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This paper focuses on the legacies of paramilitary governance in the Colombian civil war. Using a local case study, we show that former militia strongholds have been shaped by the lasting effects of armed rule on the ability of impoverished peasants and rural workers to challenge existing forms of land tenure and labour organisation. Our case highlights the need to adopt a local view to understand the embeddedness of armed governance in existing socio-economic orders. Our conclusion emphasises the importance of integrating a political economy perspective when studying the legacies of armed governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many post-war countries, the relative security brought to rural areas is construed by government officials and business actors as an opportunity for development. This is particularly true for marginal areas, where opportunities for economic development had previously been hindered by the threat of violence. This provides a favourable context for the construction of commodity frontiers. Through the case of Colombia, I show that one of the main challenges faced by frontier policy narratives amounts to differentiating wartime dispossession from peacetime legitimate accumulation. This poses intractable challenges to policymakers and business actors, as it fuels the contradictions between peace consolidation and post-war development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT Local power in Colombia has been profoundly restructured since the mid-2000s, with the partial demobilization of paramilitary groups and the state's direct presence at the local level. This has led to the articulation of claims to new rights by internally displaced people, paving the way for new conditions of access to property and citizenship. However, paramilitary groups and their political and economic allies remain a de facto power in some areas. This contribution argues that a situation of rupture, seemingly characterized by a re-monopolization of state violence, does not necessarily lead to the marginalization of criminal actors but to a reconfiguration of the links between statutory institutions and unofficial networks. This argument is based on an ethnographical exploration of claims regarding citizenship and property rights. The analysis of the strategies of rights claimants sheds light on the formation of both political authority and political subjectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the linkages between organized armed violence, land grabbing and the Colombian state, where paramilitary groups are key actors in recent large-scale land transfers. The author argues that institutional and violent mechanisms of land grabbing must be understood as historical processes of state formation and market reconfiguration. As such, crime and violence are not considered as extraneous factors, separated from political institutions and the market; they are instead analysed as constitutive components of political competition, accumulation and economic development. This article provides an analysis of these processes through an examination of agribusiness-related land grabs in the Lower Atrato Valley in northwestern Colombia, illuminating the relations between private counter-insurgent violence, criminal networks and state incentives to agribusiness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phenomenon of paramilitarism in Colombia has received an ambiguous treatment, balancing between political and criminal issues; an oscillation that has been intimately linked to the evolution of the Colombian internal conflict. This contribution analyzes the recent negotiations held with paramilitary groups by the administration of Alvaro Uribe Vélez (2002-2010). After a brief account of the dependency path that has determined this historical episode, I propose an assessment of the use of judicial categories by the various actors of the negotiations. The main argument is that those categories --war criminal, political criminal, drug smuggler, etc.-- do not depend on the intrinsic nature of an armed actor, but are socially constructed by a conflictive process of material and symbolic struggles. The capacity to categorize private violence, as legitimate or illegitimate, political or criminal, appears as one of the basic manifestations of the state's action, as well as one of the main conflicts presiding at the process of state formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]