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This essay traces the development of the phrase "democratic socialism" from the early nineteenth century to the present, especially in relation to "social democracy" and "communism." These meanings have changed over time, with democratic socialism and social democracy indicating the opposite of what they meant a century ago when social democracy was the more and democratic socialism the less radical position. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the decline of the post–World War II social-democratic compromise created space for a radical democratic socialism to flourish in our time. Twenty-first-century democratic socialism seeks to democratize the workplace and reorient the state, against the power of the organized capitalist class, to serve the needs of the many rather than the desires of the few. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In July 1917, Alice Mannering became the Socialist Party nominee for mayor of South Bend, Indiana, and the first woman candidate for the office of mayor in the state of Indiana. Suffragists across Indiana were anticipating being able to vote in the November 1917 elections, after the passage of a partial suffrage bill by the state General Assembly. Mannering's ambitions, and the hopes of suffragists, were dashed when the state Supreme Court ruled the legislation unconstitutional. Jamie Wagman examines the life of Alice Mannering—suffragist, socialist, and political activist—and considers how she challenged gender roles and inspired generations of her descendants to social activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Investigaciones Feministas is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Praktyka Teoretyczna is the property of University of Wroclaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There was a wave of reform-oriented drama across England in the 1920s and 1930s, which extended from urban, socialist theatre to the 'late modernist' enthusiasm for rural pageantry and from adult education to Church revival. Most scholarship looks at drama in these various milieus separately, but this study of three plays that were put on in a corner of South West England—a nativity play, an innovative 'dance-mime', and a Workers' Educational Association narrative piece—brings them together. These plays shared a connection to Dartington Hall, a social and cultural experiment set on a large estate in Devon in 1925 by an American heiress, Dorothy Elmhirst, and her Yorkshire-born husband, Leonard, which became a nexus for the various strands of community-seeking theatre evident in interwar England—as well as for social reform more generally. This article shows how dramatic performances formed part of the quest for communal unity that was a dominant strand in social thinking between the wars: driven by fears about class strife, the effects of democratization, the recurrence of war, and the fragmenting effects of secular modernity, elites, artists, and activists of diverse hues tried to reform the very idea of Englishness by putting on plays—fostering values of community and communality, while often taking inspiration from an idealized vision of the rural community of England's pre-industrial past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the decline of the Socialist Party of America between the years 1934 and 1935. International capitalism teetered in crisis during the 1930s, compounded by the Great Depression and fascism in Europe, leading many workers and intellectuals to gravitate to the radical left. Leftists in Canada and the United States fought to revitalize the labor movement. Communist parties were also central to this upsurge in workers' struggle and to building the labour movement of the 1930s.

After the Second World War, the Allies began a program of legal prosecution of war criminals who were to be sentenced in fair and public processes. However, these processes soon evoked vivid criticism, and by no means simply from former National Socialists. The Heidelberg Circle of Jurists ('Heidelberger Juristenkreis') is an example of a heterogeneous lobby group including victims of National Socialism as well as supporters of this ideology demanding amnesty for German war criminals between 1949 and 1955. Numbering forty high-ranking judges, lawyers, politicians, professors and church representatives, the Circle had access to a vast network and had a considerable impact on Allied and German war-crimes policy. On the basis of new source material, this article examines the Circle's evolution, its apparently contradictory composition, its argumentation and its aims, by focusing on three of its members, the former minister of justice of the Weimar Republic and legal philosopher Gustav Radbruch, the internationalist Erich Kaufmann and the Nuremberg lawyer Hellmut Becker. