Search

The transmission, emergence, and dissemination of features of racial differentiation are based on the interplay of different sensory perceptions, as this contribution will illustrate. For this purpose, examples from ethnographic travelogues from German East Africa and from the time of German colonial rule were selected to examine the functioning of tactile perception by means of the descriptions of skin colors and skin decorations. The source material reveals multisensuality in the form of synesthesia of the sense of sight with the sense of touch, in that the perception of tactile stimuli is determined less by direct touch and more by the visual representation of haptic properties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are there currently venerated works of history-writing that, upon closer inspection, should embarrass us for their entanglements with white supremacy? White Over Black: American Attitudes Toward the Negro, 1550–1812 (1968) by Winthrop Jordan is one such text. A weighty historical study of English and Anglo–American "thoughts and feelings" about people of African descent in the colonies and the early republic, Jordan's book has won great professional acclaim within the North Atlantic for more than half a century. Yet, for all of this reverence, White Over Black betrays a deep and fatal problem and deserves reassessment as a disturbingly retrograde contribution to the historiography on racism. This monumental piece of scholarship advanced an essentialist conception of race as part of nature, as arising from natural distinctions between groups of people. Guilty of what Barbara Fields and Karen Fields have called "racecraft," Jordan put the cart of racial difference before the horse of racism. Indeed, he deliberately challenged the assumptions of contemporary anti-racist scholars who emphasized race as an invention, complaining that they had "thrown out the baby of race with the bathwater of racism." Maintaining that racism followed fundamentally from inherent racial difference, Jordan cast white supremacy, tragically, as an unconscious psychological response to the distinct physiology of Blackness. The result was a teleological narrative of racial domination. Though not intended to apologize for racism, White Over Black did nevertheless (ir)rationalize racism as the fatal product of inescapable biological difference. Carefully and critically read, Jordan's book provides an eloquent (pre)text for considering how a primordialist view of race subverts the project of effective anti-racist history-writing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When voters make decisions about social issues, factors including cultural heritage, religion, race/ethnicity and recent events can intersect. However, the significance of visual images, historical narratives, media presentation, and future planning should not be overlooked. This article explores the importance of state flag histories and designs in Mississippi, specifically examining the 1894 flag design that became central to the state’s identity until voters approved a new design in 2020. The state’s flag politics are discussed within a prolonged national discourse with emphasis on recent racial attacks across the U.S. This study highlights calls for reform emanating from grassroots, media, religious, athletic, economic, social, and political groups in and outside the state. The article notes that racial tragedies such as the murder of George Floyd can serve as persistent inspiration of Mississippi voters and lawmakers to address inequalities and advance democracies.

Copyright of Práticas da História is the property of Práticas da História and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses Olfactory Politics in Black Diasporic Art. Topic discussed includes olfactory experiments of Black artists which requires reframing olfactory aesthetics and target the deodorized Western art world but also as a struggle over everyday encounters with smells that have profound cultural and biochemical consequences.

The authors comment on the article "Gender Inequity and Sexual Harassment in the Pharmacy Profession: Evidence and Call to Action" written by B. D. Bissell et al. Topics discussed include historical context of racism and gender inequity, predicament for Black, Indigenous, and Persons of Color (BIPOC) women in pharmacy, and actionable recommendations.

Aboriginal children are chronically overrepresented across all points in the child welfare system in Canada. Parallels between the racialized migrant experience and the injustices experienced by Aboriginal peoples are reviewed, starting with the development of Canada as a nation and reviewing colonialism and racism as it relates to Aboriginal peoples' and racialized migrants' experiences with child welfare. This comparative analysis will illuminate how injustices continue to be reproduced, focusing on the child welfare system, as part of the devastating effects that colonization has on Aboriginal peoples, but also as evidence of colonization being reproduced through current discriminatory legislation and practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the history of racism and slavery in Brazil. Topics include a background on the abolition of slavery in the country under the Golden Law of May 13, 1888, an estimated number of enslaved Africans in Brazil, the proliferation of Brazilian racial dynamics during the 1920s and 1930s, and the challenges presented by the myth of racial democracy to activists, politicians, writers and other social actors seeking to combat racism and promote democratic ideals in Brazil.

