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Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Urban regeneration in Turkey affects residents in diverse ways. However, research on their decision-making regarding urban regeneration projects is limited, making it challenging to address their concerns. Using the case of Çorum's Kale neighbourhood, this study examined residents' decision-making in Turkey's urban regeneration projects and the Turkish government's role in shaping their decisions through a Gramscian theoretical framework. Relevant project documents and newspapers, interviews, field observations, photographic documentation, and Tillmann-Healy's (2003) 'friendship as method' were used to acquire data for this investigation. The central issue causing residents to reject urban regeneration is the absence of economic advantages, which involves undervaluing their existing properties, reselling newly constructed, relatively smaller units at higher prices, and indebting them with substantial mortgages. This study contributes to the literature by presenting a nuanced analysis of decision-making regarding urban regeneration in a highly polarized and contentious context and an understudied, peripheral region in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Gramsci Journal is the property of International Gramsci Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Gramsci Journal is the property of International Gramsci Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Gramsci Journal is the property of International Gramsci Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Gramsci Journal is the property of International Gramsci Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Gramsci Journal is the property of International Gramsci Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Gramsci Journal is the property of International Gramsci Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Gramsci Journal is the property of International Gramsci Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines far-right, authoritarian politics among middle-class White communities of the Inland Empire region of Southern California. Grounded in a materialist theoretical framework and an analysis of 30 semi-structured interviews and the recent political-economic history of the region, I interrogate the political and social attitudes of study participants in relation to their experiences and perceptions of changing political-economic and sociocultural conditions in Southern California in the twenty-first century. Drawing upon Gramsci and the critical theoretical literature on authoritarian populism and neoliberalism, I consider how study participants’ authoritarian politics and ideologies reflect a reactionary political response to processes associated with the reorganization of racialized capital accumulation under neoliberalism. I argue that the appeal of these movements is, in part, how they provide commonsense (hegemonic) explanations for economic precarity, demographic shifts, and immigration, among other issues, while at the same time normalizing this increasingly exploitative and brutal regime of capital accumulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Municipal bureaucrats in the United States—mostly on the social side of the state (e.g. public health, welfare, educators, housing, and sometimes urban planners) but not exclusively so (e.g. district attorney offices)—have shown growing willingness to engage in political battles within the bureaucracy, connect with social movements, and construct oppositional identities centred on social and racial justice. Critical urban theories of the state highlight important constraints that shape state strategies, functions, and policies but tell us little about the contradictions propelling some bureaucrats into political contests over power and legitimacy. Consequently, we turn to theorists who conceive of the bureaucratic state as a contradictory and relatively autonomous field where conflicts between dominated and dominant bureaucrats overlap and converge with conflicts between dominated and dominant class forces (Bourdieu, Gramsci, Hall, and Poulantzas). Their observations are used to formulate the three propositions that underpin our theoretical framework. These propositions draw attention to the structural, relational, and conjunctural processes involved in forming individual bureaucrats into an insurgent political subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Successive crises – social, environmental and political – have led some in global governance circles to advocate a more 'inclusive capitalism'. In this article, I show how this postcrisis language of inclusive capitalism was used by a specific subset of officials within the Bank of England: Those with high levels of experience in public sector and international official institutions. It is argued that these officials are 'organic intellectuals' who mobilise their experience of inter-institutional collaboration as a deliberative model for solving long-term social problems. The institutional experience of these officials and their concern with crises of trust in expertise facilitated the adoption of these models of communicative intervention. I draw on a novel dataset of Bank officials' career data and speeches, as well as twelve interviews with current and former Bank staff, to show who used this language, in what settings and what motivated its adoption. The article makes a novel contribution to debates about the motivations of key figures in central banks, suggesting that their actions go beyond reputation defence to encompass an expansive worldview of how capitalism might solve its myriad crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to critical theory building in relation to political corporate social responsibility (PCSR) by conceptualizing the underlying processes and practices through which corporations seek to counter threats posed by activist groups. We argue that the problematic nature of PCSR is entangled not only in its state-like aims, but also in its covert deployment of military tactics towards