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Representations of marginalisation in contemporary fiction often attend to issues of class as one factor in a complex interplay of disenfranchisement underwritten by the powerful forces of race and gender. A renewed focus on current literature as strong refraction of economic concerns harks back to a long tradition of British working-class writing. Re-reading Irvine Welsh's post-Thatcherite novel Trainspotting in the wake of the global financial crisis and the resurgence of anti-capitalist protest, it becomes possible to map a shift in how the former working class articulate a new sense of their economic and political position, one that renounces the outdated tenets of twentieth-century socialism in favour of attempts to exploit neoliberalism itself. This post-leftist position may draw a new starting line for a politics and discourse of poverty in our globalised condition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Western European socialists' attempt to assert a 'socialist alternative' to a crumbling world order during the long 1970s. In Western Europe, the 1968 uprisings inaugurated a decade of intense social contestation, which coincided with the heyday of social democracy and, arguably, with a new leftward tendency within the socialist milieu. The 'crisis' of the long 1970s – with its multiple economic, energy social, political, international and cultural facets – challenged the foundations of the 'post-war consensus' and to some extent pushed socialists to question their commitment to capitalism. This article explores the period of consolidation and renewal that Western European social democracy experienced during the early 1970s, their increasing confidence that they could use the European Community as a tool to realize democratic socialism, the attempt to formulate a common socialist alternative for Europe, the leftward tendency that was characterizing European socialists at the time and even their hope (at least for some of them) to surpass capitalism. Focusing on the attempt of the socialist parties of the EC to adopt a common European socialist programme in view of the first direct elections of the European Parliament, it argues that despite their divergences, European socialists did thoroughly discuss and envisage an alternative to capitalism at a European and global level during the 1970s, an option that was abandoned by the 1980s. Abbreviation: European Community=EC; European Parliament=EP [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the historiography of late nineteenth-century British Socialism has reached a new level of sophistication. The determinism and essentialism that typified much of the work on the subject prior to the so-called linguistic turn in social history has been decisively dropped. This article, however, argues that the influence of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels still persists in two crucial respects. Firstly, it suggests that historians continue to take their lead from Marx in pinpointing the start of the Socialist movement; and second, it posits that historians also continue to follow Engels by describing the political beliefs of H.M. Hyndman as belonging to an intellectual tradition of Tory Radicalism. This article argues that, partly as a consequence of that first error, historians have overlooked the small but crucial burst of articles on the topic of Socialism published in the periodical press between 1878 and 1880. It also claims that, contrary to the historiographical consensus, Hyndman was not an 'ex-Conservative' or Radical of Tory inclination. It demonstrates, rather, that Hyndman's ideological heritage was overwhelmingly Liberal. It situates Hyndman's first article on Socialism against the anterior discussion in the periodical press. The article reveals how Hyndman's intervention was indebted to the arguments previously advanced by J.S. Mill, Henry Fawcett, and William Cunningham. It posits, furthermore, that once it is recognised that the writings of Mill, Fawcett and other Liberals occupied a central place in Hyndman's political imagination a number of other features of Hyndman's political thought also fall into place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to the history of the international communist movement by investigating the role of the 'new psychology' as a theoretical justification for bolshevism in the years immediately following 1917. It focuses on Cedar and Eden Paul, two almost forgotten theorists whose works were key texts for the socialist movement of the 1920s. Drawing on a range of ideas to supplement Marxist political economy, including Freudian psychoanalysis, biological instinct theory, and the philosophy of Henri Bergson, the Pauls fashioned a striking critique of capitalist democracy and defence of proletarian dictatorship. This heterodox approach was inf luential within the early communist movement even beyond Britain, and parts of their writings were copied by Li Dazhao, the 'first Marxist in China' and mentor of Mao Zedong. The art icle concludes by advancing an explanation for why the Pauls fell out of favour in the CPGB in the mid-1920s: as the prospects for world revolution receded, the party's leaders sought to erase the heterodoxy and intellectual experimentation that characterised the communist movement in favour of 'iron proletarian discipline'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores aspects of state surveillance, espionage, anticolonialism, and interracial marriages in France during the interwar period by focusing on a September 1931 article published in the pan-African periodical "Le Cri des Nègres (The Negro's yell). The article dealt with the Colonial Exposition held at the Bois de Vincennes, Paris; pan-Africanism; competing activities of Socialist and Communists; the special police group known as the Service de contrôle et assistance aux indigènes des colonies (CAI).

The article examines the impact of the Paris Commune and H.G. Wells' fiction "When the Sleeper Wakes" on the socialist movement in Great Britain in the 19th century. Topics covered include the depiction of urban growth and class struggle in Wells' fiction and the similarities between Wells' book and G. K. Chesterton's "The Napoleon of Notting Hill.

