remain in human history as a great power, also the American supremacy has thus produced a new international order which not only imitates, but also institutionalizes beyond the borders of America, many features of the American system itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political map of the planet has transformed substantially during the last century. Former colonial powers had to be satisfied with the perfidious forms of political and economic control. The last decades were marked by the global dominance of the US and its allies, as well as the military superiority of the NATO pact. The beginning of the new millennium was filled with military and financial crises. On the global stage have appeared new economic and military powers and organizations such as the BRICS, the Eurasian Union, the economic power of China, and Russia's comeback in the geopolitical games. The former geopolitical theories become topical again. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studies in Law & Economics / Studia Prawno-Ekonomiczne is the property of Lodz Scientific Society / Lodzkie Towarzystwo Naukowe and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)