Racial liberalism, which dominated racial thought from the onset of the Second World War to the Brown v. Board decision, inherited from that war an enduring figurative frame: racism as worldhistorical event, the struggle against it a war. That frame, which liberal anthropologists introduced, undercut nonstatist and radical antiracisms (states wage war), militated against enduring change (wars shouldn't last forever), and contradicted the anthropologists' own theories of human difference. Though often described as a hard turn from race as hierarchical biological difference to race as normative cultural difference, World War II marked not a transition from a hard-edged scientific racism to a more subtle cultural racism but the moment at which anthropologists biologized culture--not a racial break but a racial bridge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the official idea of racial 'balance' in Singapore and its relationship to modern multiculturalism or (as the island's government refers to it) 'multiracialism'. The article explores the colonial origins of Singapore's contemporary ethnic population breakdown and the emergence of ethnic Chinese as the island's majority community. It examines how the Singapore government has come to officially depict the island's multicultural 'success story' since independence, and the official emphasis on the necessity of maintaining fixed ethnic ratios which ensure that Chinese remain roughly three-quarters of the island's settled population. At the same time, this article interrogates the official rationale behind such a policy, illuminating the colonial-era discursive assumptions that underpin it, and highlighting the way such assumptions have been contested. The article especially focuses on the role that immigration has played in the state's effort to ensure Singapore's racial 'balance', and argues that such an ethnically-determined immigration policy has frequently unsettled the Chinese majority it has been intended to bolster, while calling into question the multicultural idealism on which the Republic of Singapore was ostensibly founded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There have been significant advances in the diagnosis and treatment of psychiatric disorders; however, racial disparities continue to create inequity in mental health care. In this commentary, we explore mental health disparities disfavoring African Americans in the psychiatric literature. We discuss how discrimination over time has resulted in a difference of perception, misdiagnoses, and conflicts in patient care. The literature reviewed reveals a pattern wherein African Americans are more likely to be misdiagnosed for all types of mental illness compared with other ethnicities due to fallacies perpetuated throughout the history of African Americans. In addition, the aggregation of current information and research on the current COVID-19 pandemic will justify future research on the epidemic of police brutality and shootings of unarmed African Americans. If we address this issue, we will reduce medical mistrust and ultimately reduce racial health inequities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent months, medical institutions across the United States redoubled their efforts to examine the history of race and racism in medicine, in classrooms, in research, and in clinical practice. In this essay, I explore the history of racialization of the spirometer, a widely used instrument in pulmonary medicine to diagnose respiratory diseases and to assess eligibility for compensation. Beginning with Thomas Jefferson, who first noted racial difference in what he referred to as "pulmonary dysfunction," to the current moment in clinical medicine, I interrogate the history of the idea of "correcting" for race and how researchers explained difference. To explore how race correction became normative, initially just for people labeled "black," I examine visible and invisible racialized processes in scientific practice. Over more than two centuries, as ideas of innate difference hardened, few questioned the conceptual underpinnings of race correction in medicine. At a moment when "race norming" is under investigation throughout medicine, it is essential to rethink race correction of spirometric measurements, whether enacted through the use of a correction factor or through the use of population-specific standards. Historical analysis is central to these efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the structuring of Singapore's race classification system, and how Eurasians fit into and work around the Chinese–Malay–Indian–Other (CMIO) framework in everyday life. Racial and ethnic identities and classifications play a prominent role in Singapore, a lingering legacy of colonial population management, and a quotidian part of life for Singaporeans of all backgrounds. Race in Singapore is not an abstract category for analysis, but a highly visible and externally categorised aspect of identity, with significant practical outcomes. The paper examines how Eurasians navigate racial identities over time, and what happens when the system overlooks complex identities. Drawing out how understandings of race, ethnicity and belonging inflect what it means to be Eurasian, this paper utilises a series of 30 life story interviews which illuminate how Eurasian has become a simultaneously mixed and singular form of ethnic identity. Issues of classification and mis-classification come to the fore, as well as the perception of a hierarchy of races which belong to the nation. The idea of an overarching national identity as 'just Singaporean' is also explored, looking at how individuals see the future of the CMIO system, and ways in which the country can move beyond race. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research into ethnic inequality in Israel indicates continuing gaps in education and employment between Israelis whose ethnic origin lies in Muslim countries and those with roots in Christian countries. The categories that were created ex nihilo with the establishment of the state of Israel to refer to these groups were 'Mizrahi' and 'Ashkenazi', and these continue to play a role in Israeli society today. 'Mixed' Israelis (those who were born to ethnically mixed marriages) have, since the establishment of the state, been the population in whom Israel's policy makers have invested their hopes as the future proof of the success of the social experiment launched by the Zionist enterprise. These Israelis, it was anticipated, would create a new social reality – a post-ethnic age, in which internal Jewish ethnic social tensions would cease to exist. This study, which is based on interviews with tens of such Israelis, reveals that ethnic identity plays a significant role in the interviewees' self-definition, and is very much a salient aspect of their daily lives. They offer stereotypical presentations of both Mizrahi-ness and Ashkenazi-ness, which they simultaneously internalise and reject, while explaining why these stereotypes are erroneous and even dangerous. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article traces the appropriation of classical imagery, with specific focus to the classical nude, for the promotion of racist ideologies at the 1915 Panama-Pacifc International Exposition (PPIE) in San Francisco, California which was a seminal event for the eugenics movement in California and across the nation.It reports the exposition was a celebration of the completion of the Panama Canal, which shortened the sea voyage between the east and west coast.

New Zealand's indigenous Māori were colonized by the British (now referred to as Pākehā). Scant systematic investigation addresses bicultural/biracial identity for Māori who identify with ethnic groups other than Pākehā. Taking a narrative approach and applying thematic analysis, this paper explores interviews with forty-four Māori Italians, conducted in New Zealand in 2013. We show how Māori Italians negotiate the challenge of constructing positive ethnic identities in a milieu where ethnic hybridity has been defined primarily in relation to the Māori-Pākehā colonial encounter. Focusing on racism and stigma, we demonstrate that Māori Italians run a gauntlet of identity challenges shaped by socio-political contexts. Conversely, Māori Italians draw boundaries between themselves and the dominant Pākehā culture and draw from both Māori and Italian identities to buffer discrimination from Māori, Pākehā, and Italians. Our analysis reveals a multiplicity of interpretations of Māori-Italian identity not yet articulated in social psychology or New Zealand literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Archbishop Desmond Tutu evocatively called South Africa the 'Rainbow Nation of God' to show how, despite the doomsayers who predicted racial civil war, under the guiding hand of Nelson Mandela in 1994, South Africa had adopted a path of reconciliation and non-racialism. A quarter-century on, this optimism is on the wane as 'racial' incidents make national headlines virtually daily. This broader context frames this article, which examines the historical and contemporary relationship amongst Muslim South Africans who constitute around two percent of the country's population. They are mostly composed of Indians, Coloureds, and Black Africans, as defined in the South African census. This article examines the histories of race (and their logics) among Muslims in South Africa, especially between Africans and Indians, including social intimacies and boundary-making. It does so against the background of changing social, political, economic, and cultural conditions, which include an influx of Muslim migrants from Africa and South Asia, rising racial nationalism, widespread poverty and unemployment, and the dissemination of new ideas. While focusing on intra-Muslim relations, the article makes a critical contribution to a broader discussion about race in post-apartheid South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on shared global concern of nurses for the Covid-19 pandemic and mentions the 2020 ‘International Year of the Nurse and Midwife' (IYNM). Topics discussed include oppressive racism behind the killings of black man George Floyd and many others, prejudice and racial inequality across the world in health services and nursing and need of nurses to be alert of the injustices and inequalities.