In the aftermath of the Soviet Union's demise, the countries formerly comprising it embarked on massive reforms to transition from socialist to market‐driven economies. This transition also required substantial transformation of their governance systems. In this Viewpoint essay, the authors reflect on critical reforms in human resource management, ethics management, and anti‐corruption, and highlight successful initiatives in these fields. They also discuss the role of the Astana Civil Service Hub in helping the countries in the region to jointly look for solutions to common governance challenges and to learn from policies and strategies that proved effective for their peers. The authors conclude by identifying the common elements of effective public administration reforms in the post‐Soviet setting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In approaching history as a site of scholarly analysis and activist praxis, the papers in this volume open up new ways to think ethnographic and archival methods together. This afterword considers how these activist ethnographic representations work as part of the ethical and analytic commitments of contemporary anthropology more broadly. I ask what possibilities are opened when we as scholars think with other people's struggles. Such dialogic encounter is a way in which activist anthropologies create possibilities for new imaginative frontiers and shared projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that heterogeneity among leftist political activists in Ukraine creates new spaces for investigation of social movements in post-socialist spaces. It suggests that the researcher's positionality impacts how this diversity is seen, interpreted, and analyzed. Drawing from scholarship on engaged anthropology and ethnographic research during the 2013-2014 Euromaidan mobilizations, I show how fragmentation among leftists had a dual influence, sometimes encouraging leftists to move beyond difference to avoid alienation, and other times creating greater fractures that limited the creation of alternative social projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper chronicles the ongoing efforts of several groups of Bosnian activists, artists and academics, to create archives of the often forgotten, and nowadays variously threatened, heritage of political and social life during Yugoslav socialism. Postsocialist archives in other parts of Eastern Europe have typically been motivated by the need to 'settle accounts' with communism, understood in this context to be a totalitarian project. By contrast, these ongoing archiving efforts in the postwar and postsocialist Bosnia-Herzegovina, are created in order to recuperate and repurpose the unrealized potentials of Yugoslav socialism, and to use this history to reseed contemporary political imaginaries. I show how these post-Yugoslav activist-archives are working to recover a form of transformational historical subjectivity which seems profoundly necessary in the current political moment, marked by political disenchantment and the devastating effects of the postsocialist transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since W. B. Gallie introduced the notion of essentially contested concepts (ECCs) in 1956, social science scholars have increasingly used his framework to analyze key concepts drawing "endless disputes" from contestant users. Despite its merits, the ECC framework has been limited by a neglect of social, cultural, and political contexts, the invisibility of actors, and its ahistorical character. To understand how ECCs evolve and change over time, I use a conceptual history approach to study the concept of philanthropy, recently labeled as an ECC. Using France during classical modernity as a case study, I analyze key events and actors from the concept's inception in 1712 as a virtue of the Enlightenment to its triumph after 1789 as a secular alternative to Catholic charity, until its decline at the end of the nineteenth century as a new consensus emerged around the concept of solidarity. By introducing the notion of historically contested concepts, I make several contributions to research on ECCs, conceptual contestation, and conceptual change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article revisits the course of events of Monfalcone (shipyard) workers counter-exodus, sifting a time period spanning from 1946 to early 50's. After exposing factual circumstances, the main aspects of this event are considered, focussing on the arrival of Monfalcone shipyard workers into Tito's Yugoslavia, with particular reference to the realities of Fiume and Pola. Together with the cases of Monfalconesi, the course is shapedof some other Italian communists who migrated to Yugoslavia with goodwill, in order to actively participate in the construction of a socialist country society. In June 1948 the Cominform resolution splitted the Communist movement. As did the large majority of Italian communists, the uttermost part of Monfalcone workers stood in favour of the document from the Informbiro. They faced the repression by the Udba, Tito's political police; they were arrested and sentenced to serve into Tito camps, especially in GoliOtok. Finally the article deals with the Monfalconesi comeback to Italy, where they suffered, as defeated, the consequences of their choice, with regards both to nationalist and reactionary right forces, and to communist party former comrades, who, after a while, understood their discontent and allowed them to resumetheir political activities in the Pci. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of the Portuguese Communist Party -- PCP -- can be explored from different perspectives. From the viewpoint of a communist militant, this study discusses some issues linked to the history of communism and its supporters' political apprenticeship. Based on a series of conversations between a Portuguese communist and the author, historians of different generations, the article focuses on a life story, where autobiography, biography, episodes from the history of Socialism and the Communist Party are mixed and questioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars often depict the 1973 World Festival of Youth and Students—or, more colloquially, the Red Woodstock—as a momentary "departure" or "break" from everyday life, when the German Democratic Republic (GDR) briefly opened its borders to the youth of the world. Similarly, they suggest that, when the festival's nine days of festivities came to an end, the "pathos of revolution" disappeared just as quickly as it had come about, resulting in a return to the restraints of everyday life behind the "Iron Curtain." By contrast, this article reconsiders the festival's significance by adopting an analytical framework from postsocialist theorists. In doing so, it reconceptualizes the Red Woodstock as a moment of globalized influences and youth engagement that not only reflected shifting societal norms, but also the East German state's commitment to international socialist solidarity. Soviet theorist Mikhail Bakhtin's work on the "upside-down" nature of the carnival, as well as on society's "grotesque body," is useful in this regard, as it sets in sharp relief the extent to which one of the East German state's greatest challenges resulted from its own embrace of international socialism. This was the case as young people from the GDR and beyond transformed the East German capital through a subtle appropriation, transformation, and even subversion of the state-generated discourse on international solidarity, in ways that had a lasting effect during the late socialist period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An interview with University of Coimbra's Professor, Boaventura de Sousa Santos is presented. When asked about his career development in the field of law or sociology, he states that it was a big challenge for a working class family to study law in 1957. He expresses the view that on the socialism , democracy and politics in 21st Century.

On 24 February 1966, Ghana's first president, Kwame Nkrumah, was overthrown in a coup d'état. The coup rekindled a debate within the Soviet bloc about the prospects of socialism in Africa and about the appropriateness of certain policies. Soviet officials concluded that they would have to focus on establishing close relations with the armies and internal security forces of African countries. This article explores how Nkrumah's loyalists in exile and their sympathizers in Ghana attempted to launch a leftwing counter-coup in Accra in 1968 and the involvement of Warsaw Pact countries—notably the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia—in those events. The article sheds new light on "Operation ALEX," a botched attempt by the Czechoslovak intelligence service to support Nkrumah loyalists in their plans for a countercoup. The article reexamines the late 1960s as an important period for the militarization of the Cold War in Africa and highlights the crucial role that African politicians themselves played in this process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the role of Catalan industrial engineers in the making of a stateless nation (within Spain) in the interwar period. After the proclamation of the Second Spanish Republic (1931-1939), a home rule for Catalonia was established. In this context, the members of the Barcelona Association of Industrial Engineers developed a techno-nationalist program with the double goal of both making technology Catalan and making Catalonia technological. As an alleged 'third class' between the working and ruling classes, industrial engineers sought to use their expertise in scientifically managing the workshop to organize the whole nation. They participated in professional initiatives and official institutions from which they spread the 'factory ideals' beyond the factory, such as efficiency, rationalization and statistical monitoring. This paper focuses on the nationalist and technocratic engagement of two leading (and politically diverging) industrial engineers: socialist Estanislau Ruiz-Ponsetí and liberal Josep M. Tallada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article centres on the innovation of a now commonly‐used and World Health Organisation (WHO) recommended technique for the termination of first‐trimester pregnancies, vacuum aspiration. I add to the current scholarship that examines reproductive regulation in Eastern Europe and internationally, by writing Yugoslav physicians and innovators into the global story of the technology’s development. During the 1960s and 1970s, Yugoslav physicians played an instrumental role in the innovation of vacuum aspiration. Physicians operated under the party‐endorsed political and ideological aegis of family planning and the state used family planning to build a self‐image of a modern and progressive state in the international