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Changes in formal powers of political actors like presidents are expected to impact their behavior. This study examines speeches that presidents can utilize for a variety of purposes ranging from topical reflections to new political initiatives and criticism of the government and political parties. In semi-presidential regimes, presidents are often constitutionally weaker than governments, but their popularity opens the possibility of using the public platform for swaying the minds of citizens or politicians. We analyze the tone and content of Finnish presidents' New Year's messages and parliamentary speeches from 1932 to 2023. To contribute to the long-standing literature on regime effects, we gauge the impact of Finland's comprehensive constitutional reform that stripped off most powers of the presidency that was formerly considered among the strongest in Europe. The results show that presidential activity changed already in the mid-1990s when the reform was still underway, and presidents appointed since then speak systematically less about domestic policy and emphasize national unity and citizens, indicating that constitutionally weaker presidents recognize their jurisdictional limits and lean more on their role as directly elected heads of state operating above political parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the history of Germany from the late 19th century to the present day. It highlights the unification of Germany in the late 19th century and the subsequent rise and fall of the German Empire. The author analyzes the political, economic, cultural, and societal developments during this period, addressing the question of a "special path" in German history. The article also explores the downfall of the German Empire during World War I and the subsequent political turmoil and revolution. It concludes by discussing the division of Germany into two states and the challenges faced during the reunification process. [Extracted from the article]

Panama's new president, José Raúl Mulino, has close ties to former president Ricardo Martinelli, who was disqualified from the presidential race due to a prison sentence for corruption. Mulino's right-wing government is expected to prioritize projects such as pension system reform and public healthcare, which may further exacerbate inequality in the country. Mulino's cabinet is largely composed of Martinelli allies, and his administration is likely to be business-friendly. There are concerns about Mulino's stance on mining and water issues, as he is seen as an ally of the mining sector and has expressed a centralized approach to addressing water shortages. [Extracted from the article]

Islamic cities exhibit distinctive features aimed at preventing violence, promoting human well-being, and safeguarding the rights of individuals. These characteristics encompass deliberate choices in urban planning and governance. Key attributes include a mosque-centric layout, expansive public squares, green spaces, organized urban fabric, and efficient administrative management. The maintenance of public order was entrusted to the head of state in the capital and governors in other regions, with additional officials such as commanders, ʿāʿīs (judges), Muʿtasib (market overseer), ʿāʿib al-S_h_urʿa (chief of police), and ʿasas (security officers) appointed to ensure security and peace. Akhism provide additional assistance at this stage. This research will delve into Islamic cities' physical infrastructure and institutional framework, focusing on violence prevention. Given Islamic urbanism's diverse geographical spread and historical evolution, the study will analyze select early-period cities, considering urban plans and administrative systems to facilitate comparative analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses two books edited by Ryan Shaffer that focus on the intelligence services in Africa. The first book examines the history and challenges faced by African intelligence services, while the second book provides a comprehensive overview of intelligence cultures in all 55 African states. The books highlight the politicization of intelligence and the need for reforms to improve oversight and reduce susceptibility to political influence. The article also mentions specific chapters that delve into the intelligence services of Kenya, Nigeria, Liberia, Rwanda, Mozambique, Sudan, and South Africa. It discusses the role of intelligence agencies in South Africa's history, particularly during the apartheid era and the post-apartheid period, and suggests that intelligence agencies have been influenced by rival factions within the ruling party in recent years. The text also briefly mentions the role of intelligence agencies in assassinations during apartheid and the intelligence operations outside of Africa. Overall, the text provides insights into the complex and often controversial role of intelligence agencies in African countries. [Extracted from the article]

This article is devoted to the historical and legal study of the origin and evolution of the institution of pardon in Ukraine and the European Union Member States. The author analyses the emergence of pardon in ancient Rome, its social and political role. The author points to the existence of three main forms of pardon in the Roman Empire: abolition, intercession and indulgence. The author emphasises the impact of the reception of Roman law and the growing role of the Roman Catholic Church on the establishment of the right of pardon as an element of the absolute power of the monarch in medieval Europe. Attention is drawn to the established tradition of pardoning convicted persons on the occasion of significant religious or state events. The author points out that the right to pardon is legally enshrined in the legislative collection 'Siete Partidas' in the Kingdom of Spain and to the modern subjects of pardon in the said State. The author analyses the evolution of the pardon procedure, in particular, with regard to the participation of not only the head of state, but also other subjects, including