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How may feelings of love and hate impact people's attention? We used a modified Attentional Blink (AB) task in which 300 participants were asked to categorise a name representing a person towards whom they felt either hate, love, or neutral (first target) plus identify a number word (second target), both embedded in a rapidly presented stream of other words. The lag to the second target was systematically varied. Contrary to our hypothesis, results revealed that both hated and loved names resulted in higher accuracy for the second target than neutral names, which was largely independent of lag. Also, there we observed no sustained transfer effects of love and hate onto neutral name trials. The findings differ from prior research on attentional blink and transient, non-personal, stimulus-driven emotions, suggesting that interpersonal feelings activate different attention-relevant mechanisms. Relevant to future research, we speculate that love and hate are motivators of goal-directed behaviour that facilitate subsequent information processing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pundits, advocates, and scholars have increasingly focused on the strategies of transnational repression employed by autocratic states to deter opposition and control the voices of emigrants abroad. Typically, transnational repression is understood as various forms of state-directed tactics executed by institutional actors who are deployed, trained, and organized by the state. Yet, the tactic of inciting hatred and division among emigrants to undermine dissidents—part of a nationalist strategy that mobilizes non-state actors for repression—has not been thoroughly explored. This article reveals a unique form of diaspora actorhood: the repressive nationalist diasporas, which consist of culturally driven migrants who support their authoritarian homelands and exert significant influence in various aspects of transnational migrants' civic life, including student groups, ethnic associations, and grassroots organizations. Through these networks, diaspora migrants provide autocrats with the means to extend their repressive reach internationally. This paper examines the People's Republic of China (PRC) as a case study, demonstrating how the state leverages nationalist sentiments to alienate dissidents and fuel enmity among its loyalists overseas. The consequences are extensive, involving surveillance, harassment, and assaults on dissidents such as Hong Kongers, Tibetans, Uyghurs, Taiwanese, and mainland Chinese—aiming to silence those who criticize the PRC regime. Ethnographic research, interviews, and publicly available data are used to reveal, describe, and analyze the role and global reach of the repressive nationalist diaspora in the transnational repression mechanism as part of modern autocratic statecraft. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Asian Americans have been the target of hate crimes in the United States. Data from multiple sources reveals that hate crimes increase following seminal events. Two events in particular, the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and the COVID-19 pandemic, led to spikes in hate directed at Asian Americans, including adolescents. These acts of hate can range from bullying on social media to violent attacks. This paper presents four such cases of hate along with the statistics surrounding pre- and post-event hate crimes and incidents. Empathy is the ability to understand and share the perspectives and emotions of others. The lack of empathy leads to prejudice and hate. Adolescence is a unique time for human development. Under the correct circumstances, intergroup contact with empathy activation has the ability to reduce hate. Further, as empathy is a teachable trait, schools have a critical role to play in adolescent social and moral development. A lack of research exists on empathy education in adolescents. This paper reviews the current literature and suggests that empathy education may reduce prejudice. As these events are likely to occur in the future, it is the position of this paper that empathy education may reduce hate, including violent hate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Asian Americans have been the target of hate crimes in the United States. Data from multiple sources reveals that hate crimes increase following seminal events. Two events in particular, the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, and the COVID-19 pandemic, led to spikes in hate directed at Asian Americans, including adolescents. These acts of hate can range from bullying on social media to violent attacks. This paper presents four such cases of hate along with the statistics surrounding pre- and post-event hate crimes and incidents. Empathy is the ability to understand and share the perspectives and emotions of others. The lack of empathy leads to prejudice and hate. Adolescence is a unique time for human development. Under the correct circumstances, intergroup contact with empathy activation has the ability to reduce hate. Further, as empathy is a teachable trait, schools have a critical role to play in adolescent social and moral development. A lack of research exists on empathy education in adolescents. This paper reviews the current literature and suggests that empathy education may reduce prejudice. As these events are likely to occur in the future, it is the position of this paper that empathy education may reduce hate, including violent hate.