Cold War context. In their public rhetoric, physicians attributed scientific advances to the modern nature of the state’s distinct style of socialism, the Yugoslav way. The state, in turn, utilised domestic medical innovation and social policy to elevate Yugoslav socialism around the world. While the Yugoslav way was not exceptional, Yugoslavia’s atypical geopolitical positioning after the Second World War offered Yugoslav gynaecologists and medical innovators the unusual opportunity to research methods and techniques, and propagate their findings abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Voluntary work of citizens for the benefit of society at large or its underprivileged members is a salient feature of developed civic cultures. Under state socialism, the very essence of volunteerism was hollowed out by its top-down, coercive “management” and ideological control. This article highlights the experiences and perceptions of voluntary work under socialism drawing on retrospective narratives of ex-Soviet immigrants in Israel who continued volunteering after migration. In conclusion, we reflect on the economic and political functions of “mandatory volunteering” in the USSR and discuss some of their analogies in Western democracies. Our study helps elicit the reasons for the slow expansion of volunteering behavior among post-socialist citizens in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The attitudes of British and German socialists vis-a-vis religion before the First World War has been described by one of the most eminent scholars in the field of the history of religion, Hugh McLeod, as being diametrically opposed -- German socialists were largely secular, irreligious and anti-clerical whereas within British socialism, Christianity, especially dissenting Protestantism, was a far more important streak. In this article I would like to modulate the stark contrast contained in this commonly held view by looking at a slightly different time frame than McLeod, and by emphasizing more the ambiguities and uncertainties of that relationship between socialism and religion in both countries. It shall be argued that a longer-term positive relationship between religion and socialism in Britain can be juxtaposed with a rapprochement between the forces of religion and socialism in interwar Germany. Hence the article will provide a crosscountry diachronic comparison of the relationship between religion and socialism in Britain and Germany. It will highlight, in particular, a common utopianism of religion and socialism, that could also be called utopianism of the social ethics of the Sermon on the Mount; attempts to forge socialism as new religion shall be examined on the subsequent pages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1911 to 1929, Victor Berger edited the Milwaukee Leader, a Socialist Party daily newspaper. Berger advocated a peaceful transition to socialism via the ballot box. When the Leader opposed World War I, it lost its mailing privileges and Berger faced prison. This article examines the daily operations of the Leader and Berger's belief that a free press was crucial in fostering socialism. It argues that Berger's temperament and his business methods were unsuited to the capital-intensive world of daily newspapering in the 1920s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the renewed interest in C. B. Macpherson's political theory in a time of late neo-liberalism, the aim of this article is to complement existing scholarship with a detailed account of his early thought on the transition into socialism. Against the prevailing view, I suggest that the young Macpherson outlined a theory of transition, on which the actualization of his democratic vision depended. I trace how he investigated the nature of the state in the 1930s and early 1940s and asked whether a socialist movement could gain control of state institutions and shape their policies to establish an economic democracy that could serve as a defence against fascism. As a democratic socialist, he agonized over the idea that a forcible revolution and unconstitutional measures were likely required to establish socialism. To paint my intellectual portrait, I make use of archival material from the time that has yet to be commented on. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 1830s and 1840s, romantic socialists in France wrote about three subjugated groups in the French empire: metropolitan workers, slaves in the Caribbean and Indian Ocean colonies, and Algerian civilians. Although these three groups ostensibly shared similar conditions of deprivation and violent treatment at the hands of the French state, socialists depicted them in importantly different terms, with the effect of humanizing workers and slaves, while dehumanizing the Algerians suffering French conquest and colonization. This article explores these presentations and examines the way they worked together to champion the socialist priority, the emergent working classes of the July Monarchy, and to indirectly endorse the settler colonial project in Algeria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Information on the Die deutsche Jugendbewegung. Historisierung und Selbsthistorisierung nach 1945, a conference that was held in Germany from October 27-29, 2017 is presented. Topics discussed include youth movements in Germany, self-historicization in 20th century, cultural history of Germany and national socialism.

