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This research focuses on the role of Radio-Télévision Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM) in the Rwandan genocide. It analyzes the radio broadcasts through the prism of theories of intergroup threat and aggression. In this perspective, this medium is conceived as a manipulative and propagandist agent which participated in the perpetration of mass killings constituting the Rwandan genocide, through the dissemination of the ideology of hatred before and during the genocide and the logistical assistance provided to those involved in the killings. Indeed, RTLM broadcasts were structured in such a way as to present the Hutu as victims (intergroup threat), with the aim of justifying the use of violent actions against Tutsi (intergroup aggression). The corpus to be analyzed consists of extracts from RTLM broadcasts selected from transcripts stored at the Montreal Institute of Genocide and Human Rights Studies (MIGS) and at the International Monitor Institute (IMI). These extracts were analyzed with the method of discourse analysis. They reveal that RTLM’s discourse was based on the victimization and glorification of Hutus, as well as the devaluation and demonization of Tutsis. Concretely, the radio broadcasts were structured in such a way as to incite Hutu (past and present victims of injustice) to exterminate Tutsi (the enemies, the "cockroaches" (inyenzi)) and to eradicate them from Rwandan society. They were built around two main themes, including the threat, which includes elements like propaganda and hatred, homogenization, categorization and victimization ; and aggressiveness which includes the revolutionary vision of Rwanda, the deshumanization of Tutsi, their designation as enemies, the search for a just and homogeneous society.

In Cameroon, a country which has undergone a double French/British administration (1916-1961), the cohabitation between Francophones and Anglophones since 1961 is far from having erased the intergroup differences linked to their respective colonial pasts. On the contrary, over time, it has generated what has been called the Anglophone problem. In this context, is the strong tendency towards the schooling of students from francophone families in schools of the anglophone sub-system of education likely to attenuate intergroups cleavages? From the theoretical perspective of social identity, this research suggests that the perceived similarity between Anglophones and anglophonized francophones generates a threat to the specific Anglophones' linguistic identity. To test this hypothesis, the optimal distinctiveness and intergroup threat scales were administered to 462 Anglophones participants of both sexes. The correlation and linear regression analyzes provide empirical support for the hypothesis of the study. An adjusted R2 index validates the existence of a causal relationship between perceived similarity and intergroup threat.

Cameroon is facing violent Islamist extremism. The literature reports that there is no link between jihadist terrorism and islamophobia. This study questions this observation by assessing the effect of jihadist terrorism on the link between entitativisation and anti-muslim attitudes and behaviors. First, it proposes that entitativisation of Muslims has weak links with anti-muslim attitudes and behaviors. It then postulates that there is a strong link between these attitudes and behaviors. To test these hypotheses, a survey is conducted among 147 students from the University of Dschang (89 men and 58 women). They are non-muslims of Cameroonian nationality, aged between 17 and 52 years. The data collected provide empirical support for the hypotheses of the study. It is concluded that jihadist terrorism has an impact on the link between entitativisation and anti-muslim attitudes and behaviors.

This research examines the effect of political instrumentalization of ethnicity on maintenance of social status quo in societies characterized by the ethnic heterogeneity of their populations. It defends the thesis that the objective of the manipulation of ethnic identity is not to change the system made up of dominant and dominated groups, but rather to overthrow the existing hegemony to install another one or maintain it as it is. Theoretically, it is within the framework of the instrumentalist approach of interethnic conflicts (Henderson, 2010), but it differs from it because it analyzes a second aspect of the social function of the mechanism of political instrumentalization of ethnicity: its contribution to the perpetuation of social inequalities in intragroup and intergroup relations, between members of the governing elite (dominant group) and populations (dominated group). This function is not well documented by the psychosocial literature; hence its interest for this study. From a methodological point of view, this research proceeds to a review of the constitutive works of the literature relating to the inclination of individuals in favor of maintaining social inequalities. It emerges that the political elites exploit the naivety of the populations, who live in uncertainty about reality and social exclusion, to provoke inter-ethnic tensions and serve, at worst their selfish interests, at best, the interests of their ethnic group of belonging. Thus, the political instrumentalization of ethnic groups does not only generate intergroup tensions. It also contributes to the establishment and maintenance of social inequalities within groups where it is used as a strategy for capturing material and symbolic resources.