The contemporary practice of homeownership in the United States was born out of government programs adopted during the New Deal. The Home Owners Loan Corporation (HOLC)—and later the Federal Housing Administration and GI Bill—expanded home buying opportunity, although in segregationist fashion. Through mechanisms such as redlining, these policies fueled white suburbanization and black ghettoization, while laying the foundation for the racial wealth gap. This is the first article to investigate the long-term consequences of these policies on the segregation of cities. I combine a full century of census data with archival data to show that cities HOLC appraised became more segregated than those it ignored. The gap emerged between 1930 and 1950 and remains significant: in 2010, the black-white dissimilarity, black isolation, and white-black information theory indices are 12, 16, and 8 points higher in appraised cities, respectively. Results are consistent across a range of robustness checks, including exploitation of imperfect implementation of appraisal guidelines and geographic spillover. These results contribute to current theoretical discussions about the persistence of segregation. The long-term impact of these policies is a reminder of the intentionality that shaped racial geography in the United States, and the scale of intervention that will be required to disrupt the persistence of segregation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay has two objectives. First, it seeks to engage critically with contemporary scholarship on the origins of racism through the lens of an older debate centered around the history of ideas. Specifically, it argues that Quentin Skinner's influential critique of the history of ideas can help identify the pitfalls of our current fascination with the origins of racism—most particularly when such origins are traced back to antiquity and the European pre‐ and early modern periods. In pursuing its second objective, the essay turns from histories cataloguing ancient, medieval, and early modern racisms to objections leveled, in these same literatures, against scholarship defending the modernity of race. The defense of a premodern origin to race is, I argue, not just a historical argument but a contemporary politics embedded in a narrative of continuity that insists on the relevance of the medieval past to the racial configurations of our current moment. Rather than demonstrating continuity and sameness, this essay seeks to draw attention to alternative modes of historicizing that are more attentive to the alterity of the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite important work on the Greco-Roman antecedents of modern racism, very limited attention has been paid to early Christian literature in this connection. This is remarkable not least because modern Western racism took shape initially in a European context heavily influenced by Christianity. The present essay contributes to addressing this lacuna by analysing statements about 'other' ethnicities in the work of Origen of Alexandria, one of the most important thinkers of the first three centuries ce. It argues that Origen defends a number of positions that exhibit substantial similarities with later racist modes of thinking. Earlier scholarly accounts that portray Origen as a champion of human equality and as engaged in anti-racist efforts therefore cannot stand up to scrutiny. Origen disparages certain ethnic groups and develops arguments that connect ethnic identity and geographical location with various degrees of sinfulness. His work offers clear evidence that theories of ethnic inferiority have a long history within the Christian matrix that stretches considerably beyond the modern and medieval periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using archival materials from the Domestic Relations Court of New York City, this article traces the conflict between private institutions and the state over responsibility for neglected African American children in the early twentieth century. After a long history of exclusion by private child welfare, the court assumed public responsibility for the protection of children of all races. Yet, in an arrangement of delegated governance, judges found themselves unable to place non-white children because of the enduring exclusionary policies of private agencies. When the situation became critical, the City sought to wrest control from private agencies by developing a supplemental public foster care system. This compromise over responsibility racialized the developing public foster care system of New York City, and it transformed frameworks of child protection as a social problem. The findings highlight the political salience surrounding issues of racial access in the delegated welfare state. Tracing how the conflict over access unfolded in New York City child protection provides an empirical case for understanding how the delegation of social welfare to private agencies can actually weaken racial integration efforts, generate distinct modes of social welfare inclusion, and racialize perceptions of social problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Im Zuge des 80. Jahrestags der italienischen Rassegesetze von 1938 kam es zu einem verstärkten Interesse am italienischen Antisemitismus und an der Rolle Italiens in der Verfolgung und Ermordung der europäischen Juden. Trotz dieser Dynamik fehlen aber bis heute empirisch fundierte Studien über einzelnen Institutionen und die führenden Funktionäre, die für die Judenpolitik verantwortlich waren. Dies ist indes unerlässlich, um zu erklären, wann und weshalb spezifische antisemitische Strömungen und Diskurse für das Regime handlungsleitend wurden. Der