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This article analyses the media coverage of the uprisings in Kyrgyzstan (February-April 2005) and Egypt (January-February 2011) by the Russian news agency RIA Novosti. It aims to identify the features of two frame dimensions, namely the promotion of a particular problem and its causal interpretation. Our analysis uses 184 articles published online by the news agency during the two events and differentiates between three types of articles (news stories, opinion articles and commentaries by experts). The results indicate how several nuances of this framing dimension could bias public perception towards protesters or incumbents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past twelve years I have collaborated with Kyrgyz citizens to promote a national conversation about heritage, based on grass roots interest and sentiment. Countering polarising political rhetoric about Kyrgyz nomadism as the only authentic national heritage identity, many citizens enthusiastically present the artefacts of ancient cities alongside the balbals (stele) of ancient nomads in their community museums, eagerly participate in discussions about a complex Kyrgyz past, and have collaborated with Uzbek speakers to create a national heritage society. In this paper I will describe several community museums and other grass roots education programmes that I have been involved with in Kyrgyzstan and consider their potential for countering ethnic conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this close analysis of radicalisation and violent extremism in Kyrgyzstan, Anna Matveeva argues that radicalisation is not a myth but a phenomenon taking root in the region. While the drivers of radicalisation are not entirely understood, its geographic and social patterns have become clearer. In Kyrgyzstan, it positively correlates with belonging to a Muslim minority group, and their representatives find jihadi ideas more attractive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In post-violence Kyrgyzstan, a small group of civic-minded nationalists are fighting to tame extremist voices by formulating their own reconciliation policies. These moderates have adopted several strategies, including persuasion and bargaining with nationalistic elites. This process is not without its limitations. Important issues, such as forging a civic identity for the majority ethnic group, remain unaddressed. Still, moderates' policy achievements and concrete actions are likely to continue to undercut nationalist rhetoric. The case of Kyrgyzstan offers one possible alternative to the Soviet paradigm of framing nationhood alongside citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Central Asian & Caucasian Studies is the property of International Strategic Research Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the concept of sovereignty in elite and popular affection during the violent and turbulent events from April to October 2010 in the Kyrgyz Republic. Nationalist leaders promoted Kyrgyz ethnic values and ideals as the center of sovereignty held by some to be under threat. These events exemplify what we describe as the affective politics of sovereignty. We explore how emotion, in particular, serves as an important component of the constitution of sovereignty as both an international and popular institution. We explore how Kyrgyz identity has become intertwined with the sovereignty of Kyrgyzstan and clashes with Western multi-ethnic conceptions and practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the national identity in Kyrgyzstan, with topics including the nativization policy, the national histories, and the Kyrgyz's language cultural production.

As in every part of Soviet Union, a relaxation in the social life was observed following the softening of political atmosphere in Perestroika period in Kyrgyzstan. This had some ramifications on intellectuals and thoughts that had not been able to be expressed started to be uttered. Kyrgyz writers and poets, staring with Gorbachev era, were able to express their opinions more freely when compared to the past and were able to tell their criticisms in their works. These were accompanied by societal movements. In this regard, there was an continuously increasing orientation towards national themes in the works of Kyrgyz writers and poets starting in Perestroika period. Parallel to the developments seen in societal and individual freedoms, the number of the poems written in journals and books also increased; and changes were observed in the Kyrgyz conception of freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses Kyrgyzstan's history as an example of the challenges faced by fledgling new democracies. It suggests that Kyrgyzstani and international proponents of democracy direct their focus beyond elections and seriously address the devastating challenges posed by corruption and governance, ethnonationalism and ethnic instability and the need for the citizens' commitment to the new democracy. While the country's democratic elections and constitutional augured a dramatic change for the better, it followed the April Revolution of 2012 marked by days of popular protests against its former regime. It indicates that the Kyrgyzstanis are currently waiting to see democracy deepen and bring them improved governance.