the Minister of Justice in order to ensure a greater level of political neutrality. The features of pardon in medieval Italy, the transfer of this right from the city councils to the monarch along with the establishment of the seigniorial regime are highlighted. The author also describes the practice of using pardoning charters and letters in medieval France, Portugal, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, Belgium and Italy. The article outlines the stages of development of the legal institution of pardon in the Ukrainian lands during the times of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and the Cossack Hetmanate. The paper analyses the procedure for granting pardons in Ukraine during the Soviet occupation, namely, the vesting of this right not in a sole head of state, but in a collective body - the Presidium of the Verkhovna Rada of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. The article highlights the right to pardon granted to the President of Ukraine after the restoration of independence, which is enshrined in the Constitution of Ukraine. The author reveals the special role of the institution of pardon for persons sentenced to life imprisonment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A historical and legal study of the institutional and legal prerequisites for the formation of the highest authorities of the UPR during the Directory during the Hetmanate (May 21 – December 14, 1918) was carried out. The process of formation of bodies that have gone through the evolution from public to the highest state bodies of the UPR during the Directory, began during the functioning of the Ukrainian State. The struggle for the restoration of the UPR was carried out by: the Ukrainian National Union, the Directory, the Council of Heads of State Affairs, the Council of Commissars, the Revolutionary Committee. Of greatest importance in the struggle against the Hetman was the creation of party and trade union organizations on May 21, 1918. Ukrainian National-State Union, which in August 1918 was renamed the Ukrainian National Union – an alternative public body to the existing state apparatus, which claimed to be transformed into a constituent state power. The directory was created on November 14, 1918. Ukrainian National Union. Links of this public institution were: the head of the Directory and members of the Directory, one of whom was the Chief Ataman. At the beginning of December 1918 departments were established under the Directory. In the process of struggle for the creation of the UPR in December 1918 the Council of Commissars was created – a public authority, which in fact was a prototype of the executive body of the UNR. After the abdication of power by the Hetman of Ukraine on December 14, 1918 The Directory, the Council of Commissars acquired the legal status of the highest bodies of state power of the UPR. Soon, instead of the Council of Commissioners, the Directorate created the Council of People’s Ministers – the government of the UPR. The formation of the UPR during the Directory was facilitated by the revolution in Germany, the support of the Entente. The stage of the struggle between the supporters of the Directory and the Hetman (May 21 – December 14, 1918) can be considered as the preparatory stage for the formation of the highest authorities of the UPR during the Directory, which was imposed on the period of the existence of the Ukrainian State. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book "Salah Ben Youssef et les youssefistes: Au tournant de l'indépendance tunisienne, 1955–1956" by M'hamed Oualdi explores the rise and fall of the Youssefist movement in the Tunisian national movement. The author focuses on Salah Ben Youssef's leadership position in the Neo-Destour party, his expulsion from the party, and the support he garnered across Tunisia. The book also delves into the violent suppression of the movement after its official ban in 1956. The author draws on French Ministry of Foreign Affairs and French military archives for information. The book offers insights into Ben Youssef's background and his vision for Tunisia as a constitutional monarchy. The author questions why Tunisia did not evolve into a multiparty state like Morocco. However, the book could have benefited from further analysis of the rivalry between Bourguiba and Ben Youssef and the perspectives of other key figures. The book provides a useful chronology of events but lacks an index. [Extracted from the article]

In 2021, on the election of a new chief -- the youngest ever colonel at the age of 40--relations between the Accompong Maroons and the Jamaican Government soured. Under Chief Richard Currie, who describes himself as a government official and head of state, Accompong asserted sovereignty as the "Sovereign State of Accompong," with Accompong Town as the capital of the Cockpit Country. The Maroons of the State of Accompong identify themselves as "heirs to the 1738 Treaty and Maroon Identification", claiming descent from self-freed formerly enslaved West Africans and indigenous Amerindians. According to Chief Currie, "The earth is the lord and the fullness thereof. Our sovereignty is derived from the freedom of our lands, so whatever we do with our lands is of imperative value to our security as a people". This declaration of sovereignty has led the Jamaican Government to declare that they do not recognise any "state within a state". The Government, therefore, refuses to engage with or fund those communities that they have described as "Secessionist Maroons". This case study situates the contemporary Maroons in the history of Jamaica and their current relationship to the Jamaican state. It explores, in particular, the contending notions of sovereignty which may lay behind the con- flict between the "Sovereign State of Accompong" and the Jamaican State. Key to the conflict is the differences in meanings of the 1738 Treaty made by the "First Time Maroons," who fought the British to a stand-still in the 18th Century, forcing them to come to terms with them. For Maroons today, the Treaty is eternal, while the now-independent Jamaican state sees it as abrogated. Therefore, is a rapprochement possible? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This book review examines "Presidents, Prime Ministers and Majorities in the French Fifth Republic" and its analysis of the French political system's influence on Romania and the concept of "semi-presidentialism." It explores the relationships between the president, prime minister, and parliamentary majority in the Fifth Republic, highlighting the different patterns that emerge based on their political alignment. The review emphasizes the importance of understanding the nuances of the French regime and its impact on political systems. The text also provides a historical overview of the French political system, focusing on the role of the President in the Fifth Republic, including instances of cohabitation and power struggles. It discusses the desacralization of the presidential status and the role of media in politics. The review concludes by acknowledging the unpredictable nature of politics and the various interpretations of semi-presidentialism. [Extracted from the article]

The article provides a comparative analysis of the republican system of Estonia and Finland, each of which has certain historical parallels with Ukraine (Finland was part of the Russian Empire during the 19th-early 20th centuries, Estonia was part of the USSR in the 40-80s of the 20th century). It is emphasized that the established experience of solving the problem of stabilization of the domestic and foreign political situation defined by the constitutions of the countries is successful, Finland and Estonia are members of NATO and the EU, therefore there is an opportunity to use their experience in Ukraine. The principles of the organization and functioning of the state bodies of the specified states, the rights and duties of citizens, the peculiarities of the activity of the parliament, the peculiarities of the exercise of executive power, the powers of the country's presidents, the peculiarities of their election and legal status are considered. It is concluded that there are structural and substantive similarities and differences between the republican system of Estonia and Finland. It is shown that such features include the unitary nature of states, a fairly broad list of rights and freedoms of citizens, the provision of the principle of habeas corpus, the appointment of Prime Ministers and ministers by parliaments, the exercise of executive power by governments, the accountability of governments to legislative bodies, the election of the Presidents of both republics for only two terms «consecutive» terms. It is outlined that the differences include different ways of electing Presidents (in Finland ‒ by parliament, in Estonia ‒ by direct elections); different terms of office of presidents (the President of Finland for 6 years, the President of Estonia for 5 years); differences in the form of government (parliamentary republic in Estonia and mixed semipresidential republic in Finland); different number of state languages: one (Estonian) state language in Estonia and two (Finnish and Swedish) in Finland; granting the President of Estonia the status of head of state by the Constitution and the absence of such status in the Basic Law of Finland; exercise of executive power in Finland by the President of the Republic together with the State Council, in Estonia ‒ only by the Prime Minister and ministers. It is emphasized that Estonia and Finland differ in solving the problem of citizenship and the rights of national minorities. Finnish autonomy is not just a special status, but a mini-constitution of the islands, under which a system of counterbalances of state and local (autonomous) interests operates, which is not typical for Estonia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the case of the Darfur conflict (2001-) and the Chad-Sudan proxy war (2005-2010), this study will demonstrate that conflict in Chad and Sudan cannot be fully understood without taking into account how heads of state and rebel leaders in both countries manipulated tribal identities to retain and enhance power. It shows how Idriss Déby, a Zaghawa leader, held onto his tenuous position as President of Chad by leveraging tribal customs and symbols, while the Darfur conflict and the Chad-Sudan proxy war destabilized his rule. It also sheds light on the ways in which Darfuri and Chadian rebel leaders maneuvered within the tribal political system and manipulated patron-client relationships to maximize their independence vis-à-vis the state, to maximize their own power within their respective tribes, and to maximize their influence within their tribal alliances. This study makes use of newspapers, interviews, geospatial data, secondary sources and theoretical insights from anthropological studies of tribes to analyze the politicization of tribal identity and how it impacted Chad-Sudan relations from 2001 to 2010. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Political Science Studies / Studia Politologiczne is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In October 1983 the small Eastern Caribbean island of Grenada, a member of the Commonwealth with the Queen as Head of State, dominated the headlines in Britain. The US had invaded Grenada to restore order after the violent implosion of the Marxist-Leninist government. It is well established that the US misled the UK as to their intentions until the eleventh hour and that this resulted in a disproportionate amount of discord between the allies. This article departs from that aspect by examining how policymakers in London handled the crisis. Using recently declassified documents and interviews with participants, it demonstrates firstly that the British High Commission in Barbados read the signs of military action correctly but were side-lined by London after the request for assistance was received from the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States. Secondly, it reveals that the idea of taking the initiative and consulting with Washington after the murder of Grenada's Prime Minister