This manuscript examines the experiences of Muslims in India with hate on digital platforms. Extant research on Islamophobia on digital platforms offers analyses of the various discourses circulating on digital platforms. This manuscript builds on that research to document the experiences of online hate among Muslims in India based on a survey of 1,056 Muslims conducted by Qualtrics, a panelbased survey company, between November 2021 and December 2021. The findings point to the intersections between white supremacist and Hindutva Alt-Right messages on digital platforms, delineating the fascist threads that form the convergent infrastructures of digital hate. Moreover, they document the extensive exposure of Muslims in India to Islamophobic hate on digital platforms, raising critical questions about their health and wellbeing. The paper wraps up with policy recommendations regarding strategies for addressing online Islamophobic hate on digital platforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In April 2023, the U.K. government announced that misogyny would not be categorized as a hate crime stating that this "may prove more harmful than helpful." This article argues that before and beyond hate crime, misogyny, understood as the hatred of women (from the Greek misein [hate] gynae [women]), is the foundational logic of our legal, social, and political order in the west. This constitution of hate relies on the active dehumanization, exploitation, and ownership of women's bodies by the institution of white men through making women the object of the "colonization of the everyday." This exhausting hatred is enacted through repetitive, unceasing, and everyday violence toward women. Simply put, patriarchal, colonial, capitalist democracy is only sustained through violence against women. Hating women is, therefore, not a pathology of society but rather is the necessary existence condition of our legal-political constitution, clear to see yet hiding in plain sight. Misogyny ensures the precarity of women's bodies and women's status as trespassers in everyday spaces that are deliberately always already misogynistic. Given the foundational nature of misogyny, did the government have a point in excluding endemic violence against women from hate crime as "more harmful than helpful?" Is hate crime merely constitutive of a cultural matrix of misogyny? This paper enacts a decolonial feminist prism to disrupt the cultural condition of misogyny by thinking hate crime together with legal-political constitutional and cultural change. The paper explores violence against women set against the historical emergence of misogyny from Greek dehumanization, to medieval persecution of "witches," the muzzling and banning of women from public spaces, Shakespeare's "Taming," to contemporary femicide rates. Interrogating hate crime through this prism offers nuanced routes for how to disrupt the legal-political constitution of misogyny that is neither hidden nor new. Misogyny is enduring. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Estudos Feministas is the property of Revista Estudos Feministas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Life-story interviews with 39 Jewish supporters of a football club whose quasi-Jewish identity is the catalyst for antisemitic abuse were used to explain the under-researched everyday experiences among members of the Anglo-Jewish community. All interviewees said their experiences of antisemitism within English men's football supporter culture were much worse than in wider society. All interviewees believed references to Hitler and the Holocaust exceeded any threshold of acceptability and that the death of 6 million people should never be associated with football. While denigration of Jewish rituals and practices was offensive and problematic for some, Jewish stereotypes tended to be downplayed, dismissed, or tolerated by most interviewees as part of the "banter" endemic in English supporter culture to lessen or disrupt the impact of the hate speech they endure. These responses indicate complex processes of anger, acceptance and rationalisation as recipients attempt to make sense of and deal with everyday antisemitism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We analyse the rhetoric and reality of EU digital sovereignty by looking at content control. The control of online content is central to sovereignty because it relates to fundamental freedoms and democratic competition. Our main data source is the unique International Organizations in Global Internet Governance (IO-GIG) dataset which contains internet policy output documents across international institutions and issue areas between 1995 and 2021. By assessing policy output, we show structural trends in content control output in volume, bindingness, and orientation. By analysing policy discourse, we show the evolution of frames on content control over time. We find evidence for a comprehensive but still ongoing trend towards digital sovereignty in policy output and a shift from prioritising free access to the public order in discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary research has highlighted the steady rise of individuals becoming radicalised via exposure to extremist discussion on the internet, with the ease of communication with other users that the internet provides playing a major role in the radicalisation process of these individuals. The aim of the present systematic review was to explore recent research into the utilisation of language in extremist cyberspaces and how it may influence the radicalisation process. The findings suggest that there are five prominent