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Copyright of Review of Historical Sciences / Przegląd Nauk Historycznych is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Introduction. The article examines the phenomenon of the Belarusian intelligentsia in the conditions of the German occupation of the period 1941-1944. The author defines the types of interaction, motives, and political intentions of this social group in the conditions of war. Materials and methods. The territorial scope of the study is limited to the General District of Belarus, within which the head of the civil administration V. Kube pursued a policy of so-called "Belarusization", aimed, among other things, at attracting the local intellectual elite to interact with the occupation authorities. Representatives of the Belarusian intelligentsia, who chose the path of collaboration, were guided by various motives. Its politically active part sought to implement the Belarusian national project under the Nazi protectorate, the embodiment of which would be the acquisition of sovereignty.Results. Representatives of this group actively participated in the activities of the German occupation authorities at various levels. And representatives of the Belarusian cultural elite saw in cooperation with the German authorities the possibility of creative self-realization in the national language.Conclusion. In both cases, they were the main instrument of German propaganda in the district. Their ethnicity and fluency in the Belarusian language were an additional means of verifying the content of propaganda. For their part, representatives of the Belarusian intelligentsia, who purposefully and consciously interacted with the German authorities, saw them as a means to achieve their own goals, hoping that in the conditions of the Nazi regime, the implementation of a national-state project is possible.

The article examines the phenomenon of Belarusian women's collaboration in the context of the problem of German propaganda in the occupied Soviet territory during the Great Patriotic War. The study was conducted on the materials of the General District of Belarus, chronological framework – 1941-1944. The paper analyzes the materials of propaganda for women and the activities of Belarusian women's collaborationist organizations in the territory of the General District of Belarus. The district occupied about a quarter of the pre-war territory of the BSSR and included mainly western and part of the central districts. The object of the study was German propaganda for women and the occupation policy towards women in the territory of the General District of Belarus. Research methods: analysis, synthesis, comparison. The purpose of the work is to analyze the content of German propaganda for women and the activities of Belarusian women's pro-German associations, to determine their goals and effectiveness. The author comes to the conclusion that the long period of German occupation of a number of Soviet territories, in this case the BSSR, caused the appearance of some specific features of the occupation policy. The head of the German civil administration of the district, Wilhelm Kube, made the main bet on propaganda and encouragement of various kinds of nationalist collaborationist organizations that were supposed to carry out systematic ideological influence on the population of the district. In addition, W. Kube initiated the creation of special "women's" organizations in the district. A special place among them was occupied by the Association of Belarusian Women and the All-Belarusian Women's Committee. In general, the phenomenon of Belarusian women's collaboration had two components – political and cultural education. The first of them was mainly related to the activities of the "Union of Belarusian Youth" (SBM), built on the principle of the German "Hitler Youth". The second component of the Belarusian women's collaboration was cultural and educational, which took place in the context of the policy of "Belarusization". Art exhibitions, contests, concerts were organized under the sign of the national Belarusian symbols. Well-known Belarusian cultural activists, poetesses Natalia Arsenyeva and Larisa Geniyush, have shown themselves in this area. However, the actualization of the "women's issue" in German propaganda, as well as the participation in propaganda actions and campaigns of well-known representatives of Belarusian culture, did not bring the expected results to the occupation authorities. Propaganda contrasted sharply with the realities of the occupation regime. Punitive expeditions against civilians, methods of fighting partisans, the actual genocide of the peoples of Belarus, the looting and destruction of its cultural and historical heritage – all this together devalued the content of German propaganda, made obvious the false imitation nature of the policy of "Belarusization" and the activities of the collaborators themselves.

The article examines the problem of German propaganda in the context of the Belarusian national idea on the territory of the General District of Belarus. The purpose of the work: to determine the content and objectives of propaganda and policy on the national issue, its effectiveness. Research methods – analysis, synthesis, comparison. As a result of the conducted research, the authors came to a number of conclusions. First, V. Kube, the head of the German civil administration of the district, made a bet on attracting Belarusian nationalists and promoting the Belarusian national idea under the slogan of «Belarusization» as the main tool for fulfilling economic and political tasks. Secondly, various and large-scale propaganda activities in the context of the Belarusian national idea affected all spheres of public life – school, church, mass media, culture, science, etc. Thirdly, the propaganda of «Belarusization» included two directions – on the one hand, «the idea of reviving the national Belarusian culture, language, development of national consciousness», and on the other hand, the idea of the proximity of the Belarusian ethnic group to the cultural and historical space of Europe and Germany, the inseparable connection of the historical fate of Belarus with the «New Europe». Fourth, a certain cultural upsurge, which was observed during the German occupation of 1941-1944, occurred only within the narrow framework of Belarusian collaboration and did not affect the broad masses of the people. Fifthly, the policy of «scorched earth», the genocide of Jews, forced «recruitment» of ostarbeiters, the presence of a mass partisan movement, as well as Soviet counter-propaganda-all these factors significantly leveled the effectiveness of German propaganda.