nachfolgende Aufsatz nimmt erstmals das italienische Außenministerium unter Leitung von Galeazzo Ciano als Akteur der Judenpolitik in den Blick. Es geht dabei nicht nur um die Haltung führender Diplomaten zur „Judenfrage", die von rassistischen Weltbildern, strategischen Überlegungen, einer schwer greifbaren Geisteshaltung des Humanismus, einer zynisch-pragmatischen Kosten-Nutzen-Rechnung, wirtschaftlichen Überlegungen und inneritalienischen Machtkämpfen beeinflusst war. Der Aufsatz zeigt auf, wie verschiedene Zweckbündnisse es dem Ministerium erlaubten, die Judenpolitik des Regimes maßgeblich mitzubestimmen. Diese stete Dynamik der Zweckbündnisse war einer der Gründe, weshalb das faschistische Italien letztlich eine weniger radikale Politik als das Dritte Reich verfolgten, auch wenn die Rhetorik der Faschisten derjenigen der Nationalsozialisten in Nichts nachstand. Around the 80th anniversary of the Italian Racial Laws of 1938 there was increased interest in Italian antisemitism and the role of Italy in the persecution and murder of the European Jews. Despite this dynamic, empirical studies about the individual institutions and leading functionaries responsible for Jewish Policy are lacking to date. These studies are indispensable in order to explain when and why specific antisemitic tendencies and discourses guided regime action. The present article for the first time focuses on the Italian Foreign Ministry under Galeazzo Ciano as an actor in Jewish Policy. It not only investigates the position of leading diplomats towards the "Jewish Question", which was shaped by racist worldviews, strategic considerations, difficult to grasp humanist dispositions, cynical-pragmatic cost-benefit calculations, economic concerns und internal Italian power struggles. The article shows how various marriages of convenience allowed the ministry to decisively help shape the Jewish Policy of the regime. This constant dynamic of marriages of convenience was one of the reasons, why Fascist Italy ultimately pursued a less radical policy than the Third Reich, even though the rhetoric of the Fascists was no less radical than that of the National Socialists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article studies the Sámi experiences during the 'German era' in Norway and Finland, 1940–1944, before the Lapland War. The Germans ruled as occupiers in Norway, but had no jurisdiction over the civilians in Finland, their brothers-in-arms. In general, however, encounters between the local people and the Germans appear to have been cordial in both countries. Concerning the role of racial ideology, it seems that the Norwegian Nazis had more negative opinions of the Sámi than the occupiers, while in Finland the racial issues were not discussed. The German forces demonstrated respect for the reindeer herders as communicators of important knowledge concerning survival in the Arctic. The herders also possessed valuable meat reserves. Contrary to this, other Sámi groups, such as the Sea Sámi in Norway, were ignored by the Germans, resulting in a forceful exploitation of sea fishing. Through the North Sámi concept birget (coping with), we analyse how the Sámi both resisted and adapted to the situation. The cross-border area of Norway and Sweden is described in the article as an exceptional arena for transnational reindeer herding, but also for the resistance movement between an occupied and a neutral state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies individuals’ perceptions of their skin color as an ideological dimension of whitening. Using binomial logistic regression models with a representative national sample of the AmericasBarometer in Colombia, we ask whether there is an association between ethno-racial categories, skin color, social status, and individual desire for lighter skin color, and, if so, what explains that desire in the heart of a racialized society. This study, after controlling for skin color, finds that individuals who self-identify as white rather than black are more likely to desire a lighter skin. In addition, those with intermediate skin tone also have a greater desire to be lighter. Results show that for self-identified black people in Colombia, whitening seems not to constitute an escape hatch from historical and structural processes of social marginalization or a strategy of evading practices of racial discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the 1961 Commonwealth Conference, Canadian Prime Minister John Diefenbaker set in motion a clause that prevented South Africa from regaining admittance to the British Commonwealth rather than demanding the South African government remove its racist policies and laws. There had long been calls for an international boycott and sanctions against South Africa because of apartheid, but the Canadian government had done little to verify its stance in this regard. In 1976, Toronto played host to the Olympiad for the Physically Disabled; the invitation and arrival of a unified South African team forced the federal government to take a stand and withdrew all financial and moral support of the games. However, this political statement did nothing end apartheid or drive international human rights policies. Furthermore, it also showed that the Canadian government was unable to reflect on its own history of racial inequality with regards to Indigenous peoples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses the arrival of African diplomats in the U.S. in 1960. He mentions the impact of black diplomats from newly independent nations in Africa, the issue of their presence in a racially segregated Washington, D.C., and presents instances of discrimination against ambassadors and their staff.