In this article I try to uncover the reasons for false accusations of murder, instigated murders, and staged murders among the Tian Shan Kyrgyz under Russian colonial rule. Towards this end, I read, contrapuntally, field data, ethnohistorical accounts, colonial statutory laws, and colonial ethnography. I argue that colonial interventions-namely, the hybrid adjudication of murders, the newly designed system of self-government, and the imposition of an arbitrary land-rights regime-correlated in unexpected ways and triggered instigated and staged murders and false accusations of murder as an extreme recourse in defence of land-use rights. I conclude by relating the particular legal setting of Russian colonial rule to its representation as 'the time of dishonour.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years several historical publications have appeared in Kyrgyzstan which are far from homogeneous in terms of style, form and content. In this article, two very different local histories written by Kyrgyz authors from the same village are analysed and compared. The first author is a former kolkhoz president who produced two books that basically cover the time from the end of the nineteenth to the end of the twentieth century. His work is strongly (auto)biographical and focuses on individual achievements and personal experiences. The second author is a mathematician who wrote two books about the history of his own descent category (uruu). His work combines oral history (sanjyra) with written sources. The two authors create very different images of ‘esteemed people’ (ardaktuu adamdar), yet they exhibit a common interest in producing a narrative that links the deeds of one's own people (family or descent group) with the history of particular places (pastures, villages or regions). Taking up these observations, the author argues that local histories relate to different types of memory and are far from uniform with regard to their composition, sources, methods and narrative strategies. Yet, despite their diversity, the newly developed genres of ‘written collective memory’ provide the idea of social continuity by stressing connections between past and present, and between people, land and morality. This may indeed be one reason why collective memories, which were suppressed for many decades, have become so popular in times of rapid social transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Journal of Central Asian & Caucasian Studies is the property of International Strategic Research Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses everyday life in Kyrgyzstan when it was under the control of the Soviet Union and is part of the oral history project Living History of Central Asian People: The Case of Kyrgyzstan. The importance of oral history to nomadic peoples such as the Kyrgyzs is considered as are the memories of everyday life of older people living under communism in Kyrgyzstan. The method for conducting the interviews is described. The traditional yurta homes that the Kyrgyzs lived in, the process of building Western-style houses and the transition from one to the other is commented upon by several informants. Other topics include farm life, wages and the prices of goods, cultural life and entertainment, and holidays and traditional celebrations.

The article discusses the regional, clan, and political factors contributing to the crisis in Kyrgyzstan. It describes the political life of Kyrgyzstan from the regional perspective and analyzes earlier events which contributed to the present situation. The lack of consensus among main political forces of Kyrgyzstan reportedly intensified the socioeconomic degradation of the republic. It is concluded that Kyrgyzstan's historical past is revealing itself and traditionalism is difficult to overcome.

The article discusses funerary rituals in Kyrgyzstan over time, and how they contribute to the Kyrgyz sense of identity. Kyrgyz funeral practices are described in detail, including the wake, the burial, the mourning period, and the especially memorial feast. The history of these customs is discussed over three main periods: under Islam, under the Soviet Union, and in the post-Soviet era. In particular, the tensions between Kyrgyz funeral customs and state authorities and modern state formation are discussed.

Christian and Muslim religious movements have made significant inroads into post-Soviet Kyrgyzstani society, and have been seen as a threat by the secular establishment. In this article we discuss the defence mechanisms that are locally employed to ward off the danger that these 'new' religious movements represent. Our focus on secular responses not only fills a gap in the available research (which has focused on religious renewal but largely ignored the 'secular' majority), but also provides new perspectives on how to view the post- socialist religious landscape. By scrutinizing secular responses we show that what is at stake is not so much atheist ideology but secular understandings of religion that were (inadvertently) promoted by Soviet rule. As such this article shows the curious effect of Soviet legacies on contemporary notions of religion and culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information about the history of Kyrgyzstan. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 resulted in the independence of 15 new countries. One of the smallest and also among the most remote from Moscow was the newly named Kyrgyz Republic. Also commonly known as Kyrgyzstan, it declared its independence on August 31, 1991. The Kyrgyz Republic has been called the "Switzerland" of Central Asia. The lure of the mountains and the legacy of the Silk Road appeal to many and the tourist industry is expected to grow in the future.

Presents an interview with Kyrgyzstan acting foreign affairs secretary Roza Otunbayeva about the so-called Tulip Revolution in Kyrgyzstan. Similarity of the Orange Revolution in Ukraine with the Tulip Revolution in Kyrgyzstan; Implications of the geographic location of the country to the domestic development and progress of democratization.

This article raises general questions regarding the relations between curriculum and ideology in reforming, specifically indigenizing the curriculum by focusing on the importance attached to the history curriculum under reform circumstances. Through an examination of indigenization of history curriculum in the context of Kyrgyzstan, a post-Soviet republic in Central Asia, it offers a description and understanding of particular forces, interests and circumstances that surround the curriculum design process. It discusses indigenization as a political, social and cultural process, which emerges as a response to a long-term domination, neglect and denigrtation by the colonial regimes and powerful groups of the culture, languages and traditions of the indigenous people. Based on the declonization experiences of other formerly colonized nations, the article explores the implications of indigenization of curriculum for learners. It also discusses the recent educational and pedagogical practices, which have emerged to address implications of indigenization for the curriculum users, resolve its limitations and to establish new, more inclusive visions for curriculum design. The analysis is constructed on the basis of the review of relevant theoretical literature, newspaper and journal articles, history textbooks and other learning materials used in schools and universities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article recalls how the book "Life at the Edge of the Empire: Oral Histories of Soviet Kyrgyzstan," was developed, which was published in May 2009 in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan.