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This study examines the influence of local norm shifts driven by white supremacist ideology on hate crime reporting by US law enforcement agencies. Results show a substantial association, indicating a threefold increase in expected hate crimes reports in counties experiencing a spike in local hate group activity. Specifically, Republican vote share acts as a moderator, reducing reported hate crimes by 23% in counties with strong Republican support and right-wing hate group presence. Adjacent Republican counties also show a 13% reduction in expected reports, suggesting a spillover effect. Beyond local politics, a regional impact is evident; Northeastern counties with higher right-wing hate group presence show a 23% lower incidence rate. Using longitudinal data from the FBI UCR, SPLC, MIT Election Lab, and the US Census (2010–2020), through negative binomial regressions, this study highlights how right-wing hate groups can affect law enforcement's enforcement of general civil rights depending on the local context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hate-motivated behavior (HMB) comprises a problem for public health and criminal justice systems. The present study contributes to current science of HMB by examining (1) potential typology replication and extension and (2) demographic and attitudinal correlates of HMB subtypes. The present study was a secondary analysis of an online survey study of discriminatory behavior and well-being. Participants were adults living in the United States (N = 289). Four HMB subtypes emerged: generalized, unmotivated, reactive, and defensive. The generalized subtype was characterized by elevated levels of prejudices, positive views toward hate groups, and the youngest age. The reactive subtype was differentiated from the defensive subtype by modestly higher HMB, racism, and positive views toward racially motivated hate groups. HMB subtypes were largely consistent with prior literature, and therefore can inform public health and criminal justice system responses to acts ranging from minor discrimination to interpersonal violence. Prevention and practice are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Toxicity on the Internet is an acknowledged problem. It includes a wide range of actions from the use of obscene words to offenses and hate speech toward particular users or groups of people. However, there also exist other types of inappropriate messages which are usually not viewed as toxic as they do not contain swear words or explicit offenses. Such messages can contain covert toxicity or generalizations, incite harmful actions (crime, suicide, drug use), and provoke "heated" discussions. These messages are often related to particular sensitive topics, e.g. politics, sexual minorities, or social injustice. Such topics tend to yield toxic emotional reactions more often than other topics, e.g. cars or computing. At the same time, not all messages within "flammable" topics are inappropriate. This work focuses on automatically detecting inappropriate language in natural texts. This is crucial for monitoring user-generated content and developing dialogue systems and AI assistants. While many works focus on toxicity detection, we highlight the fact that texts can be harmful without being toxic or containing obscene language. Blind censorship based on keywords is a common approach to address these issues, but it limits a system's functionality. This work proposes a safe and effective solution to serve broad user needs and develop necessary resources and tools. Thus, machinery for inappropriateness detection could be useful (i) for making communication on the Internet safer, more productive, and inclusive by flagging truly inappropriate content while not banning messages blindly by topic; (ii) for detection of inappropriate messages generated by automatic systems, e.g. neural chatbots, due to biases in training data; (iii) for debiasing training data for language models (e.g. BERT and GPT-2). Towards this end, in this work, we present two text collections labeled according to a binary notion of inappropriateness (124,597 samples) and a multinomial notion of sensitive topic (33,904 samples). Assuming that the notion of inappropriateness is common among people of the same culture, we base our approach on a human intuitive understanding of what is not acceptable and harmful. To devise an objective view of inappropriateness, we define it in a data-driven way through crowdsourcing. Namely, we run a large-scale annotation study asking workers if a given chatbot-generated utterance could harm the reputation of the company that created this chatbot. High values of inter-annotator agreement suggest that the notion of inappropriateness exists and can be uniformly understood by different people. To define the notion of a sensitive topic in an objective way we use guidelines suggested by specialists in the Legal and PR departments of a large company. We use the collected datasets to train inappropriateness and sensitive topic classifiers employing both classic and Transformer-based models. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to the growing use of digital and social networks, users are able to share their thoughts and opinions, however hate speech causes tension and contain the possibility of a crisis of unimaginable dimensions on a national or even an international level. This study investigates the user's perspective regarding legal framework of hate speech on social media. This study also ensures social responsibility on social media. Theory of Reasoned Action and Uses and Gratification theory as theoretical frameworks helped to develop narratives on the issues. Researchers employed the survey method to collect data in accordance with the paradigm of quantitative research methodology. The findings show that there is an association because of lack of trust and awareness of policies leads to comment post or share controversial issues and that leads to hate speech. There is also association between usage of users of digital media and their reaction on any controversial issue that leads to Hate Speech. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Supreme Court rulings prevent public institutions from censoring hate speech for content—even if that content has damaging consequences for marginalized students and conflicts with other institutional objectives. This case study examines administrator responses to hate speech and impacts for racial inclusion at a private university unconstrained by First Amendment protections. The findings illustrate that, even in contexts where administrators have both the constitutional leeway to enact stricter speech policies and a deep investment in building an anti-racist community, normative understandings about freedom of expression hamper efforts for racial inclusion and humanizing responses. We propose an "inclusive freedom" approach that leverages norms of academic freedom as a path forward for postsecondary institutions to address harm in the aftermath of hate speech. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the influence of local norm shifts driven by white supremacist ideology on hate crime reporting by US law enforcement agencies. Results show a substantial association, indicating a threefold increase in expected hate crimes reports in counties experiencing a spike in local hate group activity. Specifically, Republican vote share acts as a moderator, reducing reported hate crimes by 23% in counties with strong Republican support and right-wing hate group presence. Adjacent Republican counties also show a 13% reduction in expected reports, suggesting a spillover effect. Beyond local politics, a regional impact is evident; Northeastern counties with higher right-wing hate group presence show a 23% lower incidence rate. Using longitudinal data from the FBI UCR, SPLC, MIT Election Lab, and the US Census (2010–2020), through negative binomial regressions, this study highlights how right-wing hate groups can affect law enforcement’s enforcement of general civil rights depending on the local context.

This article explains and identifies the existence of mens rea in the dissemination of news packaged into content through various social media platforms, implicitly containing hate speeches, so that it can be viewed as an electronic-based criminal offense uploaded either verbally or non-verbally. An ability to communicate within the scope of society in the use of language is not owned by everyone, especially in the era of social media where there are those who use language in an inappropriate way. For example, it is used for swearing, defamation, making fake news or hoaxes, threats, persecution speech, to hate speeches that can harm the interlocutor. This study aims to determine the existence of mens rea in the use of language about hate speech committed by individuals through social media platforms. Their point of view will be studied through the perspectives of criminal law. The study’s objective was to examine the use of language in individual uploads through several social media platforms that contain hate speech and ‘SARA in the context of criminal law. In sampling, the author uses descriptive qualitative research methods and legal research methods based on the available data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "PaZCiencia: Hate Attacks and Moral PoLHicide" analyzes hate attacks and their impact on society. In Latin America, there has been a decrease in trust towards state institutions, especially the police, which has generated conflicts and loss of trust in Colombia. These hate attacks manifest themselves through hate speeches that disqualify and destroy others, generating digital and physical violence, and affecting the reputation of institutions and the personal and professional lives of individuals. In Colombia, violent demonstrations and riots against the government, institutions, and the police have been observed, even leading to cases of homicide and torture against police officers. Hate attacks target individuals or groups based on arbitrary or irrelevant characteristics, stigmatizing the group and presenting it as undesirable. These attacks increase when social cohesion and trust in individuals and institutions are fractured. Additionally, social media is used as a tool for asymmetric violence. The article also mentions strategies to prevent and confront hate attacks, such as digital literacy, fact-checking, the use of artificial intelligence, and inoculation and prebunking. The importance of understanding and addressing this phenomenon to build and maintain peace in society is highlighted, recognizing police officers as victims of hate attacks. The practice of "PaZCiencia" is also mentioned, which combines science and patience to promote peace and prevent violent behavior. [Extracted from the article]

"The Tormented Alliance: American Servicemen & the Occupation of China, 1941–1949" by Zach Fredman explores the cultural divides and frictions that led to the failure of the Chinese-American relationship during the Chinese Civil War. The book examines the experiences of American servicemen in China, including their disgust at the local customs and living conditions, which led to a dehumanization of the Chinese people. The book also delves into the mistreatment of Chinese translators by American soldiers and the impact of sexual dynamics between American GIs and Chinese women on the relationship. While the book lays some blame on the United States for the outcome of the civil war, it also acknowledges the shortcomings of the Chinese Nationalist Party (GMD) regime. Overall, "The Tormented Alliance" provides valuable insights into the complexities of the U.S.-China relationship during this period. [Extracted from the article]

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How does removing the leadership of online hate organizations from online platforms change behavior in their target audience? We study the effects of six network disruptions of designated and banned hate-based organizations on Facebook, in which known members of the organizations were removed from the platform, by examining the online engagements of the audience of the organization. Using a differences-in-differences approach, we show that on average the network disruptions reduced the consumption and production of hateful content, along with engagement within the network among periphery members. Members of the audience closest to the core members exhibit signs of backlash in the short term, but reduce their engagement within the network and with hateful content over time. The results suggest that strategies of targeted removals, such as leadership removal and network degradation efforts, can reduce the ability of hate organizations to successfully operate online. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hate, naturalized as a universal human emotion, is an increasingly popular analytical container in which to put terrible crimes of violence, crimes that are ineluctably racial. Hate as analytic does not offer a promising path towards understanding the oppressive systems and structures, war-making, race-making and colonial projects that produce and require considerable violence. There is, however, obvious political capital to be gained by employing hate as analytic, capital related to the work hate performs in turning our gaze away from the structural and from historical injustice and towards the psychosocial and even the biological. Through a focus on exceptional perpetrators with unique characteristics, hate as analytic establishes the innocence of the state and of dominant collectivities. Significantly, those contesting colonial dispossession can be deemed hateful, as Palestinians protesting the occupation of Palestine have been considered. Hate as analytic achieves its finest political utility when it provides the rails along which liberal solutions travel. If the hateful few are the problem, then empathy and tolerance are the answer, a "corrective liberalism" that takes us far away from the abolition of unjust systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper documents the impact of popular media on racial hate by examining the first American blockbuster: 1915's The Birth of a Nation, a fictional portrayal of the KKK's founding rife with racist stereotypes. Exploiting the film's five-year "road show," I find a sharp spike in lynchings and race riots coinciding with its arrival in a county. Instrumenting for road show destinations using the location of theaters prior to the movie's release, I show that the film significantly increased local Klan support in the 1920s. Road show counties continue to experience higher rates of hate crimes and hate groups a century later. (JEL J15, K42, L82, N31, N32, N41, Z13) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hate influencers play a critical role in platforming hate. In this article, we illustrate how visible (forward-facing) and invisible (faceless) hate influencers mobilize far-right hate groups in the mobile socio-sphere. Based on our digital multimodal walkthrough method and multimodal discourse analysis, we analyze 16 Telegram channels for two designated hate groups. We focus our analysis on Proud Boys content related to the 6 January attack on Capitol Hill and the White Lives Matter rallies across North America in 2021. To illustrate how hate influencers mobilize these groups, we introduce a three-part model that entails the process (mobile mobilization), means (discourses), and ends (actualizing the objective of the hate group). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Racial terrorism by organized hate groups and “lone wolf” vigilantes presents a growing societal danger. Increasingly, the planning and recruitment for such plots occur through online communications channels. This Essay sheds new light upon how little-known federal civil rights statutes originally enacted following the Civil War can be applied to the use of online platforms in planning and discussing racially motivated attacks. The Ku Klux Klan Act of 1871 gave rise to 42 U.S.C. §§ 1985 and 1986, still in effect today. Section 1985 provides a federal civil cause of action against persons who conspire to deprive a person of federally protected civil rights. Section 1986, which is the focus of this Essay, provides a cause of action against persons who are aware of a § 1985 conspiracy yet fail to act to