This article draws on archival sources to trace the way advertising in nineteenth century Australia was used to peddle the prejudices and myths of the settler society, in the context of the broader historical trend of the misappropriation of traditional cultural expressions and racism in advertising throughout the British Empire. These archives reveal an unnerving duality. On the one hand, the Australian advertising archives present a proud and successful society. Juxtaposed against this positive imagery was an unsettling portraiture of the first Australians and their treatment by European settlers. This article will document this duality, and examine how the courts and the legal system validated this behaviour (positively or by omission), with many of these advertising materials registered for trade mark and copyright protection across the Australian colonies. It will also examine how these historical artefacts continue to shape public discourse on race and intellectual property in Australia to this day. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Before the 1930s, many medical personnel, administrators and others in colonial settler societies considered race the deciding factor in who did and did not get tuberculosis (TB). It was not until he had begun what he called the "trailblazing project" of TB surveying and vaccination that he even began "to question the validity of the claim that the Indian is peculiarly susceptible [to TB]." R.G. Ferguson was a Canadian physician and public health official who spent most of his career studying TB among First Nations in Canada and whose authority loomed - and looms - large. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses white attitudes towards emancipated Blacks in the U.S. during Reconstruction, exploring how travel accounts of Africa were used to sway public opinion regarding the overarching characteristics of Black Americans and their newfound citizenship. Topics include Black regiments that fought for the Union during the Civil War, how religious institutions in the Northern states helped lead to an acceptance of Black citizens, and 1850s accounts by explorers such as Scottish missionary Dr. David Livingstone compared with later writings in the 1860s and 1870s by authors Richard Burton, John Speke, Paul du Chaillu, and Henry Morton Stanley which portrayed Africans as barbarous.