never arose and that government claims that they communicated their opposition to a military solution from the start were wrong as this only happened on the afternoon before the invasion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1706, Benjamin Bragge published a collection of poems attributed to the Earl of Rochester, which consisted mostly of satiric and libertine verse. However, only eight of the 36 poems are now recognized as genuine. Three years later, Bragge published another collection that included a poem purportedly by Rochester, but it was actually an aggregation of verses from John Freke's 'The History of Insipids'. Bragge may not have realized that he had already published a version of the poem attributed to Rochester in a previous publication. The inclusion of these poems perpetuated the image of Rochester as a libertine and critic of Charles II, overshadowing his skill as a lyricist. [Extracted from the article]

This article discusses the impending military intervention in Haiti by the United States and its allies, authorized by the United Nations Security Council. It argues that Western politicians and media have perpetuated racist stereotypes about Haitian people, leading to the acceptance of this invasion. The article also questions the claims of pan-African solidarity by Kenya and CARICOM states, highlighting neocolonial interests. It examines the history of Western imperialism in Haiti, including the 2004 coup and subsequent UN occupation, which resulted in the loss of Haiti's sovereignty. The text discusses the involvement of various countries in the crisis and foreign intervention, emphasizing the role of US imperialism. It calls for solidarity in the fight for Haitian sovereignty and provides a list of sources for further research on the topic. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Tiempos Modernos is the property of Tiempos Modernos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The enthusiasm of the younger generation for presidential and vice-presidential elections has a significant impact on the political dynamics of a country. This study aims to explore the factors that influence the level of enthusiasm of the younger generation in the process of electing the head of state. The research method used is descriptive analysis using primary and secondary data. The findings show that factors such as political education, social media, participation in political activities, and the aspirations of the younger generation play an important role in shaping their level of enthusiasm for the presidential and vice-presidential elections. The results of this analysis provide valuable insights for policymakers, political stakeholders and educational institutions to design more effective strategies to strengthen young people's engagement in the democratic process, as well as to sustain their political participation in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of the political situation in Senegal, focusing on President Macky Sall's presidency and the challenges faced by the younger generation. It discusses the accusations and legal cases against opposition candidate Ousmane Sonko, as well as President Sall's attempts to consolidate power and secure a third term. Despite the concerns raised about the democratic model in Senegal, the article highlights the resilience of democracy, as demonstrated by the peaceful election in March 2024. The text concludes by emphasizing the importance of institutional reform and greater inclusion of women in the government. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Journal of Anbar University for Law & Political Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Hybrid regimes are characterised by a balancing act between democracy and authoritarianism, with neither political regime type being dominant. The balancing of the state between democratic and non-democratic modes of functioning can take the form of a state transforming from authoritarianism to democracy and a form of regression from democracy to authoritarianism, when the democratic system is upset by non-democratic mechanisms. The functioning of the political system in Ukraine during the years 1996–2004 was such that the authoritarian aspects of Ukraine's hybrid regime overshadowed its democratic elements. Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way (2002; 2013) refer to this phenomenon as "competitive authoritarianism". This term denotes regimes where authoritarian features are more prevalent than democratic ones, according to the concept. Since 2004, the Ukrainian political system has transitioned towards a hybrid regime that places more emphasis on democratic characteristics. In the following twenty years, the Ukrainian hybrid regime was transformed between democratic-authoritarian hybrid regime (as a result of the events of the "Orange Revolution", and the "Revolution of Dignity") and authoritarian-democratic hybrid regime (during presidency L. Kuchma and V. Yanukovych). The hybridity of the political regime also translated into the functioning of the chief state bodies. The aim of this study was to find an answer to the question whether and to what extent did the hybridity of Ukraine's political regime imply on the specificity of the functioning of the institutions of the prime minister and government in the state. The research hypothesis is that the hybridity of the Ukrainian political regime, as a stage of transition from authoritarianism to democracy, partly contributed to changing the traditional order of functioning of the institutions of prime minister and government in the state just formally losing the head of state's dominant role in the process of government functioning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An interview with Mark Nicholls, co-author of the book "The Rise and Fall of Treason in English History," is presented. He discusses his inspiration for writing about the history of treason. Nicholls explains factors behind the decline of the law of treason. He also describes the influence of the English law of treason on treason laws in other countries.