linguistical behaviours adopted by extremists online: Algorithmic, Conflict, Hate, Positive, and Recruitment. The results demonstrate that the main purpose of extremist language online is to shape the perceptions of users to see their associated group in positive regard, while simultaneously negatively framing outgroup opposition. This is then followed by encouraging conflict against the promoted ideologies' perceived enemies. Limitations, future research, and implications are discussed in detail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mitteilungen des Deutschen Germanistenverbandes is the property of Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mitteilungen des Deutschen Germanistenverbandes is the property of Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mitteilungen des Deutschen Germanistenverbandes is the property of Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mitteilungen des Deutschen Germanistenverbandes is the property of Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mitteilungen des Deutschen Germanistenverbandes is the property of Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht GmbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The terrorizing placement of nooses and Nazi swastikas on U.S. college and university campuses has sustained a climate of fear, trauma, and intimidation. University administration responses often invoke protest from targeted communities over their approach. Examining news reports and university statements between 2010 and 2023, we critique universities’ use of the rhetorical framework of “symbols” (e.g., “heinous symbols of hate,” “racist symbols”). We argue that the “symbolism” framework reflects and reinforces a problem of minimization, if not dismissal, when responding to the impact of these events. Drawing on works by rhetorical studies scholars like Matsuda, Altman, Butler, and Ore, we argue that nooses and swastikas must be understood and treated in relation to their material, violent, spatial, and agential oppressive power and viewed through the relationship between the academic environment of white Christian spaces and anti-Black and anti-Jewish violence and exclusion. Coining the term, “technologies of violence,” we invite a rhetorical shift from hate speech and symbols to acts of violent doing and doing to within the context of historical and contemporary phenomena of systemic racism and antisemitism in academia and society. We offer an anti-racist approach to responding to and studying terroristic objects and acts on campuses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Recent years have witnessed an increase in highly publicized attacks targeting members of ethnoracial and religious minority groups. To date, existing research has primarily focused on the tendency for such "trigger events" to generate violent aftershocks. We argue that beyond such ripple effects, highly salient trigger events significantly increase hate-crime related stress among racial and ethnic minorities. Additionally, we explore whether these effects are limited to the group most clearly targeted, or if they "spill over" to other minoritized communities. Methods: To study reactions to hate crimes, we draw upon national survey data (N = 1,122) in combination with a natural experiment involving the Unite the Right rally and vehicle attack in Charlottesville, Virginia in August 2017. We employ an "unexpected event during survey" design to estimate the causal effect of the Charlottesville rally on stress about hate crimes. Results: We first show that there was an increase in anti-Black hate crimes in the 2 weeks following the Charlottesville incident. We also find a corresponding increase in stress due to the perception of personal vulnerability to hate crimes among African-Americans. However, we do not observe a significant increase in levels of stress following the trigger event among Hispanics and Asian Americans. Discussion: Our results suggest that highly publicized instances of intergroup violence can have significant impacts on stress about hate crime victimization within the target group. However, we find that this effect is short-lived, and that both violent aftershocks and the general climate of fear spurred by hate crimes may be racially bounded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aimed at exploring how education can confront hate speech and foster peace culture. Specifically, the study investigated faculty members’ views on the responsibility of educators for this task and their educational vision for confronting hate speech and fostering Egyptian university students’ peace culture. The paper reviewed literature on hate speech, and the efforts needed in the university environment to confront it. The study used the ethnographic approach and in-depth interviews. The study revealed a number of findings. The participants agreed that the task of confronting hate speech and fostering peace culture should be assumed by all individuals and societal organizations, including the government, the civil society, families, and educational, media, religious, cultural and legislative organizations. The study also found a variance in the faculty members’ visions for how to confront hate speech among university students. Such variance in their visions is attributed mainly to their perceptions of the importance of each suggested method for confronting hate speech. However, they all agreed on the importance of initiating political, religious, educational, and media speech confronting hatred and discrimination, enhancing pluralism and variety, and disseminating tolerance, and peaceful interaction among