Search

We examined the content of and reactions to stereotypical comments about men and women. In Study 1, daily comments participants recalled hearing people make about "what men/women are like" were generally negative and targeted the other gender. Men rejected negative comments about both genders, whereas women rejected negative comments about women more than comments about men. In Study 2, college participants could confront an online interaction partner who made an other-gender sexist comment. Women confronted a comment targeting women and had more negative reactions to sexism directed at a woman than at a man; men had equivalent, negative reactions to sexism that did not depend on target gender. Study 3 extended and replicated Study 2 by including both other-gender and same gender sexism. Results showed that (a) women were more attuned to men's sexism toward women compared to all other types and (b) men responded negatively to sexism about either gender, but were more likely to confront sexism directed at women than sexism directed at men. We suggest that women's tendency to confront sexism when it targets women but not men may reinforce stereotypes that undermine gender equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is close to 20 years since the authors began the collaboration that led to ambivalent sexism theory and its associated measure, both reviewed in their 1997 "Psychology of Women Quarterly" article, "Hostile and Benevolent Sexism: Measuring Ambivalent Sexist Attitudes Toward Women." This article reports the development and validation of the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (ASI), an instrument for researching sexist attitudes. From a theoretical perspective, the authors hope that their analysis of the structural underpinnings of sexist attitudes inspires new ways of thinking about the complexities of gender relations, especially the perils of "positive" prejudice toward women, as well as the ambivalences involved in other prejudices.

This paper uses linked household, school, and test score data from Madagascar to investigate the relation of household characteristics and school factors to the cognitive skills of children ages 8-10 and 14-16. In contrast to most achievement test studies in developing countries, the study uses representative rather than school-based samples of children and combines detailed information on school and family background. Schooling of mothers matters far more for learning than schooling of fathers, perhaps reflecting differences in parental time spent with children on schoolwork. Even these effects, however, are significantly attenuated when controlling for choice of residence or school. Skills are also affected by aspects of primary schools, including teacher experience and infrastructure. (Contains 11 notes and 7 tables.)

We examined how Spanish women's benevolent sexism (a sex-role attitude) affects their perceptions of whether a hypothetical husband will feel threatened by a wife's success at work. In a social perception study, female participants (N = 210) read a vignette in which a husband and his wife argued over her job promotion. Women's benevolent sexism (but not hostile sexism) predicted viewing the husband as more threatened by his wife's promotion and more likely to aggress against her (intimate partner violence). The effect of women's benevolent sexism was robust and not mitigated when specific information about the husband's attitude (traditional, egalitarian, no information) was provided. Belief that a husband would feel threatened by a wife's promotion partially mediated the relationship between women's benevolent sexism scores and their anticipation that the husband would become violent. Benevolently sexist women may embrace traditional roles in relationships in part to avoid antagonizing male partners, ultimately maintaining the status quo.

We use unique data to estimate the determinants of cognitive ability among 14-17-year olds in Senegal. Unlike standard school-based samples, tests were administered to current students as well as to children no longer--or never--enrolled. Years of schooling strongly affects cognitive skills, but conditional on years of school, parental education and household wealth, as well as local public school quality, have surprisingly modest effects on test performance. Instead, family background primarily affects skills indirectly through its impacts on years of schooling. Therefore closing the schooling gaps between poor and wealthy children will also close most of the gap in cognitive skills between these groups. (Contains 4 tables and 19 footnotes.)

We examined whether men, but not women, would be distracted by a female sales representative's exposed cleavage, leading to greater perceived efficacy for a weak, but not for a strong product. A community sample of 88 men and 97 women viewed a video of a female pharmaceutical sales representative who (a) had exposed cleavage or dressed modestly and (b) pitched an ineffective or effective product. Although men were not more distracted or persuaded by cleavage, they gave the cleavage-exposed (versus nonexposed) sales representative more favorable hiring recommendations in the ineffective-drug condition and less favorable ratings in the effective-drug condition. Women generally rated the sales representative similarly regardless of cleavage exposure. On a postexperimental questionnaire, men, but not women, believed that female sales professionals ought strategically to use sex appeal to distract from a weak (but not a strong) product.

We hypothesized that women who dress in a sexy versus business-like manner evoke negative emotions and perceptions of lesser competence if employed in high-(but not low-) status jobs. Male and female undergraduates evaluated a videotaped female target whose physical attractiveness was held constant, but who was (a) dressed in sexy or business-like attire and (b) allegedly either a manager or a receptionist. Participants exhibited more negative affect toward the sexily attired manager and rated her as less competent than the neutrally attired manager. This effect was fully mediated by emotional reactions. In contrast, the appearance manipulation had no effect on emotions toward or competence ratings of the receptionist. These findings suggest that a sexy self-presentation harms women in high-,but not low-, status jobs. (Contains 2 notes.)

Men and women in Turkey and Brazil completed the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (Glick & Fiske, 1996) and measures of attitudes about wife abuse. In both nations hostile sexism (HS) and benevolent sexism (BS) positively correlated with attitudes that legitimize abuse. Regression analyses revealed that HS accounted for unique variance, but BS (once HS was controlled) was unrelated to wife abuse attitudes. These results: (a) add to the evidence for the cross-cultural validity of ambivalent sexism, (b) suggest that HS supports the justification of violence against wives, and (c) imply that the ostensible protectiveness of BS is contingent, failing to shield women from abuse if they are deemed to have challenged a husband's authority or violated conventional gender roles. (Contains 3 tables.)

Review recent theory and empirical research on hostile and benevolent sexism, discussing the nature of sexism; why benevolent prejudices matter; hostile and benevolent sexism as universal prejudices; polarized images of women; how sexist benevolence may play a significant role in justifying gender inequality; women's acceptance of sexist ideologies; and implications for theories of prejudice (paternalistic versus envious prejudices). (SM)

Investigates gender differences in determinants of three schooling indicators (grade attainment, current enrollment, and withdrawal from school) in a poor urban area in Guinea. Raising household income leads to greater investments in girls' schooling. Improving fathers' education benefits both sexes' education; improving mothers' education benefits only daughters' schooling. (Contains 44 references.) (MLH)