the maintenance of corporate hegemony. We illuminate how corporations use counterinsurgency tactics to undermine the ability of activists to hold them accountable for their wrongdoing. Building on the work of Gramsci, we propose that counterinsurgency tactics combine elements of force and persuasion that enable corporations to maintain hegemony (i.e., secure consent over time). We ask: How are counterinsurgency tactics used by corporations to neutralize activist pressures and maintain corporate hegemony? We draw upon historical sources regarding the Nestlé infant milk boycott case to undertake a genealogical analysis that exposes counterinsurgency tactics enabling corporations to counter activists and sustain their hegemony. We find that Nestlé deployed four key counterinsurgency tactics to nullify activist pressures (suppressing external support, isolating the activist(s), capturing the dialogue, and covert intelligence gathering). From our analysis, we propose the term corporate counterinsurgency and theorize the historic use of corporate counterinsurgency tactics as an example of a hegemonic strategy that enables corporations to covertly undermine activist pressures. We conclude by calling for further reflexivity in organizational studies research on the military origins of PCSR, and by outlining how activist organizations might mobilize against corporate counterinsurgency tactics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of class and culture wars over the social purpose of the university, it is time to revisit a pivotal question: to whom is the discipline of geography accountable and for what? In the spirit of looking back to look forward, we wonder to what extent and in what ways historiographies of geography that critically interrogate geographers' statements on the discipline's social mission might help and guide us at this hour? Specifically, we work to extract added value from the so-called relevance debates which animated anglophone geography in the 1970s. Characterising the present historical conjuncture as a Gramscian moment of interregnum when the 'old is dying and the new cannot be born', we tender the provocation that it is the responsibility of geographers to advance the cause of a 'progressive populism'. To prosecute this public mission, it will be necessary to recentre the discipline around the figure of the geographer as scholar policy activist, immersed in and a progenitor of a vigilant, contestatory democracy. We conclude that whilst the relevance debates failed to theorise, codify, professionalise and valorise such an academic identity, these debates did bequeath logics and legacies that can fast track this work now. • Contends that our present 'Gramscian moment' of interregnum demands revisiting geography's public mission. • Critically interrogates Anglophone geography's relevance debates in the 1970s. • Argues for geographers' support of counter-hegemonic/counter-publics to build back differently. • Domesticates the image of the 'Gramscian intellectual' using the idea of scholarly policy activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article sheds light on Gramsci's use of the term fetishism. Despite not being as present and pervasive within the Prison Notebooks as other concepts, more deeply rooted in Gramscian scholarship (such as hegemony and historic bloc), fetishism is not as marginal in Gramsci's reflection as it is usually believed. Linking his understanding of the term to the one developed by Marx and by the later unorthodox Marxist scholarship, I shall argue that fetishism can be seen as a key component of Gramsci's theory of revolution or, better, of a theory of the failure of the revolutionary process. For this reason, the article will also link Gramsci's occasional reference to fetishism to his use of more developed concepts such as common sense, hegemony and passive revolution. Fetishistic views of reality, in Gramsci, appear as facilitating the conservation of the status quo, while the re-acquisition of individual and collective responsibility that comes along with de-fetishising practices is the necessary component of any revolutionary project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study examines how anti-coal groups – national and international environmental non-governmental organizations (ENGOs) and influential think tanks – conduct a counter-hegemonic struggle to Europeanize the coal exit process in Turkey. By undertaking intellectual leadership in Turkey's growing authoritarian political-economic space, anti-coal groups proactively have shaped the discourse on the coal phase-out debates within civil society. To delegitimize the official hegemonic frame promoting coal for energy independence, supply security, and rapid economic development, they have appealed to the European Green Deal as a powerful discursive tool to create necessary consent for a coal exit in Turkey. Based on the Europeanization perspective complemented with the Gramscian insights that enabled the consideration of the power relations and vested interests within energy transition, the study reveals that the anti-coal groups have conducted a counter-hegemonic discursive struggle for the Europeanization of Turkey's policy of coal exit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

