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Although Germany is the principal proponent of the EU's eastern enlargement, it has at times found it difficult to reconcile this aim with its desire to promote deeper EU integration. The use of role theory illustrates these conflicting priorities. West Germany's post-war role in European politics was that of a promoter of deeper integration; the deepening of West European integration thus became part of the self-conception of West German foreign policy-making elites. The changed situation after 1990 placed new demands on German foreign policy makers. West Germany's traditional self-conception as an integration deepener conflicted with the desire on behalf of unified Germany to press for EU enlargement. However, although German policy makers employed a variety of strategies in order to pursue their incongruous foreign-policy aims, their principal concern remained with the deepening of western integration., Although it has become increasingly popular to argue that identities matter in the study of foreign policy and international relations, precisely how they do is often unclear.(1) In particular, little [...]

This article examines the implications of German unification for the relationship between postmaterial values and voters' party preference. based on longitudinal data covering 1983 through to 1995, the article argues and shows empirically that, in the postcommunist context: economic, immigration, and security issues became more salient to voters, while postmaterial issues, such as environmentalism are reduced in salience; as a result, the proportion of materialists increased sharply while the proportion of postmaterialists decreased substantially; which affects the competitive position of parties. In particular, while the CDU/CSU is in a favourable position to address materialist issues without upsetting a delicate balance between materialist and postmaterialist constituencies, the SPD faces a strategic quandary in trying to satisfy both types of constituencies. These developments at least temporarily reduce the effect of postmaterialism on voters' partisanship. Against this backdrop, we assess the continuous relevance of postmaterialism for the future of electoral politics in Germany., The theory of postmaterial value change has had a fundamental affect on how analysts interpret political attitudes and behaviour in Germany (and other industrial democracies) in the post-war decades.(1) By [...]

The discontinuities of German history, culture, society and politics may complicate the nation's unification process, or render it unfinishable. Germany has experienced periodic interruptions throughout its existence, denoting radical departures from what had gone before. With a past full of such emphatic breaks, unification may be seen as one more demarcation in an unending series.

INTRODUCTION Before 1989, Germans used the term 'Wende' (the turn) to refer to the transition from the Schmidt to the Kohl government in 1981-82. This meaning disappeared overnight between November [...]

The disintegration of the Soviet Union has resulted into the formation of new sovereign states either through secession or unification. National unity became a major political issue in the German unification process and this was intensified by its rapidity. Korea faces a similar situation and may draw lessons from Germany. However, the perception of similarity must be informed by two major points. First, the starting points of unification are disparate and, second, cultural differences impact the concept of how the national state relates to democracy.

Historical events create their own vocabulary. One of the new words spawned by the collapse of socialism is "lustration": the vetting process by which former socialist officials are examined for [...]

German historians have been forced to take stock of their subject by the reunification of their country in 1990. Its implications for German historiography are considerable, in that reunification threatens [...]

This article discusses the implications for the German federal system of incorporating the new Lander of eastern Germany following German unification in 1990. It begins by examining the relationships between federation and Lander - commonly termed 'cooperative' federalism - which developed in the Federal Republic after its foundation. It then discusses how the integration of the new Lander in the east has added to and seriously exacerbated a range of tensions which had begun to emerge in 'cooperative' federalism prior to 1990, before moving on to outline the Lander contribution to the debate on reforming the federal system which was made possible under the terms of unification. This debate was, it is argued, an opportunity missed by the Lander - or, more precisely, was one they were incapable of taking - to shore up and strengthen their position as an effective counterbalance to the federation in united Germany., COOPERATIVE FEDERALISM IN GERMANY On its creation in 1949 the German federal system was an unusual hybrid. It was based in part on a 'classic', US-type model of federalism characterised [...]

Adapting Categories in Comparative Analysis.' American Political Science Review 87:845-55. Conradt, David P. 1974. 'West Germany: A Remade Political Culture?' Comparative Political Studies 2:222-38. Crewe, Ivor. 1974. 'Introduction: Studying Elites [...]

This article proposes a political culture explanation of the collapse of Communism in the GDR and of the current crisis of democracy in reunited Germany. Based on the qualitative and quantitative analysis of an original survey, it argues that the erosion of values that had stabilized East German society motivated the popular revolution of 1989. The conflict of surviving distinct values with those of the West has poisoned the socio-political climate in Germany and contributed to the rise of xenophobia. A constitutional debate accompanying reunification might have mitigated this conflict and the present crisis.