prevent it from being carried into action. This Essay first reviews the background, text, and legislative history of §§ 1985 and 1986. The Essay next draws upon sociological research illuminating the nature of the contemporary white-supremacist movement and the manner in which white supremacists utilize online communications platforms, which make it difficult for outsiders to become aware of and to disrupt conspiracies before they come to fruition. This Essay then discusses how § 1986 can be used as a tool to incentivize insiders and bystanders who are part of online networks where such plots are discussed to report and disrupt them before they manifest, drawing upon the law and psychology literature regarding bystander motivations and behavior. Finally, the Essay discusses potential First Amendment compelled speech challenges to § 1986 suits. This Essay concludes that § 1986 can and should be utilized more widely to combat white-supremacist terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Inspired by individual-level research on direct and indirect as well as reactive and proactive aggression, this article proposes to differentiate direct and indirect types of hate crime. We use the largest hate crime database in Poland (N = 3,153 incidents) to analyze: (1) temporal trends in the relative prevalence of two types of hate crime; (2) the involvement of hate group-affiliated and non-hate group-affiliated perpetrators; and (3) the targeting of victims that are perceived to pose more of a symbolic (vs. more of a realistic threat) to the majority group. Results indicate that direct hate crime was more likely than indirect hate crime to be perpetrated by members and affiliates of hate groups, was more likely to target outgroups seen as posing symbolic rather than realistic threat to the majority group, and was also positively related to societal levels of negative intergroup attitudes and negatively related to unemployment. The findings also show that the two types of hate crime are differently predicted by factors indicative of the social and political climate of the country (e.g., unemployment, political preferences, xenophobia). Although the results were only obtained in one cultural context and will benefit from further validation, they provide very promising initial evidence for the predictive utility of distinguishing direct and indirect hate-crime.

Purpose: This study aims to make the reader aware of recent changes in the white supremacist movement and how such changes have altered the ways in which the movement can be combatted. Design/methodology/approach: The authors study the movement in two periods: from 1970 to 2005 and from 2006 onward. The authors contrast the two periods and discuss the legal and financial issues within each. Findings: The authors find that while legal concepts such as vicarious liability and respondeat superior apply today just as they did before, new tools are needed to fight the new means of financing the movement. Research limitations/implications: The main limitation of this study is the lack of quantitative data. Because the "alt-right" became popular around 2015, there has not been enough time for the construction of detailed data sets. Practical implications: While many law papers have explored the white supremacist movement, the financing side has gone under-analyzed in scholarly research. This is important in light of the rise of the internet, online payment processors, cryptocurrencies and remote organizing and fundraising. Social implications: The 2017 Charlottesville rally was organized and financed via podcasts, online forums, encrypted chats and anonymous payments. Since then, the movement has mostly gone underground and has become more violent and radical as many members have come to believe that marches and politics do not help them. Originality/value: To the best of the authors' knowledge, there are no papers in finance that deal extensively with this topic. The authors believe that the severity of the issue and the importance of its funding make this study a valuable source of information. The recent changes occurring within the movement are likely to become even more critical to its success or failure in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1936, Elvira Theodolinde Bauer, a German kindergarten teacher and would-be graphic artist, wrote and illustrated a picturebook that would eventually become a classic of anti-Semitic children's literature. Entitled Trau keinem Fuchs auf grüner Heid und keinem Jud bei seinem Eid! [Trust neither a fox on a green heath nor a yid upon his oath!]1 (Bauer 1936), the work was published and distributed by the infamous Nazi propagandist and publisher Julius Streicher--the Führer of Franken and the producer of the incendiary anti-Semitic weekly, Der Stürmer. After providing historical background on Streicher, Bauer, and the poisonous fruit of their literary collaboration, this article examines how character names in Trau keinem Fuchs were used to plant misinformation about and sow hatred against Jewish people living in the Reich. As this article also shows, by utilizing the names of real-life victims of Fascism, Bauer's fairy tales effectively blurred the line between fact and fiction for adult and child readers alike. The article ends with a discussion of the urgent need for more research into the ways hate groups, past and present, use names to indoctrinate new members, both great and small. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]