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Despite Greece's centrality in Eastern Mediterranean history and politics, the evolution, characteristics, and rationale behind the country's relations with the Arab world have yet to be identified. This article examines post-World War II Greek foreign policy towards the Arab world across four key periods (1945–80; 1981–89; 1990–2018; and 2019 onwards). It builds on a historical institutionalist approach to argue that Greece's relationship with the Arab world has remained a pillar of the country's diplomatic strategy, albeit instrumentalised in terms of Greece's two main foreign policy goals in the post-World War II era: maintaining the country's Western orientation and navigating the vicissitudes of Greek-Turkish relations. Thus, the Arab world has traditionally been approached by Greek policymakers in a profit maximization manner that sought to either amplify Greece's relationship with Western powers or respond to Turkish initiatives in the region. Aiming to provide the first systematic overview of Greek diplomatic strategy towards the Arab world, the article highlights the importance of path dependence in evaluating Greek foreign policy initiatives towards the Middle East. It also seeks to contextualize Greece's current attempts to forge a proactive role across the region by providing necessary historic nuance and a comparative perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the reasons for the recent populist assault against elite academic institutions in Hungary and Turkey. After exploring the literature on populism, social mobility, and social pluralism, it focuses on the modalities of the attack against two elite academic institutions established upon the U.S. liberal arts college tradition, the Central European University (CEU) and Boğaziçi University, respectively, and its implications for Hungarian and Turkish politics. Two arguments are put forward: First, such attacks have emerged in the context of a populist narrative against institutions facilitating social mobility. Social mobility undermines the "us versus them" populist narrative where the masses are permanently placed on the "losers" side and therefore depend on the charismatic populist leader. With social mobility facilitated through high-quality academic institutions, these "losers" have the chance to improve their material and non-material well-being through education. Second, these institutions promote social pluralism and critical thinking, cultivating a mode of reflection that contradicts the simplistic populist dichotomies and opposes democratic backsliding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Eastern Mediterranean has emerged as one of the new high-priority regions for EU foreign and security policy and an acid test for the EU's strategic autonomy. European Council (Brussels: European Council). https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2021/04/06/remarks-by-president-charles-michel-after-his-meeting-in-ankara-with-president-recep-tayyip-erdogan/pdf 24 Ministry of Europe and Foreign Affairs of the French Republic (2020) 'Ajaccio declaration after the 7th Summit of the Southern EU countries (MED7)'. This article is based on primary and secondary sources identifying the concept of "strategic autonomy" and exploring how EU foreign policymaking has been tested in one of the most significant recent regional crises, affecting key EU security and diplomatic interests and whether the goal of EU strategic autonomy, as raised in several public statements and policy documents of the European Union has come any closer. Besides, the European Council noted that 'regrettably Turkey has engaged in unilateral actions and provocations and escalated its rhetoric against the EU, EU Member States and European leaders', while it underscored its cooperative and complementary approach with the United States on 'the coordination of the matters relating to Turkey and the situation in the Eastern Mediterranean' (European Council, [12], pp. 11-12). [Extracted from the article]

This article concerns the development of archaeology and museology, in the Ottoman Empire, Turkey, and Greece, through the life and career of Théodore Macridy. Macridy participated in knowledge transfer in more than one discipline and more than one country. Through his links with Western academic circles in archaeology and museology, he made a significant contribution to their development in the Ottoman Empire, Turkey, and Greece. Living between the Ottoman and Greek epistemic communities as an Ottoman citizen of Greek origin, he excavated numerous sites of the Ottoman Empire, worked at the Ottoman Imperial Museum, and contributed to the foundation of the Benaki Museum in Athens at the end of his career. This makes him a good example of an Ottoman Greek scholar whose liminal identity led to his relative neglect in both Greek and Turkish archaeology and museology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Greek-Turkish relations have been one of the most sensitive spots of NATO’s internal cohesion throughout the second half of the twentieth century. The emergence of the Cyprus problem threatened to undermine NATO’s south-eastern flank and had a negative spill over effect on Greek-Turkish disputes. Following almost twenty years of rapprochement and détente, Greek-Turkish relations entered a turbulent phase in late 2019. This article sheds light on some key factors that contributed to the escalation since 2019, such as energy developments in the Eastern Mediterranean, migration, Turkey’s growing regional ambitions, sovereignty claims and declining relations with the United States and the European Union. It also evaluates the reasons for the recent détente as well as its sustainability in the aftermath of the May 2023 elections in both Greece and Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]