This article explores white-settler notions of hygiene and debates over the subaltern body, by using dairy farming in colonial Zimbabwe (Southern Rhodesia) in the 1920s and 1930s as a lens through which to look into the bio-politics of farming and its effects on the political economy of race and accumulation. Dairy farming is a highly specialised industry: it requires comparatively more capital, organisation and expertise than most agricultural enterprises. Owing to its highly perishable nature, the handling and processing of milk requires specialised care and transport. The system is stacked against new entrants and independent producers. Moreover, in Zimbabwe during the 1920s and 1930s, the 1925 Dairy Produce Act, predicated on the 'unsuitability' of Africans for commercial dairy farming and the pathologising of black bodies, was part of a strategy to bar black African producers from the dairy market. Yet, despite the inherent precariousness of the industry and the socio-economic system designed to discriminate against indigenous African agricultural enterprise, black dairying met with surprising success in the early years of the industry. However, for both white and African farmers, there was a terrible cost to the state's institutionalised racism: crude production methods among white dairy farmers and the efforts to keep African producers out meant that the industry struggled to break into the international market until the late 1930s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Empirical evidence demonstrates that racism is a source of traumatic stress for racial/ethnic minorities, particularly African Americans. Like race and racism, skin tone and experiences of colorism—an often overlooked form of discrimination that privileges lighter skinned over darker skinned individuals, although not uniformly, may also result in traumatic stress. This article proposes a new conceptual model of skin-tone trauma. The model depicts how historical and contemporary underpinnings of colorism lead to colorist incidents that may directly and indirectly, by eliciting traumatic stress reactions, lead to negative effects on the health and interpersonal relationships of African Americans. Key tenets of critical race and intersectionality theories are used to highlight the complexities of skin-tone trauma as a result of intersectional identities on the basis of existing social hierarchies. Last, we present suggestions for researchers, as well as recommendations and strategies for practitioners, to unmask "skin-tone wounds" and promote healing for individuals, families, and communities that suffer from skin-tone trauma. Skin-tone trauma should be acknowledged by researchers, scholars, and practitioners to better understand and assess the widespread scope of trauma in the African American community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses the medical perception of the black people's skin color based on the works of physicians Benjamin Rush and Thomas Beddoes in the 18th century and its implications for the modern concept of blackness and race. Topics discussed include the concept of biopolitics from historian Michel Foucault and its link in the issue of racism and skin color, the manifestation of hostility toward blackness, and the works of Rush and Beddoes to reduce or erase the black skin to a pathology.

Drawing on archival evidence, I document the emergence and florescence of three free health clinics in Chicago in the late 1960s. I trace the centers' forceful removal by the city's Board of Health, and their subsequent replacement by Federally Qualified Health Centers (FHQCs). I argue that the demise of the free centers is exemplary of a broader trend in US health policy of regulating and diminishing the health care options of poor Americans. By highlighting the stark contrast between Chicago's free health centers of the 1960s and the health care services offered by contemporary FQHCs, I reveal a gradual shift from health care rights to accessing care in the US health care safety net. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research into the history of colonial education in Congo has shown that, for a long time, it was dominated by the idea of gradual development of the masses. Here, the problem of selecting an intellectual elite hardly arose. It was only in the 1950s that a growing number of voices began to clamour for the Congolese to be permitted to study in secondary schools and universities. However, psychological testing was not the first means of resort in the selection of an elite. Nevertheless, following the Second World War, the sentiment that psychological testing might be helpful began to take hold in Belgium. Drawing on various international developments, a handful of specialists took up the issue. The analysis of their work shows that much of what Linstrum contended concerning the history of psychological research in the British Empire, also applies to Congo. Despite their modest number, these studies cannot simply be viewed as pretext for the racism deeply ingrained in colonial circles. But this does not mean that pseudo-scientific clichés about the backwardness of the Africans did not make an appearance. Rather the contrary was true. In any event, these studies were not prepared to pierce through general sentiment and therefore, do not seem to have yielded much more than adherence to the new, prestigious scientific research methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article redresses the interpretative lacunae of historians' conceptions of Nazi racism by overcoming their attempts to comprehend it from either a secular/scientific or a religious/theological perspective. Drawing on a variety of anthropological, philosophical, and political-theoretical works, the article illustrates how Nazi racial ideas were formulated not only in accordance with the latest discoveries in the field of human heredity, but also in correspondence to contemporary debates over secularization, value-free science, and biological determinism. It argues that the Nazi conception of race constituted a new form of religiosity , which did not draw on supernatural beliefs or theological narratives, but rather on vitalist-oriented metaphysics, shifting the object of faith from the transcendent realm of God to the immanent sphere of racial inwardness. Redefining faith in vitalist-existentialist terms corresponded with the Nazi aspiration to overcome the fragmentation of modernity, overturn the nihilistic threat posed by materialist society, and carry out a spiritual renaissance built upon immanent-biological foundations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of History in Africa: A Journal of Method is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article presents the Presidential Address delivered by Kathy Winings in the 2018 annual meeting of the Religious Education Association (REA) held in Unification Theological Seminary, Barrytown, New York. The theme of the conference was "Recognizing White Normativity and Brave Spaces". Topics include white Christians, racism, and history of white normativity.