citizens. They also called for restructuring educational curricula in light of different foundations targeting the alleviation of hate speech. The research ended with providing an educational vision for confronting hate speech in Egyptian higher education.. This vision includes the most important principles, objectives, requirements and mechanisms necessary to achieve the vision aims. In addition, the vision provided a number of guarantees for its success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hate speech can increase stereotyped thinking and social distancing in a society. However, there is still a lack of variety in the social groups under study and research into possible solutions to the problem. Thus, our aim is to (1) study effects of hate speech against Chinese people and transgender people and (2) to investigate if counter speech can offset the detrimental effects of hate speech. We conducted a pre-registered online experiment with a 2 × 3 between-subject design, varying the attacked group (Chinese people/transgender people) and the type of comments (neutral/hate speech/hate speech and counter speech) for an Austrian sample (n = 1285). Findings reveal no effect of hate speech on the dependent variables, indicating that citizens might not be as vulnerable to hate speech after all. However, counter speech has a polarizing effect: attitudinal gaps and differences for social distancing increase between left-wing and right-wing participants if hate speech is countered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship on gendered political inequality after war pays surprisingly little attention to an otherwise ubiquitous concept in feminist security studies: militarized masculinities. Through qualitative fieldwork in Kosovo, I trace the ways through which militarized masculinities negatively influence women's postwar political participation. However, I also find that the hegemony of militarized masculinities recently started to be contested as military backgrounds increasingly become associated with negative, instead of heroic, attributes. While this creates a competition for hegemony, it does not constitute a shortcut to emancipation. Instead, I find that militarized masculinities created path dependencies that uphold patriarchal domination beyond the hegemony of militarized masculinities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Italian occupation of Ethiopia between 1935 and 1941 there was an outbreak of brutal and violent attacks on the Ethiopian church. These attacks were supported by many in the Italian church and were described as a Crusade, with no condemnation of them from the papacy. The two churches come from very different geographical locations and cultural backgrounds, and this has led to periods of warm relations, but also to examples of aggressive evangelism and hostility. The situation at the start of the Second World War aggravated aggressive tendencies. They are a warning to the churches of how easy it is to slip into violence and hatred. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although many Internet users have encountered hate speech online, interventions against those incidents are unlikely. To learn more about online counteractions against hate speech, which we conceptualize as a form of online civic participation, we conducted an online survey representing adult German Internet users (N  =   2,691). We investigated what distinguishes users who intervene against hate speech, focusing on associations between citizens' prior counteractions and their personal political characteristics, their attributed responsibility for intervening against hate speech to social and political actors, and their institutional trust. Results indicate that especially Internet users' personal political characteristics (e.g. internal political efficacy, political opinion leadership) as well as trust in regulative political institutions are positively associated with counteracting against online hate speech. While social media use and previous experience with counteractions increased the likelihood of users counteracting against hate speech, authoritarian attitudes and attributing responsibility for intervening to platform operators decreased it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite a centuries-long history of violent mobilization, white supremacist activism (WSA) has received relatively little sociological attention outside a small, specialized subfield. Disciplinary interest began to change after Trump's 2016 election; the 2017 violent attack in Charlottesville, Virginia; and the January 6, 2021, insurrection. In recognition, this review article focuses on what has been learned about contemporary WSA since the 1980s. We categorize studies by their unit of analysis—individual or micro, meso, and macro levels—to highlight analytic commonalities and distinctions and to underscore the central role that threat plays in the ebb and flow of WSA. As part of our discussion, we also point to unresolved and understudied issues. We conclude by identifying issues that future research should address. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the author writes from her perspective as an actor, in particular about her performance of the title character in Eugene O'Neill's "Anna Christie" (1921) with the Eugene O'Neill Foundation in Danville in 2023. She speaks in conversation with Pauline Lord, the first actor to portray Anna Christopherson, and specifically explores the question of what it means to love a character. She argues that to love requires a commitment to feeling (living with the character) the struggle (the anger, pain, and shame) of what there could be to hate in the character and therefore ourselves. She argues that such a commitment begins necessarily when the character is (when we are) brave enough to declare herself and have her say. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annals of Philosophy / Roczniki Filozoficzne is the property of John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, Faculty of Philosophy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper addresses the specificities of online hate speech against the Afro-descendant, Roma, and LGBTQ+ communities in Portugal. The research is based on the analysis of CO-HATE, a corpus composed of 20,590 YouTube comments, which were manually annotated following detailed guidelines created for that purpose. We applied methods from corpus linguistics to assess the prevalence of overt and covert hate speech, counter-speech, and offensive speech, considering different grounds of discrimination, and to investigate the main linguistic and rhetorical strategies underlying hatred messages. The research results highlight the importance of tackling covert hate speech, a recurring phenomenon often anchored in irony and fallacious argumentation, including the emotional appeal to fear and the implicit call to action. We believe this study will aid in advancing the analysis of online hate speech, while promoting the development of efficient automated detection models, specifically regarding the Portuguese language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the emotional and philosophical exploration of sorrow, loss, and identity, conveyed through the lens of introspective writing and the quiet contemplation of human existence. It reflects on the struggles of language and silence, pain of unresolved questions, and the interplay between love and hate, culminating in a journey to find meaning through symbols and rituals, such as the act of reading and carrying texts to significant places of personal and spiritual connection.

We investigated the content of liberal and conservative news media Facebook posts on race and ethnic health disparities. A total of 3,327,360 liberal and conservative news Facebook posts from the United States (US) from January 2015 to May 2022 were collected from the Crowd Tangle platform and filtered for race and health-related keywords. Qualitative content analysis was conducted on a random sample of 1750 liberal and 1750 conservative posts. Posts were analyzed for a continuum of hate speech using a newly developed method combining faceted Rasch item response theory with deep learning. Across posts referencing Asian, Black, Latinx, Middle Eastern, and immigrants/refugees, liberal news posts had lower hate scores compared to conservative posts. Liberal news posts were more likely to acknowledge and detail the existence of racial/ethnic health disparities, while conservative news posts were more likely to highlight the negative consequences of protests, immigration, and the disenfranchisement of Whites. Facebook posts from liberal and conservative news focus on different themes with fewer discussions of racial inequities in conservative news. Investigating the discourse on race and health in social media news posts may inform our understanding of the public's exposure to and knowledge of racial health disparities, and policy-level support for ameliorating these disparities.

We investigate experimentally whether the perceived offensiveness of slurs survives when they are reported, by comparing Italian slurs and insults in base utterances (Y is an S), direct speech (X said: "Y is an S"), mixed quotation (X said that Y is "an S"), and indirect speech (X said that Y is an S). For all strategies, reporting decreases the perceived offensiveness without removing it. For slurs, but not insults, indirect speech is perceived as more offensive than direct speech. Our hypothesis is that, because slurs constitute hate speech, speakers employ quotation marks to signal their dissociation from slur use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ableist hate speech regularly appears in online comment‐enabled articles on social media, whenever disability‐related topics enter public discourse. In 2022, Dylan Alcott's appointment as Australian of the Year as a person with disability was widely celebrated. Despite this progress, we identified new forms of politicised ableism in online responses to his disability advocacy in this role. This research considers readership responses to an April 2022 Facebook post by an Australian tabloid publication. The post editorialised Alcott's Twitter response to the then Australian Prime Minister's comments on feeling "blessed" to have children without disability. Enmeshed within the usual ableist imaginary—"why would any parent want to have a child with disability?"—were new justifications for ableism associated with political "wokeness." We analyse this emerging contour of politicised ableism in contemporary Australia to consider the complex patterns of progress toward social justice for people with disability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A Median Group session supervised by Pat de Maré is presented with discussion. Research is described in which Median Groups were convened in an open psychiatric out-patient service in the community and in a closed psychiatric ward of a general hospital. Their efficacy and the participants' satisfaction and that of the department staff are described. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the wake of 9/11 and the Trump campaign in 2016, organized Islamophobia has been on the rise in the U.S. In this article, I ask: How do those leading and participating in anti-Muslim mobilizations justify this discriminatory activism? To answer this question, I conducted a frame analysis of an anti-Muslim mobilization in Aberdeen, SD from 2016–2017. I analyzed the content of public meetings during this period (n = 8), the public Facebook posts of a local hate group, the Americans First, Task Force (n = 454), and individual Facebook user comments (n = 1370). I find that color-blind racist frames, place-based racial storytelling , white victimhood, and racialization are the central justifications deployed in this mobilization's frames. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the possible metaphysical aspects of Hitler's antisemitism by asking a basic question: Why did the Nazis, if motivated solely or at least largely by racial hatred, attack and destroy Jewish religious sites, above all synagogues? The answer the article gives, a speculative one, is that Hitler's antisemitism expresses a hatred of life and death that has deep roots in Western history, roots that can be traced most directly to the hatred of life and death expressed by Christianity and, specifically, to the hatred expressed by one of Christianity's most hate-filled theologians, Martin Luther. Hence, the article offers a comparative interpretation of Hitler and Luther's antisemitism in two main sections. A final section reflects on the difficulty of understanding antisemitism, hatred and violence and thus concludes with Primo Levi's claim that in Auschwitz there is no answer, there is no why (Hier ist kein Warum). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will explore the purpose, system of subjects, principal tools and consequences of neo-authoritarian intervention. The peculiarities of the neo-authoritarian regime, neo-authoritarian intervention, and export of neo-authoritarianism are clarified. China and Russia are selected as the main cases for analysis. The purpose of neo-authoritarian intervention is defined as the intention to strengthen the internal stability of non-democratic regimes and to broaden their influence on international processes, the effort being to change the world order and destroy liberaldemocratic values. It is argued that the key subjects of neoauthoritarian intervention are the governments of neoauthoritarian states and a great number of actors (puppet parties; government-organized non-governmental organizations; marginal, ultra-radical social and political movements; statecontrolled media; unscrupulous analytical centres; and international multilingual networks of TV, radio broadcasts, news agencies, which are financed by neo-authoritarian governments). The system of tools of neo-authoritarian influence includes tools of: power; influence within the soft power; subversion; value modification; election tampeering; and pressure on international organizations. The tools of neo-authoritarian intervention are based on the classic tools of authoritarianism, but are modernized due to digitalization, information and communication progress, and the other technologies. Neo-authoritarian intervention is proven to increase the risks to global security. The main consequences of the strengthening of neo-authoritarian intervention on a global scale are the growth of threats to democracy, the risks of changing the world agenda. The consequence of neo-authoritarian interference in the internal affairs of non-democratic states is the growth of dependence on neo-authoritarian exporter states, further socio-political instability, increased use of force in solving socio-political problems. The research states that in the case of neo-authoritarian intervention in the affairs of democratic states, the consequences may include both effective counteraction to neo-authoritarian interventions and thus strengthening of the quality of democracy, and destructive tendencies including the growth of populism, radicalism, corruption, and hate speech. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al-Adab / Al-ādāb is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Journalists who cover rural areas in the United States say they are afraid to report on hate groups, and this fear is exacerbated by close community ties and limited resources among rural journalists. We examine the concept of "hate speech" as a boundary object, analyzing in-depth interviews with U.S. journalists reporting in rural communities (n = 33) to better understand how rural journalists report on hate. We find that rural journalists articulate a clear definition for hate speech but struggle to apply that definition to events within their communities, even as they articulate numerous forms of hate. Journalists often dismissed acts of hate using the residual category of "not hate, but ... " to signal something that they felt was out of place or unsuitable but did not rise to the legal definition of hate speech and thus was not worth reporting on. This approach ends up challenging journalists' normative commitments to their communities and exemplifies their desire to avoid an objectivity trap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hate speech can be defined as the use of language to express hatred towards another party. Twitter is one of the most widely used social media platforms in the community. In addition to submitting user-generated content, other users can provide feedback through comments. There are several users who intentionally or unintentionally provide negative comments. Even though there are regulations regarding the prohibition of hate speech, there are still those who make negative comments. Using the deep learning method