Copyright of Comparative Literature / Primerjalna Književnost is the property of Slovenian Comparative Literature Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Polish-language press in occupied Poland was fully controlled by the German authorities of the so-called General Government. Nowhere was its function as a propaganda tool more crass than in its coverage of events like the death of General Władysław Sikorski, commander-in-chief of the Polish Army and Prime Minister of the Polish government-in-exile in an air crash off Gibraltar. All news reports and commentaries pushed the idea that it was an assassination organized by the British and the Soviets. The article argues that as in other cases the Germans with their allegations and manipulation made the most of the story of Sikorski's death to utterly discredit the allies in the eyes of the Poles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper explores the effects German propaganda produced on the units of the 408th rifle division of the Red Army during World War II. The focus is made on the peculiar aspects characterizing the way the division was activated, as well as the methods of influence on the unit, used by the adversary. The materials analyzed include archival documents from the Central Archives of the Ministry of Defense, Podolsk, Russian Federation, as well as reminiscences of World War II, narrated by Soviet and German military leaders. Summing up his findings, the author concludes that the 408th rifle division, which was formed in the Armenian SSR and had predominantly Armenian personnel, was deployed on the front line in September 1942, where it was engaged in combat operations against German troops. Germans capitalized on a comprehensive arsenal of psychological levers against the 408th Division, which were put in action by the Armenian Legions who fought on the side of the German army. Psychological influence was generated through the use of sound broadcasting, individual night conversations with Soviet patrols, as well as the use of printed propaganda -- leaflets. With the retreat of Soviet troops and the quick abbreviated training of personnel before combat operations, all these factors resulted in mass defection of Red Army soldiers to the enemy, desertion and self-mutilation. In the end, the 408th Division was discontinued. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The work considers the experience of using a 75-mm reactive propaganda mine during the Second World War, Germany first used this ammunition on the Eastern Front in 1944. The author used as materials, the documents of the Central Archives of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation (Podolsk, Russian Federation), introduced for the first time into scientific research. Methodologically, the work is based on such principles as the principle of historicism, consistency and objectivity. Due to this, the paper was constructed using the maximum number of sources on the stated topic, systematized in chronological order, which allowed us to summarize the information and come to the appropriate conclusions. In conclusion, the author notes that during 1944, on the Eastern Front, Germany used 75-mm reactive propaganda mines against the advancing soviet units. The work of such ammunition was recorded on the Narva direction against Soviet troops in June 1944, as well as against the 1st Shock Army of the Red Army in December 1944. It is difficult to judge the effectiveness of such attacks, but the fact of the use of such ammunition has been documented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the characteristics of German propaganda in occupied territories in the Soviet Union, more specifically in the town of Yeysk, Krasnodar Krai. The research reported in this work was conducted using a small body of documents from the State Archive of Krasnodar Krai (Krasnodar, Russian Federation). More specifically, these materials were retrieved from the R-498 archive holding for the Yeysk Town Council. The author's conclusion is that German propaganda materials directed at the civil population in the town of Yeysk may be divided into the following two categories: (1) prevention of infractions of law and (2) organization of civil administration in a new climate. In other words, the German leadership was focused not only on keeping up the repressive pressure on the population but also on creating a large social base among the population that would be loyal to the new order. With this in mind, the Germans were taking account of errors on the part of the Soviet authorities at local level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immediately after the outbreak of the First World War Germany mobilized hu­man resources from all fields and put up all the necessary funds to counter British and French propaganda. In a very short period of time, it was in a position to organize its own propaganda networks abroad, to a large extent, by using the respective commercial networks and the pre-war enterprises operating in various countries. It was the neutral countries around the world that were among the primary targets of German propaganda. In the Balkans particular effort was made to create a favourable climate for the Central Powers and prevail over the adverse British and French influence. With the assistance of commercial circles and the appropriation of large sums of money, newspapers, journalists and publishing groups were bought off, information offices set up, agents recruited, politi­cal parties and politicians bribed, and pro-German parties founded. The aim was to influ­ence public opinion, promote the German version of war developments, and manipulate political leaders to give up their stance of neutrality and make the decision for their coun­try to take part in the war on the side of Germany. However, even though Berlin focused its attention on the Balkans where the major propaganda networks were organized, the propaganda campaigns proved to be essentially ineffective. Following Bulgaria’s entry into the war on the side of the Central Powers and the destruction of Serbia, first Romania and then Greece joined the Entente, finding themselves on the winning side at the war’s end.