To explain recent dramatic fluctuations in Chancellor Kohl's reputation as a political leader, a social coalition approach is advanced as an alternative to psychological and structural perspectives. After noting that different social coalitions might have arisen in 1990 in support of alternative conceptions of unification, this article explores the role of policy-making in the genesis of a national bloc. It then argues that this process of coalition formation in 1990 has had profound implications for subsequent policy-making by impeding Kohl's prospect of forging new social bases of support for the ongoing process of unification., On 1 October 1992 Helmut Kohl celebrated the tenth anniversary of his assumption of the German Chancellorship amid a chorus of domestic and international criticism. Two days later, he celebrated [...]

The reunification of Germany has only succeeded politically and much has to be done before total economic and social unity is achieved. The study considers democracy and how it is has been affected by German reunification. The process of reunification is long and expensive. Unification has been affected by the international economic recession and the growth of xenophobia and racism. The East Germans in their eagerness for unity forgot socioeconomic problems, such as unemployment and colonisation. The government needs to tackle these problems to prevent the revival of socialism.

The formation of the European Single Market and unification in particular is shaking the hierarchy and system of German cities. This holds strongly for East German cities, but most for Berlin - the re-united city and the new capital of Germany. In the first part of the paper the developments of the two halves of the city between 1945 and 1989 are described under the topics of political development and planning, population, housing and economic development. The second part describes the problems of the creation of the German urban system at 1990/1991 right after unification, in the fields of planning and policy, finance, population and economy. The last part gives some sceptical spotlights on future developments in the aforementioned fields.

The Winds of Change In this era of superpower reconciliation, European Community harmonization, and German reunification, the reunification of Korea is a distinct possibility. South Korea has pursued the 'Northern [...]

German unification has led to the abolition of autocracy and the revival ofdemocracy in Western Europe. However, the political transformation has brought about enormous social and economic repercussions that the Germans failed to anticipate in 1990. Complete democratization in the former East Germany is unlikely to occur within the next ten years and it is improbable that the economic imbalance will be resolved immediately. Contrary to popular belief, the unification has not created a more powerful German state. In the final analysis, Germany will evolve like most industrial societies.

From the political division of Germany in 1949 to unification in 1990, the |two Germanies' experienced profoundly contrasting forms of political management, economic development and lifestyles. Two markedly different economic and regional geographies emerge& one in West Germany, underpinned by the social market-economy and characterised by spatial imbalances successively between rural and urban, core and periphery, and North and South; the other in East Germany which responded to the |regional equalisation' and Comecon integration priorities of communist central planning. Today, German unification is posing the enormous challenge of welding together two vastly disparate economies and societies. The magnitude of east - west differences, especially with respect to economic efficiency, infrastructure provision, material living standards and abuse of environment, now overrides all other geographical cleavages. The successful forging of |Einige Deutschland' is crucial not just to the future of the new Germany but to the political and economic wellbeing of Europe, but it will depend upon a scale and speed of regional convergence that has never been previously achieved in the course of modern European history.

Germany after unification is posed to become Europe's industrial leader, but must first overcome the economic, political and social schizophrenia that developed in the country during the Cold War. Germany will play an important role in Europe's relations with the Eastern block, and can serve as an anchor in this area for the EC. Germany's political, social, and economic landscapes are discussed, with speculation provided on the country's future shape and influence.

This article deals with specific subjective aspects of German unification. Related to them, the authros discuss the conditions of - mainly economic - solidarity and cooperation between the East and West Germans. Thereby, according to their observations, a 'lagged aloofness' of the East Germans toward West Germany plays a central role at present. It is explained by a necessary, new-identity-finding process that they are undergoimg and renders hopes for a quick mental German unification premature. (Reprinted by permission of the publisher.)

Unification of East and West Germany was achieved peacefully in 1990. Agreements on international problems of the eastern boundary, military alliances, size of military forces, and foreign troops were codified in a treaty signed on 12 September by the four post-World War II occupying powers and the two Germanies. Internal problems of unification were addressed by treaties between the two Germanies on 18 May and 31 August. These dealth with state boundaries, the capital, environmental pollution and costs, and a host of economic, political, social, and judicial factors. United on 3 October, the new Germany promises to play a significant role in international affairs.