En el año 2020 se publicó en Londres con el sello editorial Bloomsbury Publishing una nueva biografía sobre el filósofo y político marxista Antonio Gramsci. Titulada Antonio Gramsci: A Biography, su autor es un historiador inglés poco conocido en América Latina, Andrew Pearmain, quien con oficio de carbonero también ha llevado de tiempo atrás una serie de llamativos trabajos sobre el sardo italiano, entre ellos, Gramsci in love y The politics of the labor. A gramscian analysis. En esta oportunidad Pearmain realiza con destreza una biografía histórica sobre Gramsci, suceso no exento de dificultades manifiestas, toda vez que pareciera, según el silencio de la literatura que se encuentra en el mercado del libro, que sobre el genial sardo “todo está consumado”. Pero no, nos equivocamos. En el libro Antonio Gramsci: una biografía, publicado en español por Siglo xxi editores de Argentina, y que hemos leído, encontramos una alegre novedad editorial. No es otro Gramsci como podemos creer, sino un Gramsci situado, es decir, un hombre histórico, leído con ojos críticos en la relación de fuerzas, donde el lector, y no solo el autor inglés, escarban en la vida y obra del marxista italiano. Proceso que también implica una toma de posición por la verdad situada, la de Gramsci, por supuesto, pero también lo que arrojaba la convulsa época histórico-política estudiada con su rosario de estruendosas derrotas para los grupos y las clases subalternas europeas. En ese contexto, Gramsci era un estratega marxista, el último de una generación esplendorosa de dirigentes históricos de los subalternos. Todos derrotados. El hallazgo literario que advertimos no puede ser otro que una dimensión materialista del hombre en cuestión; ese pequeño ser de carne y hueso cuya vida dura, pobre y solitaria estuvo señalada por aciertos y desaciertos en todos los terrenos humanos, empezando por su precaria salud que siempre le acompañó hasta minarle su existencia a los 47 años de edad. En plena madurez intelectual termina para siempre la parábola política y el brillante ejercicio intelectual de Gramsci; el libro en ese sentido nos muestra el drama de lo que es un pensador subalterno en ascenso político y luego la contracara del proceso con la mueca de una profunda derrota. No es pues esta una biografía para vindicar un mito construido por otros, por el partido comunista de Italia o por autores complacientes, sino para situar una discusión no solo histórica y cultural, sino también política y ética, siguiendo para ello los pasos perdidos del propio Gramsci. Es decir, una discusión urgente sobre el valor de la lucha social y política de los subalternos, de su autonomía posible, pese a las derrotas vividas o porvenir. A la calidad del relato que leemos, claro, conciso, documentado y crítico, debemos agregar la compañía de fotografías ilustrativas sobre la temática abordada, las cuales complementan con belleza y rigor las palabras de Pearmain en los 23 capítulos que componen esta contribución biográfica. Contribución gramsciana que se lee con mucho interés y bajo una lluvia de preguntas sobre lo que es la cotidianidad en una vida política difícil, inscrita en la incierta lucha de clases y con multitudes inquietas articuladas en las calles y los campos, levantando coyunturas y situaciones así como barricadas en un convulso y violento inicio del siglo xx, donde hubo de todo: hasta prisión y muerte para los dirigentes. La vida de Gramsci en la pluma de Pearmain se convierte en lo que en realidad fue: un rosario de derrotas. Eso hace a la biografía situada ocupar un lugar fundamental, para con ella, si a sí lo queremos, entrar con seriedad al estudio situado del pensamiento y la obra de Gramsci en nuestro presente, complementando esa vida pública con lo que fue su vida privada, tan difíciles y ariscas ambas. En las dos, en la vida pública del dirigente político y del estratega subalterno, como en la vida personal y familiar del hombre Gramsci, al que le costaba amar y ser amado, encontramos un elemento de unidad incuestionable: un valle cultivado de frescas y fragantes derrotas. Debemos pues dignificar estas derrotas encontrando en ellas las piedras preciosas de la autonomía individual y colectiva de los subalternos. Porque toda derrota implicó una lucha situada que no acaba. Como los grandes hombres y mujeres de la historia revolucionaria, aquellos y aquellas que lucharon y luchan por la liberación del trabajo, y por lo mismo terminaron abandonados, pagando sus alevosías en una playa de la historia, Gramsci es un individuo signado por múltiples derrotas históricas. Recordémoslas, tal como lo hace Pearmain: la del amor trunco con su esposa Julia e hijos en la lejana Unión Soviética, mientras él se pudre en la prisión fascista; la del partido comunista de Italia que él contribuyó a formar y dirigir y que lo dejó perderse entre los barrotes de cualquier prisión; la de sus camaradas que lo fueron abandonando a la primera oportunidad cuando cayó en desgracia luego de ser apresado por la patrulla fascista esa noche del 8 de noviembre de 1926; la del silencio también de sus camaradas cuando empezó a escribir sus Cuadernos de la cárcel y supieron que en sus páginas, así como en sus cartas y conversaciones privadas, hacía el balance crítico de la historia y la europeas; o también cuando la Unión Soviética, su querida patria obrera y campesina, no hizo nada -repetimos: nada- por liberarlo del itinerario doloroso de presidios en los que malvivió sus enfermedades y gastó las últimas monedas de su vida. En algún momento de la biografía cualquier lector atento puede pensar que casi todos los citados en las páginas de Pearmain quieren que se muera Gramsci. Y así es. Para confirmarlo, citemos una frase del libro: “en el momento de su muerte en 1937, Antonio Gramsci había sido abandonado por casi todas las personas que conocía, excepto Tatiana Schucht, Carlo Gramsci y Piero Sraffa”. El lector y la lectura de esta biografía situada deben apreciar lo que produjo ese mundo de derrotas públicas y privadas en la vida de un hombre enfermo y solitario, que pagó con su vida el amor que tributó a la clase obrera. Pese a ese orden injusto y cruel que le correspondió vivir desde la infancia y luego golpe tras golpe en la adultez, Gramsci legó para nuestra historia contemporánea los Cuadernos de la cárcel y su complemento las Cartas de la cárcel. Y en esa increíble producción encontramos personas que como ya señalamos no le abandonaron jamás en la cárcel, ni en la enfermedad ni en la muerte: su amigo de juventud, el economista Piero Sraffa, su hermano menor Carlo Gramsci y su cuñada, la persistente y leal Tatiana Schucht. Rescatar a estas tres personas -en particular a Tatiana Schutz- dignificarlas, es decir, rescatando la amistad y la verdad que cultivaron fervorosamente con el prisionero Gramsci, hace más bello el libro que reseñamos. Y al tiempo la vida del autor italiano cobra más sentido, cual si fuera un hermano mayor en nuestro incierto presente.