This study assesses sensitivity to stereotype threat among girls learning to play football. It fits precisely in the perspective of works on the reduction factors of this phenomenon. It proposes emotional intelligence as a factor that can reduce sensitivity to this threat; hence the hypothesis: among girls learning to play football, high emotional intelligence reduces sensitivity to stereotype threat more than low emotional intelligence. Specifically, participants’ exposure to an ingroup stereotype of incompetence was expected to impact them differently, depending on their level of emotional intelligence. This hypothesis was tested through an experiment carried out with 61 female pupils attending the Government Bilingual High School of Penka-Michel (Cameroon). That exeperiment was conducted in a natural setting, following the stereotype threat’s experimental paradigm. The results do not support the hypothesis of the study, although it can be observed that the average performance of participants with high emotional intelligence is higher than that of their counterparts with low emotional intelligence (f (1, 61) = 6.79; Ŋ2 = .98; p = .135˃.05; t = .63; p = .532˃.05; M high IE = 3566.67> M low IE = 3433.72). It is concluded that emotional intelligence does not significantly reduce sensitivity to stereotype threat.

En contexte africain, le developpement de la personnalite est tributaire des niches socioculturels regissant la construction de l’identite individuelle, sociale et du concept de soi du sujet. Cependant, le changement socioculturel entraine une rupture entre l’identite de base engagee dans son milieu anthropomorphiste d’origine et celle assignee en milieu d’accueil. Pour resoudre ce conflit identitaire, l’on construit des mecanismes que la litterature range dans le concept de ‘‘strategies identitaires’’. Mais jusqu’ici, elle ne propose pas d’outils permettant de mesurer clairement ce construit. C’est pourquoi dans cette recherche, l’on se propose de developper un instrument psychometrique standardise, permettant d’evaluer quantitativement la construction des strategies identitaires chez les adolescents migrants scolarises en situation transculturelle. Il est organise autour de quatre facettes/dimensions/sous-echelles relatives au Camouflage/Clandestinite/Redefinition de soi, l’Arrangement/Affichage de soi, l’Evitement/Reparation de soi, et le Deni/Annulation de soi ou d’autrui. Apres etalonnage/validation aupres de 368 adolescents migrants dont 184 refugies centrafricains et 184 deplaces internes Extreme-Nord/Nord camerounais, des deux sexes, âges de 12 a 18 ans et scolarises a l’Est-Cameroun, les analyses factorielles exploratoires et en composantes principales lui conferent des qualites metrologiques fiables (αitems [.68, .93] ; αQISISTglobal = .78). Ainsi, la validite/fidelite et la coherence interne du questionnaire sont satisfaisantes. In the African context, the development of the personality depends on the socio-cultural niches that construct the individual/social identity and the self-concept of the subject. However, socio-cultural change is causing a gap between the basic identity engaged in its original anthropomorphic environment and that assigned in the host environment. To resolve this identity conflict, they construct mechanisms that the literature classifies under the concept of ‘‘identity strategies’’. But so far, it does not offer tools to clearly measure this construct. This is why in the present research they propose to develop a standardized psychometric instrument, making it possible to quantitatively assess the construction of identity strategies of migrant adolescents who school in a transcultural situation. It is organized around four facets/dimensions/subscales relating to Camouflage/Clandestinity/Self-Redefinition, Arrangement/Self-Display, Avoidance/Self-Repair and Denial/Cancellation of Self or Others. After calibration/validation with 368 migrant adolescents including 184 Central African refugees and 184 internally displaced persons from the Far North/North Cameroon, of both sexes, aged 12 to 18 years old, who school in the East region of Cameroon, the exploratory factor and components main characteristics analysis give it reliable metrological qualities (αitems [.68, .93]; αQISISTglobal = .78). Thus, the validity/reliability and internal consistency of the questionnaire are satisfactory.

The literature on collective victimization indicates that individuals who experience victimization very often engage in resistance behaviors in order to change their current or past situation. This resistance is likely to generate conflicts with the oppressors. Numerous works are interested in this aspect by emphasizing the role of the main actors involved (aggressor/victim); in turn neglecting actors who are not directly involved in the conflict such as witnesses; hence the interest of this research for this poorly documented aspect of the psychosocial literature on resistance against oppression. Specifically, it is interested in the connection between self-perception as an inclusive victim, the resulting emotions and resistance to outgroups’ oppression. The hypothesis of the study proposes that intergroup emotions have a moderating effect on the link between self-perception as an inclusive victim of oppression and support for the resistance to the victimization of disadvantaged outgroups. To test it, 658 Francophones of both sexes were selected to participate in a psychosocial survey carried out in the city of Dschang (Cameroon). Their average age is 25 years. The scales that were self-administered to them are as follows: self-perception as an inclusive victim (α= .69), resistance to victimization (α= .90), nostalgia for others (α= .92), collective guilt (α= .74), empathy for others (α= .87), collective shame (α= .74) and collective grievances (α= .88). The data collected provide empirical support for the hypothesis of the study. It is concluded that intergroup emotions have a moderating effect on the link between self-perception as an inclusive victim of oppression and support for the resistance to the victimization of a disadvantaged outgroup.