A conference paper about the use of war propaganda during World War I and World War II. The author cites passages from "Propaganda Technique in the World War," by Harold Lasswell and "Allied Propaganda and the Collapse of the German Empire in 1918," by George C. Bruntz. Also noted are a number of technological innovations that have increased the channels of distribution for propaganda.

ABSTRACT: Like most public libraries in the United States during the First World War, the St. Louis (Missouri) Public Library (SLPL) removed literature from its collection that some considered "disloyal" or "pro-German propaganda." Library historians have drawn a broad, national picture of this practice, but this study examines at a local level what was censored at SLPL, when censorship occurred relative to other public libraries, and what forces might have influenced SLPL's librarian to temporarily remove items from public access. To answer the later question, the author examines the social sphere of SLPL's librarian, Arthur E. Bostwick: the SLPL's Board of Directors, his neighborhood, and the social organizations to which he belonged. This study reveals the extent to which the SLPL librarian and board were interwoven within a broader wealthy and powerful decision-making class financially invested in Allied success and responsible for insuring St. Louisans' loyalty to the war effort. It also reveals just how little is known about which titles were removed, when they were removed, and when they again became accessible to the public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hitler's rise to power amidst an unprecedented propaganda campaign initiated scholarly interest in campaign effects. To the surprise of many, empirical studies often found minimal effects. The predominant focus of early work was on U.S. elections, though. Nazi propaganda as the archetypal and, in many ways, most likely case for strong effects has rarely been studied. We collect extensive data about Hitler's speeches and gauge their impact on voter support at five national elections preceding the dictatorship. We use a semi-parametric difference-in-differences approach to estimate effects in the face of potential confounding due to the deliberate scheduling of events. Our findings suggest that Hitler's speeches, while rationally targeted, had a negligible impact on the Nazis' electoral fortunes. Only the 1932 presidential runoff, an election preceded by an extraordinarily short, intense, and one-sided campaign, yielded positive effects. This study questions the importance of charismatic leaders for the success of populist movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Communication Theory & Research / Iletisim Kuram ve Arastirma Dergisi is the property of Gazi University, Faculty of Communication and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores German-American war relief for Germany during First World War, concentrating on the period of American neutrality, 1914–17. Based on financial ledgers, meeting protocols and the publications of ethnic organisations, it shows how German-American charity served as a force of mobilisation on behalf of the old fatherland after August 1914 even as American public sentiments turned increasingly hostile towards Germany. The article nuances common notions of American humanitarianism during the period of neutrality and broadens our understanding of how German-Americans (and by extension, ethnic groups more generally) tried to balance political loyalty to their ‘hostland’ with emotional attachment to their ‘homeland’. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Drawing upon Ciano's notes about the German Department of Propaganda, this paper reconstructs his role as Italian Minister of Propaganda. This work focuses on the analogies with the German Department and the Ciano's role in the management of Propaganda in Italy. Ciano praised in particular the unconditional control that Goebbels had reached on the radio broadcasts and film production and he would have wanted to reach the same result. Attached is also the transcription of the complete text of Ciano's notes never published to date. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the German prisoners of war (POWs) during the German-Soviet battles of World War II between 1941-1943. The author comments on the prevalence of war crimes committed by the Soviet Red Army against German forces, including the killing of captured soldiers. The influence of German propaganda on this treatment of POWs is also considered.