Urban regeneration in Turkey affects residents in diverse ways. However, research on their decision-making regarding urban regeneration projects is limited, making it challenging to address their concerns. Using the case of Çorum’s Kale neighbourhood, this study examined residents’ decision-making in Turkey’s urban regeneration projects and the Turkish government’s role in shaping their decisions through a Gramscian theoretical framework. Relevant project documents and newspapers, interviews, field observations, photographic documentation, and Tillmann-Healy’s (2003) ‘friendship as method’ were used to acquire data for this investigation. The central issue causing residents to reject urban regeneration is the absence of economic advantages, which involves undervaluing their existing properties, reselling newly constructed, relatively smaller units at higher prices, and indebting them with substantial mortgages. This study contributes to the literature by presenting a nuanced analysis of decision-making regarding urban regeneration in a highly polarized and contentious context and an understudied, peripheral region in Turkey.

Right-wing populist-nationalist parties in Europe have been challenging the established liberal order for an extended period, and the year 2024 poses numerous challenges. With the growing gap between traditional political parties and social strata, there is an urgent need for a deeper understanding of the discourse employed by right-wing populist-nationalist parties as they attempt to address this rupture. In Romania, recent polls indicate that the Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR) holds the third position, positioning it as the primary opposition party, as the top two parties, PSD and PNL, have formed a coalition since 2021. Originating during the 2018 referendum debate on redefining the family, AUR has grown, particularly during the COVID-19 pandemic, employing a discourse that incorporates nationalist, religious, and traditional family elements. This paper seeks to analyse the discursive elements employed by the Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR) party, utilizing a Gramscian approach. In a year marked by European, local, general, and presidential elections, understanding how this party is shaping a new common sense to counter the existing hegemony is crucial, as the common sense plays and important role in the functioning of democracy. The paper identifies the alternative narratives proposed by AUR and examines how symbols and references to traditions are incorporated into their discourse. Common sense, as Gramsci describes it, is not a homogenous set of ideas, but rather a multitude of ideas that are constantly changing. The task of this paper is to identify the elements that form the discourses of AUR and how they form an alternative common sense.

Al abordar este tema, considero un extracto de mi tesis de maestría en la etapa final de desarrollo, donde una de las secciones aborda los conceptos de Antônio Gramsci entrelazados con las lógicas estatales y sus efectos en el campo educativo. La Educación para las Relaciones Étnico-Raciales (ERER) aparece en la escena brasileña después de la 3ª Conferencia Mundial de las Naciones Unidas contra el Racismo, la Discriminación Racial, la Xenofobia y la Intolerancia de 2001, cuando los movimientos negros nacionales confrontan al gobierno situacional para comprometerse con cuestiones antirracistas a través de acciones afirmativas. Esta tensión lleva a la promulgación de la ley 10.639/2003 con el siguiente texto: “En los establecimientos de educación primaria y secundaria, tanto oficiales como privados, la enseñanza de la Historia y la Cultura Afrobrasileña se vuelve obligatoria”. (BRASIL, 2003). Posteriormente, en 2008, el mismo texto incluyó la obligatoriedad de la enseñanza de la historia y cultura indígena en los espacios escolares (Ley 11.645/2008). La correlación entre ERER y Gramsci se estudia a partir de consultorías antirracistas ofrecidas a grandes empresas con intenciones formativas- educativas. La escritura se desarrolla a través de los conceptos gramoscianos de: Aparatos Privados de Hegemonía (APH), bloque histórico, ideología y sociabilidad del capital, donde busco comprender los matices de fenómenos mediados por la nueva sociabilidad del capital en corporaciones que buscan atender la diversidad e inclusión en su fuerza laboral. ¿Es posible tener diversidad dentro del capitalismo? ¿La desigualdad que propugna el modelo socioeconómico permite esa convivencia? ¿La Educación para las Relaciones Étnico-raciales, presuponiendo relaciones horizontales de enseñanza y aprendizaje, se acerca a las prácticas de formación de consultores antirracistas dentro de los espacios empresariales? Son preguntas que orientan el análisis científico pretendido, en la búsqueda de comprender el actual contexto socio histórico en sus dimensiones dialécticas tensionadas por nuevas entradas raciales en espacios de poder, en el pasado muy reciente, exclusivamente ocupados por la blancura.