with the long short-term memory (LSTM) model, a classifier of possible hate speech from messages on Twitter is carried out. With the ensemble method, term frequency times inverse document frequency (TF-IDF) and global vector (GloVe) get 86% accuracy, better than the stand-alone word to vector (Word2Vec) method, which only gets 80%. From these results, it can be concluded that the ensemble method can improve accuracy compared to only using the stand-alone method. Ensemble methods can also improve the performance of deep learning systems and produce better results than using only one method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social media platforms such as Facebook and X (formerly Twitter) set their core aim as bringing people and communities closer together. Yet, they resemble a digital communicative battleground in which hate speech is increasingly present. Hate speech is not benign. It is the communicative driver of group oppression. It is therefore imperative to disarm this digital communicative battlefield by (a) regulating and redesigning social media platforms to prevent them from playing an active and enabling role in the dissemination of hate speech and (b) empowering citizen-users and local civil associations to recognise and actively counter hate speech. This top-down and bottom-up approach necessarily enforces responsibility and builds capacity. This requires that we adapt and combine three aspects of communicative peacebuilding: first, the (re)building of civil-communicative institutions; second, the use of digital citizenship educational programmes to support the development of civil-communicative skills for using social media; and third, the identification and use of local civil capacity and knowledge, which manifests in the present context in the use of local evidence-based anti-hate speech interventions. We argue that this interdisciplinary combinatorial approach has the potential to be effective because it combines two things: it places responsibility on relevant actors to both make social media safer and to navigate it harmlessly and responsibly; and it simultaneously helps build the capacity for actively identifying and countering hate speech in civil societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This concept paper builds upon nascent research analyzing disability and the practice of videogame livestreaming on Twitch.tv. While a growing amount of scholarship analyzes the structure and organization of Twitch as a platform more broadly, with some attending to the platform's marginalization of women and BIPOC streamers, few studies investigate the challenges that Twitch's features and structures present to disabled streamers. This paper addresses this gap in the literature, considering the ways in which Twitch offers disabled streamers unique economic and community-building opportunities through its monetization and identity tag features while simultaneously presenting barriers to disabled streamers through these very same features. Utilizing a critical disability studies perspective and drawing upon forum posts made by disabled streamers and interviews with disabled streamers from online gaming news websites, I argue that Twitch reifies forms of neoliberal-ableism through its prioritizing of individual labour, precarious forms of monetization that necessitate cultures of overwork and 'grinding', and targeted harassment, known as hate raids, against disabled and other marginalized streamers to ultimately create a kind of integrative access where disability is tolerated but not valued. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on insights found in both philosophy and psychology, this paper offers an analysis of hate and distinguishes between its main types. I argue that hate is a sentiment, i.e., a form to regard the other as evil which on certain occasions can be acutely felt. On the basis of this definition, I develop a typology which, unlike the main typologies in philosophy and psychology, does not explain hate in terms of patterns of other affective states. By examining the developmental history and intentional structure of hate, I obtain two variables: the replaceability/irreplaceability of the target and the determinacy/indeterminacy of the focus of concern. The combination of these variables generates the four-types model of hate, according to which hate comes in the following kinds: normative, ideological, retributive, and malicious. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines women's dissonance and refusal of gender hate on LIHKG, a platform converged with local and Global North manospheres that gained prominence for political communication during Hong Kong's Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill movement. Despite criticism for its misogyny, LIHKG witnessed women's participation during the movement. However, women's agencies are underexplored by its critics and studies on the manosphere. This study argues that acknowledging dissonance within manospheres redirects focus on the targets of gender hate, specifically women, accentuating the possibilities of feminist intervention within gender hate networks. Employing a digital ethnographic approach, this study contributes by: (1) providing a relational and contextualized understanding of the convergence between manospheres beyond the notion of homogenization; (2) redressing the injustice in hate which obliterates the hated bodies; and (3) breaking the unintended repetition of such injustice in the literature on the manosphere, which has paid little attention on the repugnant women's agencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]