On the 75th anniversary of the Genocide Convention, the role of the International Criminal Court (ICC), as constituted under the Rome Statute, in responding to genocide is worth evaluating. This article assesses the effectiveness of the ICC in addressing genocide, with a focus on the Al-Bashir Case (case concerning genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes in Darfur, Sudan) - the first ICC proceeding against a sitting Head of State charged with genocide. It first singles out the ICC's role in promoting international solidarity to prevent genocide, break cycles of violence, and enhance the likelihood of prosecution. It also discusses the legal obligation to strengthen international cooperation for the Al-Bashir Case, under the Genocide Convention, and considers the relevant contexts of the International Criminal Tribunals for the Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. The analysis has incorporated legal and criminological literature, alongside scholarship of international relations from voluminous resources. This article emphasises the ongoing necessity for international cooperation within the ICC to effectively implement its mechanisms: investigation, prosecution, principle of complementarity, and deterrence. It suggests that this aim can be attained through encouraging Member States of both the Rome Statute and the Genocide Convention to actively participate in responding to genocide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of collective memory receives increasing attention in international relations. This burgeoning scholarship, however, mainly centres on its role as a strategic tool in foreign policy, binding it to national context. This research uses collective memory as an analytical framework to gauge identification processes at the international level. Specifically, we examine how states self-present themselves with various collective We's and against multiple others. Contingent upon exclusive biographical narratives, we show how states transform and present collective memories in ways that resonate with their particular identity combination. Using inductive comparative analysis of speeches delivered by heads of state of Germany, the United States, and Israel during United Nations General Assembly sessions (1991–2017), analysis demonstrates how states evoke the past to narrate who they are, as states. Expanding understanding regarding how historical events are utilised in foreign policy, findings illustrate the dynamic juggling process states perform with various elements of self. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article addresses selected aspects of the countersigning of the head of state's acts and its role in defining the relation between the head of state and the government. The initial part of the paper introduces the general and theoretical background of the purpose of countersignature in constitutional law, particularly in the context of the development of the concept of an unaccountable head of state. Thereafter, the relevance of countersigning in the Czech and Czechoslovak tradition is discussed, followed by an examination of some aspects of the countersigning process in the Czech constitutional system in relation to the perception of its significance. Based on specific cases from the past three decades, the article analyses the gradual formation of understanding of the division of roles of constitutional bodies in the adoption of countersigned decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The roles of the head of state may vary depending on the regime in which they operate (monarchies/republics, parliamentary/presidential republics), their competence, and political reality. However, regardless of these criteria, the head of state always has a symbolic role -- representing the state or the nation and its unity. The introductory chapter briefly outlines the evolution of the position of the head of state from a bearer of sovereign rights to a symbol of the state and its sovereignty. The following chapters deal with the two symbolic functions of the head of state -- legitimizing and representative. The final chapter lightly touches on the topic of the influence of the personality of the head of state on the formation of symbolism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Derecho Politico is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the involvement of Hezbollah, a Lebanese Islamist Shi'ite group backed by Iran, in the conflict between Israel and Lebanon. While Hezbollah has not fully engaged in open warfare with Israel, it is preparing for a potential conflict by recruiting fighters and coordinating with other Iran-backed proxies. The group possesses a significant arsenal of rockets, missiles, and drones, including precision-guided weapons. The article also mentions the involvement of the Al-Fajr Forces and the tensions between Israel and Lebanon, with Iran supporting Hezbollah in unifying fronts against Israel. [Extracted from the article]