The automotive industry’s transition toward electric vehicles is a key challenge for organised labour in the sector. In this context, shifting production towards socially and ecologically useful products through democratic decision-making, democratic conversion, can be a proactive just transition strategy for workers and contribute to the ecological reorganisation of production. This paper investigates the limits and potentials for this endeavour in the context of the German automotive industry by conducting a multi-level analysis of (1) the sectoral union IG Metall’s (IGM) strategies and its interrelation with (2) works council strategies at a major supplier utilising a Gramscian theoretical framework. I identify the main limitations and potentials for both realms, which interact with (3) the dominant understanding of the transition and (4) internal conditions for labour organising. I show that democratic conversion is a challenging proposal questioning key tenets of German industrial relations yet can provide innovative solutions addressing labour’s contemporary challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this brief meditation on Tejumola Olaniyan's theoretical writing, I explore the entanglements between Olaniyan's widely-cited concept of the "postcolonial incredible" and the notion of an "interregnum," drawn from Antonio Gramsci. By reconsidering Olaniyan's use of terms like "overthrow," "presupposed," and "normality," I argue that Olaniyan theorizes the crisis of African postcolonial politics as a crisis of modernity itself. Given that Gramsci used the concept of interregnum to describe a transitional context in which some old order was already dying, while a new one could not yet be born, I ask what it might mean for Olaniyan and the subjects he has researched, such as Fela Anikulapo Kuti and Femi Osofisan—or indeed any radical activist, rebel, or theorist—to overthrow the transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay argues that climate change as a policy issue sits at the interface of several overlapping crises and must be understood within this broader context, which seems to parallel Gramsci's notion of the interregnum. In this context, competing coalitions not only contest the more visible policy problem (climate change) but also attempt to reshape governing institutions in alignment with their values. Rather than promote evidence-based policy making to rise above value conflicts; however, scholars should foreground values and the struggle over governing institutions. I argue for a focus on climate justice coalitions that do intersectional organizing across a range of social identities and thus offer potential counter-hegemonic projects that not only propose a way forward through the climate crisis but substantially focus on transforming the state to secure climate policy and more just governing institutions. I illustrate my argument with examples from climate justice coalitions in New York, USA and Meta, Colombia. I propose several possible areas of inquiry for interpretive and critical scholars related to this interregnum period and discuss the potential of action research as a mode of inquiry in this context and the challenges associated with it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How ready were governments and the public to sacrifice thousands of lives to avoid economic collapse during the pandemic? We designed a trade-off scale measuring whether the French population is more concerned with the health or economic consequences of the pandemic and administered it eight times from April 2020 to April 2021. We find that concern for the economy was correlated with a preference for the application of a free-market logic, and that it grew swiftly over time and uniformly across the population despite the unprecedented epidemiological circumstances. Absolute differences in concerns correlated with material factors after the first lockdown, and with self-perceived risk of Covid-19 infection and especially political orientation consistently over the year. Respondents who were old, wealthy, highly educated, at low risk of infection, and on the political right were more concerned for the economy than their counterparts. Older respondents' strong adherence to the free-market logic seems to explain why economic concerns were more important among the group with the highest mortality rate. When political stance is interacted with material factors, marked divisions emerge among the wealthy, the highly educated, and especially the young depending on their political orientation from left to right. We employ insights from Polanyi and Gramsci to interpret these divisions as the potential build-up of a 'double movement' around the predominance of the free-market logic in the public's 'common sense'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gramsci's thought can contribute much to expanding the scope of IR research by investigating state–society relations in foreign policymaking through the concepts of hegemony, historical bloc, hegemonic project, and so on. In this article, I present an analytical method of explaining the social causes of foreign policy change, based upon the Gramscian notion of the correlations among state–society relations, hegemony, and foreign policy. Later, I apply this method to the empirical case of the radical change in South Korea's policy toward North Korea from 1998. Susan Strange's question cui bono? [who benefits?] remains fundamental in the study of international affairs. An understanding of the hegemonic struggle found at the national level, located behind the change in foreign policy, can be instrumental in answering this question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the long-term trajectory and the recent acceleration of the conflict over the rule of law in the EU. It focusses on the motivation of the two governments in Hungary and Poland to challenge European core values increasingly aggressively even directly at EU level despite the threat of significant material costs to both countries. Putting forward a Gramscian understanding, we argue that this radicalization is the result of a counter-hegemonic strategy that aims at replacing the liberal order with a new, nationalist, ultraconservative, Christian order on domestic and European levels. The paper traces core elements of this strategy which are either disputed or underestimated in existing literature, most importantly the pursuit of a core ideology and the massive and long-term investment into winning moral and cultural leadership through the penetration of civil society which precedes and complements electoral strategies and autocratic institution building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Against the backdrop of continent-wide