This article offers a first attempt to examine systematically the politics of waste and recycling in the Third Reich, one of the first modern states to articulate ‘zero waste’ as a political goal. It presupposes that waste, both in its material realities and its everyday representations, offers a powerful guide to any society's implicit order. With respect to Nazi Germany, the suggestion that such presumably neutral materials as trash, waste and garbage order social relations has particularly sinister implications. Focusing on scrap collectors and salvaging practices inside Germany and in Nazi-occupied Europe, this article argues that waste management and recycling were integral to the Nazi racial order and crystallized as central strategies to administer the chaos of war. Hundreds of thousands of volunteers in party, industry and society performed their loyalty and re-imposed order by collecting paper, bottles, metal scrap, kitchen garbage, rags and bones with the explicit goal of closing the energy cycle, extending the Reich's resource base and increasing the regime's war-making capabilities. In pursuit of these goals, the Nazi state attempted not only to conquer its many enemies but also to erase the evidence of its own proliferating military setbacks. These efforts notwithstanding, the reclamation of waste did not have the power to reverse the fortunes of war. The Nazi politics of zero waste recycled chaos instead. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The imagery in real photo propaganda postcards from World War I was carefully constructed around themes of national identity and the proper attitude of soldiers and civilians. This brief sample considers some of the ways that France and Germany employed images of women to reflect the state and its ideals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai, Europaea is the property of Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines Germany's efforts to instrumentalize Islam in the Balkans during the Second World War. As German troops became more involved in the region from early 1943 onwards, German officials began to engage with the Muslim population, promoting Germany as the protector of Islam in south-eastern Europe. Focusing on Bosnia, Herzegovina, and the Sandžak of Novi Pazar, the article explores the relations between German authorities and religious leaders on the ground and enquires into the ways in which German propagandists sought to employ religious rhetoric, terminology, and iconography for political and military ends. Interweaving religious history with the history of military conflict, the article contributes more generally to our understanding of the politics of religion in the Second World War. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents a report from a January 13-14, 2013 conference in Tel Aviv, Israel on the history of German since the early 19th century. Topics of presentations given included the social impacts of the Napoleonic wars on German society, political assassination attempts in Germany during the Weimar period, and violence in propaganda and actions under national socialism.

The article discusses the renewal of patriotic sentiment, nationalism, and German propaganda through the Swiss publication of "Sonntagsblätter," from 1915 to 1918, with information on the political activity of the press in Switzerland during World War I. Topics include the political role of mass media from 1914 to 1918, the role of mass media in war propaganda, and geostrategies related to the neutrality of Switzerland.

During the German occupation of Estonia (1941-44) the dissemination of war propaganda was one of the essential means in the German efforts of strengthening their position in the country. By the use of propagandistic means, the German holders of power tried to overcome the opposition of the Estonians and make them both loyal to German rule and willing to promote German war endeavors. On the basis of surviving historical documents it is evident that German propaganda efforts were successful to a certain degree, but in many cases they met distrust and rejection by the local people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Radio broadcasting played a critical role in the ‘cultural’ Cold War waged by the Western and Eastern bloc powers. Nowhere was this clearer than in divided Berlin, where stations on both sides of the Iron Curtain vied with one another to define the political narrative and shape public opinion. The American-funded broadcaster RIAS Berlin quickly became one of the most important elements of the United States propaganda offensive against the German Democratic Republic. Founded in 1946, RIAS was reportedly one of the most popular sources for news and information in the German Democratic Republic throughout the 1950s. Listeners in East Germany saw RIAS as an objective alternative to East Germany’s state-run, overtly propagandistic media organs, despite the fact that RIAS was a propaganda broadcaster itself. Using RIAS’s news broadcasts as a case study, this essay examines the nature and impact of American propaganda on East Germany and the Soviet Bloc during the early Cold War. Drawing on surveys, letters, and polls of East German listening habits conducted by American and West German agencies, this essay argues that RIAS’s popularity stemmed from its staff’s decision to present news programming that balanced anti-communism with an ‘objective’ tone and style of presentation. For RIAS’s staff, ‘objective’ reporting entailed broadcasts that presented accurate information that also undermined the legitimacy of the East German state. In doing this, RIAS was able to find a substantial audience willing to embrace the station’s anti-communist programming and its attacks on the ruling Socialist Unity Party (SED). [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses German and British propaganda surrounding the arrival and detainment of German Deputy Führer Rudolf Hess in Scotland during World War II, known as the Hess affair. It examines the British Ministry of Information (MOI), the Foreign Office, and the War Cabinet, and comments on the German Reich Ministry for Popular Enlightenment and Propaganda (RMVP) and the Reich Chancellery. Individuals discussed include British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, German Reich Minister for Popular Enlightenment and Propaganda Joseph Goebbels, and German Führer Adolf Hitler.