This article takes up Todd Shepard's call to "write together the history of the Algerian War and European integration" by examining the French Socialist Party. Socialist internationalism, built around an analysis of European history, abhorred nationalism and exalted supranational organization. Its principles were durable and firm. Socialist visions for French colonies, on the other hand, were fluid. The asymmetry of the party's European and colonial visions encouraged socialist leaders to apply their European doctrine to France's colonies during the AlgerianWar. The war split socialists who favored the European communities into multiple parties, in which they cooperated with allies who did not support European integration. French socialist internationalism became a casualty of the Algerian War. In the decolonization of the French Socialist Party, support for European integration declined and internationalism largely vanished as a guiding principle of French socialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This paper explores the entanglement of ideology and materiality in the production of the spaces of 21st century socialism. “Millennium Cities” are currently being constructed for indigenous communities throughout the Ecuadorian Amazon, with revenues derived from petroleum extracted within their territories. As iconic spatial symbols of the “Citizens’ Revolution”, the Millennium Cities would appear to embody “the original accumulation of 21st century socialism”—a utopian state ideology promising the collective appropriation of natural resources without the dispossession of the peasantry. Drawing on extensive field research, we argue that they are better understood as a simulation of urban modernity that is symptomatic of the predominance of ground rent in South American capitalism, and which conceals the violent repression of an autonomous indigenous project of petroleum‐based modernization. The original accumulation of 21st century socialism can therefore be interpreted as a “fantasy of origins”, which functions to reproduce the primitive accumulation of capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the importance of housing and the urban environment in East Germany in the second half of its existence grew in tandem with a new vision of socialist society and the means that the state should employ to create it. The East German Housing Program, inaugurated in 1971, made space the primary category in which individual and social transformation was envisioned, replacing the pedagogical processes that had originally stood at its heart. In doing so, architects and urban planners drew on three strands of urban planning that have often been seen in conflict in other contexts: the Soviet concept of the Mikroraion or socialist neighborhood, the modernist housing ensemble of Le Corbusier, and the new urbanism of Jane Jacobs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I posit that the intellectual and political history of the left in contemporary India must be understood in relation to the dialectical relationship developed between the ideals behind left -wing political thought and the nativist inclinations of the nationalist anticolonial project in British India. I aim to show that left -wing thought in India, in the years in which the shock-wave of the Soviet Revolution spread through the world, developed at a disadvantage in relationship to the symbolic and ideological project headed by Gandhi, which promoted a nativist approach to nationalism and anticolonial politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Veritas is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper presents the analysis of ethnographic research in a village in eastern Slovakia. My aim is to consider the narratives of people from countryside who witnessed socialist period and to present their view of land which they cultivated. I explore two sources: people's life stories; and a local chronicle which was written during the 1960s. I argue that (1) both kinds of narratives serve as cultural tools for members of a collective as they recount the past in certain context; (2) in this, expression of moral emotions indicates narrative conventions related to social norms. I demonstrate that the semi-official context of the local chronicle demands expression of moral emotions in evaluation of the big-scale political events, but the chroniclers are rather cautious in assessment of local people's behaviour. On the other side, in informal settings people summarize life periods using moral terms and freely express positive as well as negative attitudes toward other people and social conditions, to make sense of the past events in relation to the present time. Thus, the language of emotions indicates the specific narrative context as well as social rules. At the same time, emotional expressions should be read considering a narrator's personality and social background; in this, the local historical and cultural setting is essential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Radovi Zavod za povijesne znanosti HAZU u Zaru is the property of Zavod za Povijesne Znanosti HAZU and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyses the theory of sexuality, personality and politics developed by the literary critic John Addington Symonds (1840–1893). Sections 1 and 2 introduce Symonds’ changing reputation as a modernist theorist of ‘sexual inversion’ (homosexuality). Section 3 examines his conceptualization of the processes whereby an individual can sublimate sexual urges to create a harmonious and unalienated personality which acknowledges the need to combine transgressive self-expression with social convention. Section 4 demonstrates how this theory led Symonds to endorse an eroticized form of democratic socialism, while Section 5 explores the culmination of Symonds’ thought in a form of pantheistic idealism. This research is significant in that it extends our understanding of socialism and sexuality into areas that are marginalized and yet historically important. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]