neoliberal restructuring prompted by the Eurozone crisis, the demise of concertazione (tripartite bargaining) by technocratic and centre-left governments represented a key trait of the 'authoritarian' neoliberalisation of the Italian political economy after the 2011 sovereign debt crisis. The article traces the reasons behind this 'authoritarian' turn by relying on a historical materialist framework centred around the Gramscian notion of 'common sense'. The end of concertazione was premised on societal dissensus over the management of the crisis, and on the rise to dominance of a narrative portraying neoliberalising 'structural reforms' as both urgent and necessary. Amid declining legitimacy of neoliberal practices, the unilateral adoption of these measures was facilitated by supranational pressures and by decades-long transformations in Italian capitalism. The 2022 election results illustrate that the legitimation crisis of neoliberalism remains unresolved in the current post-Covid-19 context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this work is to delve into the two main theoretical sources behind the radical right's «obsession» with the «cultural battle»: the Nouvelle Droite and the American Alt-Right. Thus, this article will examine their metapolitical proposal focusing on their conceptualization of hegemony, departing from Antonio Gramsci's original idea and aligning more closely with the populist approaches of Ernesto Laclau. The focus will be on overcoming a decadent modernity and reviving Western civilization through an ethnodifferentialist proposal. The article is divided into two parts. In the first part, we will analyze the metapolitical proposal of the Nouvelle Droite, which introduces the concept coined by Alain de Benoist. After examining its core ideas, we will proceed to break down its ideological-cultural strategy contrasted with the ideas of Gramsci and Laclau. In the second part, we will analyze the Alt-Right, whose strategy directly draws from the metapolitical approaches of the Nouvelle Droite, albeit with a tactic focused on the Internet and social networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dados - Revista de Ciências Sociais is the property of DADOS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Human rights are declared to be 'fundamental' and 'foundational' to social work. Such rights are part of the 'DNA' of the profession. This understanding is central to the profession's self-image, and it reflects how social work portrays its ethical base to the general public and the wider world. However, uncritical uses of 'human rights' by its promulgators and (re)producers occlude a range of important questions; for example, around the failure to historise the political reanimation of the phrase and concept, especially in the 1970s. Drawing on an expansive literature, the article aspires to deepen and trouble social work engagement. It is also proposed that the notion of 'human rights plus' (hr+) might potentially expand the political reach of the usage of the term within social work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Political Philosophy / Las Torres de Lucca is the property of Revista Las Torres de Lucca. Facultad de Filosofia, Ciudad Universitaria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Resumo: Este artigo apresenta a Rede de Filantropia para a Justiça Social, enfatizando seu funcionamento, função e ideologias nela reproduzidas para garantir a hegemonia das classes dominantes. O debate desenvolve uma análise bibliográfica sobre aparelhos privados de hegemonia e demais conceitos e categorias relacionadas ao termo, tendo por base, principalmente, estudos gramscianos. A base analítica referenciada permite identificar especificidades do aparelho privado de hegemonia (APH) em destaque, em sua mediação com a visão de mundo construída.

School–based placements have been identified as important for personal and professional development, supporting prospective teachers to critically (re)consider and disrupt normative and ableist practices. Antonio Gramsci's concept of cultural hegemony was used in this research to explore the influence of a special school placement on prospective teachers' beliefs about the nature, purpose, and value of physical education (PE) for pupils with special educational needs and disabilities (SEND). Twenty-six prospective teachers from England participated in focus groups prior to and after placement in a special school. Focus group audio recordings were transcribed verbatim and analyzed thematically. Our findings suggest that special school field experiences can contribute toward disrupting hegemonic beliefs about the nature, purpose, and value of PE, and allow prospective teachers to develop more critical, diverse, and nuanced understandings of PE, which may be crucial for providing more inclusive PE experiences for pupils with SEND in both special and mainstream settings. Saying that, we end by offering a note of caution about the transferability and permanence of ideological change, calling for future research that explores the long-term influence of special school placements and transfer to mainstream schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyze the socio-educational dimension of Social Work from a Gramscian perspective, based on historical-dialectic materialism, based on bibliographical research. Books and articles by Angolan researchers (social workers) and other Brazilian authors were collected, whose approaches led us to conclude (provisionally) that Antônio Gramsci is an important figure in Latin America and, in a way, therefore, Social Service in this region has a particularity that significantly scales the political emancipation of the profession. In Angola the reality is different, that is, we don’t have that Marxist thinker as a reference. Social Service in Angola in its socio-educational dimension does not present a direct dialogue with Gramsci’s thought. On the contrary, it has a view of the profession as “help”, based on the “Pedagogy of Help”, therefore, based on abstract Christian humanism, which dialogues with positivist social theory with a functionalist matrix. The way dependent capitalism is processed in Angola hinders the possibilities of political emancipation of the working class, to the point that some professions, such as Social Service, are not recognized as work. In this way, the conceptions of professionals in this area have few recurrences to emancipatory social theory. But with the presence of Marxism in the profession since 2016, there are possibilities to gradually build the dialogue between social workers and the thinking of Antônio Gramsci. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Gênero e Interdisciplinaridade is the property of Instituto de Ensino e Pesquisa Periodicojs and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The work and ideas of Antonio Gramsci continue to attract serious and sustained scholarly attention. This review essay, which might be viewed as an appendage to the earlier, 2016 Thesis Eleven essay 'From Marx to Gramsci', develops some of the lines of curiosity indicated there. Does the globalization of Gramsci occur at the expense of the recognition of the particularity of his thought, its specific time and place, and its clearly revolutionary intention? What do these phenomena signify, almost a century after? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following is an edited transcript of a panel held on February 21 at the University of Pennsylvania's Perry World House on the forthcoming book World of the Right: Radical Conservatism and the Global Order (Cambridge University Press). The discussion, moderated by Sam Adler-Bell, features three of the book's co-authors—Rita Abrahamsen, Srdjan Vucetic, and Michael C. Williams—and concludes with questions from the audience at the event. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The existing international research on the prevalence of poverty in Child Welfare and Protection (CWP) services points to a persistent discourse of 'pedagogicalisation', meaning that CWP interventions often construct social problems, such as poverty, as emerging from a failing education of families, and leave the social circumstances of the families unchallenged. Although front line practitioners in CWP can exercise professional discretion in dealing with poverty, policy and organisational cultures have a crucial impact on whether their efforts to engage with the lack of adequate societal resources of families remain informal and hidden or are being supported to transform CWP's dominant approach to poverty. This study applies a Gramscian framework to examine instances of hegemony, common sense and good sense in policymakers' discourses on CWP and poverty. Based on a qualitative content analysis of semi-structured interviews with n  = 16 policymakers of the governmental organisation on CWP in Flanders, we provide insight into the hegemonic discourses of pedagogicalisation in Flemish CWP policy. Nevertheless, our results also provide evidence of counter-narratives. Although embryonic, instances of good sense hold seeds of change based on a recognition of the impact of poverty on families and of CWP's role to strive for social justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While tensions over historical issues between Japan and South Korea have long served to impede US strategic goals in East Asia, mainstream International Relations theory has largely been unable to explain the stubborn persistence of such issues. Instead, I interpret East Asia's post-war history through the lens of Gramsci's concept of passive revolution, thereby situating the 'history problem' in the context of the dialectical relations between state (re)formation, geopolitical contestation and transnational capital accumulation in the post-war era. I argue that US intervention in 1945 was a process in which a set of state–society relations was established whereby democratising tendencies from below were repressed through the establishment of US-aligned capitalist regimes. This implied the partial restoration of certain aspects of the pre-1945 regimes in a manner that served to forestall any genuine coming to terms with past colonial history. Gramsci's concept of passive revolution thus provides a framework for rethinking how bilateral relations between countries can be explained with reference to the broader dynamics of geopolitical contestation, transnational capital accumulation and the dynamics of state–society contestation within national social formations. While existing empirical applications of passive revolution have typically focused on particular national instances of state formation and transformation, I argue that the concept can be utilised to analyse the region-wide processes whereby the US empire was established in the aftermath of the Second World War, and by extension, how supranational processes of passive revolution subsequently generated their own tensions and contradictions as manifested in contested bilateral relations between states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the Gramscian concept of hegemony, this article examines Hezbollah's muqawama project within the Lebanese political arena. It provides a novel interpretation of Hezbollah's political development from force operating through a 'blitzkrieg' strategy to hegemonic politics. It examines the role that the muqawama concept has played in shaping the organization's changes in its latest phase, as well as its relationship with other political forces at the national and regional level. It concludes by developing a cultural analysis of Hezbollah's video-clips and songs, showing how these embody the new nature of the muqawama project, and its various dimensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How is workplace bullying morally legitimised in a contested public sector? This article makes an original contribution to workplace bullying scholarship through its focus on 'moralistic' bullying. The United Kingdom (UK) public sector has undergone significant changes propelled by neoliberal marketisation over four decades, purportedly to enhance competitiveness, financial accountability, and efficiency. These reforms coincide with a reported increase in public sector workplace bullying. Inspired by Gramsci's [Gramsci, A. 1971. Selections from the Prison Notebooks, Translated by Q. Hoare, and G. N. Smith. London: Lawrence and Wishart. (Orig. pub. 1947.)] concept of hegemony, we adopt a neo-Gramscian analysis of 'moralistic' bullying in this context. Drawing from a study of 25 self-identifying bullied targets in UK public sector organisations, we illustrate how moralistic bullying is legitimised through organisational processes propelled by market rationalities and financial imperatives. Our contribution highlights how moralistic bullying is legitimised inconspicuously amidst hegemonic conditions of neoliberal marketisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of power in IR has produced insightful typologies, but the persisting paradigmatic divisions induce problems that stifle further progress. The fungibility problem concerns the missing links between the categories in the typologies as well as between typologies. The fragmentation problem arises from the difficulties of analysing diffuse agency. This article proposes a closer dialogue with Gramsci's work and embeds the resulting inputs into a process-centred conceptualisation of power that can accommodate the dialectic analysis of social