This article discusses the conditions of zoo animals in London, England and Berlin, Germany during Word War II. The authors discuss several topics, such as the evacuation of a panda bear named "Ming" from the zoo in London to the British countryside in 1939, how the German air raid attacks on England affected animals and humans during the 1940s, as well as what the symbolic meaning of zoo animals was for the residents of both Berlin and London. Other topics discussed include the use of zoo animals in propaganda, the founding of the London Zoo in 1827, and how the Berlin Zoo, which was built in 1844, was modeled on the zoo in England.

Since 1910, the 50th anniversary of his death, there was a particularly intensive public debate about Ernst Moritz Arndt (1769-1860) in Germany until it somewhat subsided during the Second World War. While his opus contained multifaceted, even liberal ideas, Arndt's reception as the probably most influential poet and political writer of the anti-Napoleonic Wars was mostly dominated by radical nationalist and Volkisch ideas during the German Empire, the Weimar Republic and the Third Reich. Under this nationalist banner, a simplistic understanding of Arndt developed on the research level as well as in the general public long before the National Socialists gained power; after 1933, this image was easily integrated into Nazi ideology and propaganda. The article illuminates Arndt's reception during the first third of the 20th century using the especially numerous publications accompanying his anniversary years and presents the inner development of the determining patterns of interpretation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between party and state within the Third Reich has usually been described as some sort of disintegration of governmental rule in favour of the NSDAP. The concept of a ‘new form of statehood’ (Neue Staatlichkeit) has evolved to explain the specific relationship of party and state beyond the idea of disintegration, since the collapse of the Third Reich was not due to the apparent inconsistencies of the regime, but to military defeat by the Allies. This article examines what this new form of statehood meant within the specific field of propaganda, and reveals that it was not the party that tried to consolidate its power at the expense of the state but vice versa. In an attempt to gain control over all governmental institutions which dealt with propaganda and/or cultural politics, especially at the level of intermediate authorities, the Reich Ministry for Public Enlightenment and Propaganda (RMVP) gradually tried to integrate the hybrid party and state propaganda apparatus into the classical governmental normative state (Ernst Fraenkel's concept of Normenstaat). But despite this process of governmentalization of propaganda, conflicts between the propaganda apparatus and other state authorities still continued, because a rising number of people saw those regional propaganda offices as a kind of ombudsman's office. In being asked to solve a great variety of ordinary problems for ordinary people, the propaganda offices were urged to intervene in the competencies of other authorities, causing further conflicts within the Nazi regime's governmental apparatus. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The study remakes empirically the period from the biography of Emil Cioran, situated between 1933 and 1935. It is about his years of study in Germany, as awardee of the "Alexander von Humboldt" Foundation. In this respect, there are edited in Anexa a few inedit documents from those years, to point the mechanism in which Emil Cioran has achieved the stipend in 1933 and an extension in the next year, and to offer some details about his activity in Germany in this period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It might be Weimar Republic's master-narrative: In the years 1918-1933, the remembrance of dead soldiers developed a suggestive inertia force which hasn't had any serious rivalry in terms of creating sense for a suffering community: Neither the young "Republic" nor the lost "Reich" succeed in generating scenarios of remembrance which were absorbed comparably. Using the example of Hamburg as the second largest city in German Reich, this text deals with functions, players and options of creating sense within covering a Weimar cult of the dead, which primarily was established within memorial days of "Volkstrauertag" and "Totensonntag". In this regard, the following main point is supposed to be designed: Implying a strong national-Protestant sense, the Volkstrauertag was providing a basis for an upcoming "Heldenkult", which contemporarily was used by the National Socialists to create a powerful, effective propaganda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the Berlin Olympics in 1936 Danish sports officialdom in its near entirety mustered and could report on the series of impressive German victories and the organizers' fantastic ability to create an atmosphere and sense of unity at the most grandiose Olympics up until that time. Only among Danish Communists, cultural radicals, workers' sports movements, Jewish sports and in the social-democratic press was there resistance to a racist, military regime being allowed to hold games in the name of peace and understanding between peoples. Increasingly through the second half of the 1930s Denmark's small size as a nation state and its vulnerable position owing to its common border with an aggressive and armed German nation gave Danish responses to German sport their peculiar touch. First, in Nazi mythology, Denmark was defined as a pure Aryan zone and therefore was to be treated in the best manner possible. Second, it was possible in a direct geographical sense to link Denmark to Germany through women's distance swimming between the two countries and through events such as the three-day Berlin to Copenhagen stage race. As a consequence of all this, Denmark was the sole nation among the European democracies to continue cooperation on the sports field with Germany after the Second World War had broken out until the occupation of Denmark on 9 April 1940. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The anti-Semitic rhetoric of many Islamist groups is qualitatively different from the reflective jurisprudence associated with the treatises of classical Islam. There is little evidence of any deep rooted anti-Semitism in the classical Islamic world. Jews have lived under Islamic rule for 14 centuries and in many lands, they were never free from discrimination but were rarely subjected to persecution as in Christian Europe. Most of the characteristic features of European-Christian anti-Semitism were absent from the Jewish-Muslim relations. This paper examines the growth of anti-Semitism in Arab-Muslim world and identifies some of the historical events which have contributed to this development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the professionalization of motion pictures on medicine in Germany during the period 1910-1920, beginning with hygiene films sponsored by the Weimar Republic government in cooperation with advertisers and medical authorities. Nationalization of the German film industry led to production of movies as instruments of political propaganda exemplified by the so-called "Deutsche Kuklturfilme." Specifically discussed is the full-length documentary in 1920 assembled from medical films shot during the end of imperial days and recomposed in 1919 for a wider audience