In this paper I examine the temporal dimensions of racialised and colonised embodiment. I draw on the work of Alia Al-Saji, whose phenomenological reading of Frantz Fanon examines the multiple ways in which racism and colonialism affix the racialised and colonised body to that of the past; a temporalisation that serves not only to anachronise these bodies, but also to close off their projective possibilities for being or becoming otherwise. Such a move reflects the nature of racialisation itself, which following Charles Mills, does not just exteriorise or 'other' racialised bodies, but relies equally on a forgetting, or a disavowal and leaving behind of this very process. The result, I argue, is to render whiteness and white bodies as temporally present and even futural in their orientation, free from the vestiges of racism's history and free to adopt any number of stances on its continuing legacy. It is against this that I argue that the familiar exhortation to 'get over' racism whenever the charge is levelled, is not only dangerous in its denial of racism, but also disingenuous in purporting to move beyond a racially divided world, when in fact this very gesture serves to reinscribe differential racialised temporalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article disputes explanations of American expansionism that are based on the requirements of national security or more abstract theories such as the balance of power. In contradistinction to the imperatives of defence and survival, the article shows how civilisational factors weighed heavily on the emergence of US grand strategy at the turn of the nineteenth century. In particular assumptions about the peoples of the Third World being lesser played an important role in the conception and legitimation of imperial expansion. During this period, the US Navy went through a dramatic build-up. The article shows the ways in which the worldviews of many of the key players (such as Alfred Mahan and Theodore Roosevelt) contributed to the militarisation of global racism, a development that led to widespread killing in the Philippines and elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article critically examines responses to the 2017 Quebec City Mosque massacre as expressed in a letter written to the public by the killer's parents in January 2018, and various forms of media coverage related to the letter. While the letter attempts to communicate the parents' grief and to express solidarity with Muslims affected by the attack, this article argues that Islamophobic logic is evident throughout, maintained precisely through the emotionality of the letter and media responses, and through the apparently well-intentioned gestures of empathy and solidarity they represent. This analysis draws on theoretical literature that contextualizes the roles of emotion and civility in constructing and reinforcing racialized boundaries, and in shaping the lived experiences of Muslims in Quebec and Canada. By further considering statements and responses from the Quebec Muslim community, this analysis also briefly discusses the ways in which the emotionality displayed by the victims' families and community seeks to refocus the conversation back onto the ongoing problem of anti-Muslim racism in Quebec and Canada, calling for a deeper accountability around this pervasive issue. Cet article examine de manière critique les réactions à l'attentat de 2017 contre la grande mosquée de Québec, telles qu'exprimées dans une lettre écrite au public par les parents du meurtrier en janvier 2018, ainsi que sous diverses formes de couverture médiatique liée à la lettre. Alors que la lettre tente de communiquer le chagrin des parents et d'exprimer leur solidarité avec les musulmans touchés par cet attentat, cet article affirme qu'une logique islamophobe est évidente, maintenue précisément par l'émotivité de la lettre et de la couverture médiatique, ainsi que par les gestes bien intentionnées d'empathie et de solidarité qu'ils représentent. Cette analyse s'appuie sur une littérature théorique qui contextualise les rôles de l'émotion et de la civilité dans la construction et le renforcement de frontières raciales et dans la façonnement des expériences vécues par les musulmans au Québec et au Canada. En outre, en prenant en compte les déclarations et les réponses de la communauté musulmane à Québec, cette analyse aborde également brièvement la manière dont l'émotivité manifestée par les familles et la communauté des victimes cherche à recentrer le débat sur le problème actuel du racisme antimusulman au Québec et au Canada, et à insister sur une responsabilisation plus profonde autour de cette question omniprésente. [End Page 1] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]