transformations from the Prison Notebooks. The intellectual exchange engenders an understanding in which different modalities of power can be linked together as mechanisms interfering with each other in an iterative open process. The conundrum of fragmented agency is revisited through the perspective of an integral power process that entangles actor interests and identities. These interventions create opportunities for meaningful interaction between studies into the different faces of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the perspectives of low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) on climate change mitigation and fossil fuel supply within the UN framework convention on climate change (UNFCCC). Achieving the temperature targets of the Paris Agreement requires leaving fossil fuels underground (LFFU), which presents challenges for LMICs due to their significant fossil fuel reserves. This dilemma raises equity concerns as these countries must balance climate action with their Right to Development (RtD). Against this background, through a content analysis of documents submitted to the UNFCCC and triangulation with ownership structures of extraction projects, this paper explores how ten LMICs define their roles in addressing climate change and LFFU, with a focus on mitigation policies and the energy sector. Drawing on Gramscian concepts such as hegemony, common sense, historical bloc, war of position, passive revolution, and trasformismo, this paper presents a non-exhaustive neo-Gramscian perspective for the analysis of supply-side climate policy in developing countries. The analysis reveals that LMICs' development paths have been characterized by fossil fuel expansion, energy addition, and carbon lock-in, grounded on energy security reasons, export dependencies, or equity and responsibility. From these findings, the paper argues that the global energy transition can be interpreted as a passive revolution: the fossil historical bloc, through the interdependencies between states, national oil companies, and fossil capital, maintains its hegemonic position by aligning material, organizational, and discursive resources around fossil fuels, with the RtD serving as a discursive tool to perpetuate fossil dominance in energy systems, agreeing to the legitimate demands for development. One of the trasformist tactics deployed is the bridge narrative of gas, which accommodates and neutralizes the challenge posed by renewables. Nonetheless, there are opportunities for Southern leadership to contest the bloc with potential counter-hegemony. This paper contributes to the ongoing debate on supply-side mitigation policies and distributive justice issues in the North–South context, focusing on the need and potential for an inclusive and just energy transformation. There are avenues of research to analyse how the challengers' war of position will bear fruit in coalition building and the establishment of a new, just, and inclusive common sense. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is the result of research in development and presents a reflection on the concept of the "philosophy of praxis" in Gramsci's Prison Notebooks. The theme involved questions regarding the method, a gnoseology or theory of knowledge and the articulation between economics, politics and philosophy. The first part discusses the limits of liberalism in its formal structure; the second explains the articulation between economics, politics and philosophy; the third takes up the criticism of the double revisionism of Marx from Notebook 4. The main targets of Gramsci's critique of this "double revisionism" of his time are, on the one hand, the followers of Max Adler and others of the "Austro-Marxist" school, influenced by philosophically idealist currents (neo-Kantianism in particular), and, on the other, the mechanicist and deterministic current represented by Bukharin and others in the Soviet Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is the abstract of the Italian-language review of the volume Un confronto mancato: Walter Benjamin e Antonio Gramsci. The book (Macerata, Quodilbet, 2023) publishes the proceedings of a conference in Rome on the two Marxists held in Autumn 2022 which continues explicitly the earlier Vienna conference, the contributions to which are collected together in "International Gramsci Journal" 3(4), 2020. The proceedings fall into four sections. The first one deals with the philosophy of history and historical materialism, as elaborated by Gramsci in his "philosophy of praxis"; despite different starting points and apparently different assessments of historicism, there turns out in the end to be a convergence based on an anti-determinism. The second part focuses on revolution, counter-revolution and passive revolution, taking in the questions of the political subject and contemporary situations. Subjectivity is then the theme of the third section, as forms of life appropriate to the capitalist mode of production and as regards subjects attempting to emancipate themselves from this mode. The fourth section includes the two thinker-revolutionaries' approaches to the question of the various types of intellectual, including their conceptions of the artistic vanguards, folklore and kitsch, and the translation of experience from one country to another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is the abstract of the English-language review of the volume Un confronto mancato: Walter Benjamin e Antonio Gramsci. The book (Macerata, Quodilbet, 2023) publishes the proceedings of a conference in Rome on the two Marxists held in Autumn 2022 which continues explicitly the earlier Vienna conference, the contributions to which are collected together in "International Gramsci Journal" 3(4), 2020. The proceedings fall into four sections. The first one deals with the philosophy of history and historical materialism, as elaborated by Gramsci in his "philosophy of praxis"; despite different starting points and apparently different assessments of historicism, there turns out in the end to be a convergence based on an anti-determinism. The second part focuses on revolution, counter-revolution and passive revolution, taking in the questions of the political subject and contemporary situations. Subjectivity is then the theme of the third section, as forms of life appropriate to the capitalist mode of production and as regards subjects attempting to emancipate themselves from this mode. The fourth section includes the two thinker-revolutionaries' approaches to the question of the various types of intellectual, including their conceptions of the artistic vanguards, folklore and kitsch, and the translation of experience from one country to another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]