Starting from the citation of a notorious Nazi propaganda film about Theresienstadt in W.G. Sebald's Austerlitz, this article proceeds to inquire into that film itself and then into Un Vivant qui Passe, Claude Lanzmann's filmed interview with the official representative of the International Red Cross, who filed a report in 1944 verifying the conditions in Theresienstadt. Not only because the Nazi propaganda film was made with the participation of a Jewish director, but also because the Jews in the film had to perform their daily lives for the cameras, it is difficult to make conclusive statements about the attitudes of the persons depicted; there are a number of obstructions to coming to terms with the visual evidence. With reference to the work of Giorgio Agamben, Primo Levi and others, this article addresses the question of how this filmed document complicates traditional tendencies in readings of Holocaust images. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the outset of his political activities propaganda was a crucial tool for Hitler and one which was clearly central to the success of his movement in finally achieving office. Whereas during the 1920s National Socialist propaganda had been aimed primarily at the German electorate, it subsequently developed an important external dimension, particularly in relation to Bolshevik Russia, in an attempt to influence international opinion against the purported ideological and military menace emanating from Moscow. The Anti-Komintern, a division of Goebbels' Propaganda Ministry, was at the forefront of this campaign. Set up shortly after the Nazi takeover, it quickly developed links abroad and, spurred on by the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, sought to achieve in propaganda terms what its more famous namesake, the Anti-Comintern Pact, had been designed to deliver in the diplomatic arena. Drawing on new material from American and German archives, this article seeks to reconstruct and assess some activities of the Anti-Komintern and to place them within the broader context of Nazi ideology and the regime's foreign policy goals during the 1930s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, the political pamphlet “Der Hessische Landbote” by the eminent German author, Georg Büchner (1813–1837), will be positioned within the context of its political and historical background, analyzed as to its argumentative and stylistic structure, and critically evaluated. It will be argued that propaganda texts such as this should be evaluated by taking into account both rhetorical perspectives and standards of rational discussion. As far as argumentative structure is concerned, a modified version of the Toulmin scheme will be used for the description of three passages of the “Landbote”. As far as stylistic techniques are concerned, Büchner’s strategic use of some figures of speech, especially parallelism, metaphor and metonymy will be examined. As to the critical evaluation, the recently developed concept of “strategic maneuvering” within Pragma-Dialectics, the typology of argumentative dialogues established by D. Walton, and sets of critical questions will be used to assess the status of the arguments within the “Landbote” as potentially fallacious ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Comunicación Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article comments on the role of the Nazi propaganda and coordination of the structure of powers in the implementation of totalitarianism in Germany. The Minister of Popular Enlightenment and Propaganda was established and was operating under the generally accepted pretexts of administrative rationalization and nationalization. The process of Nazi hegemony was accelerated and reinforced due to the outbreak of war.

The article analyses the use of music in Triumph of the Will/Triumph des Willens (Riefenstahl, 1934/35). A discussion of the theory and practice of film music in the Third Reich shows how Riefenstahl's film conformed to and indeed embodied the model of monumental film art promulgated by the Nazi state. At the same time, the music in the film also draws on idioms and devices used in commercial film making in Germany and beyond in the 1930s. This suggests that the film and its particular effects cannot be understood only in terms of Nazi propaganda but that the film's relation to a wider cinematic context must be taken into account. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]