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A significant observational literature identifies a link between collective victimhood and conflict‐enhancing attitudes, though results from experimental work increasing victimhood's salience vary. This article thus revisits this question in two studies in a context in which increased salience is especially likely to shift attitudes. Study 1 exploits the happenstance fielding of 12 surveys over Israel's Holocaust Memorial Day between 1979 and 2021. Using all 192 available estimates assessing hawkishness, preferences for out‐group exclusion, and in‐group solidarity, it fails to detect statistically significant effects of a state‐led effort to increase the salience of Israel's collective victimhood narrative in a natural setting 90% of the time. Study 2 replicates the null findings across multiple comparisons and outcomes in a companion harmonized panel and survey experiment. Substantively, the findings suggest that it may be harder to use short‐term manipulations of collective victimhood to shift attitudes than often assumed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on an analysis of history textbooks and commemorative declarations on International Holocaust Remembrance Day, the paper argues that the leadership of the unrecognized republics of Transnistria and Donbas has instrumentalized Holocaust remembrance to legitimize their regimes internally and externally. The use of the Holocaust in historical politics allowed the secessionist regimes to portray themselves as opponents of radical nationalism and representatives of the multi-ethnic population of Transnistria and Donbas. In external relations, the secessionist leaders have used Holocaust commemorations as a tool for self-positioning within international 'memory wars,' and as a channel for the consolidation of the 'civilized' image of unrecognized republics and the extension of international contacts. Despite a quite similar discourse on the Holocaust, the aims of the instrumentalization of the Holocaust in historical politics have differed in certain respects due to the dissimilar challenges faced by the Transnistrian and Donbas unrecognized republics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the legally binding character of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) Working Definition of Anti-Semitism. It examines the historical background, the function of the IHRA, and its adoption by various entities. It addresses the common belief that the IHRA Definition is "non-legally binding" and argues that subsequent actions by governmental entities have made it legally binding in various jurisdictions, including the U.S.

The article summarizes a study that examined the perspective of kindergarten children on Holocaust Remembrance Day as expressed in the discourse events of children with kindergarten teachers and early childhood education students during Holocaust Day in state kindergartens in Israel in a variety of localities. The article focuses on the kindergarten children's attitude to visual-material representations in physical space that are integrated into the ceremony, conversation, and story. Analyzing the discourse raised a variety of themes that include the children's feelings, thoughts, and ideas, from which understandings and implications can be extracted for educational practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Accordance of the title of righteous among the nations and other awards to Selahattin Ülkümen Mordecai Paldiel, Director of the Department for the Righteous at Yad Vashem, informed Selahattin Ülkümen on 14 December 1989 that the Commission for the Designation of the Righteous at its session of 13 December 1989 had decided to accord him the title of "Righteous Among the Nations" (gentile rescuers) for his magnanimous deeds on behalf of Jewish persons on the island of Rhodes during the Second World War. Ülkümen mentions that after so many distressing months the couple went through in Rhodes and Athens-Piraeus, the first thing his wife did when they disembarked at the port of Istanbul, was to bow and kiss the ground of their native land.[55] When, on 2 August 1944, Turkey severed ties with Germany and Selahattin Ülkümen was taken to Piraeus outside of Athens for internment, the worst fears of the pitiful Jewish remnant in Rhodes seemed to be nearing their realization. Due to its neutrality during most of the Second World War, and its unique geographical proximity to both Europe and the Middle East, Turkey and Turkish diplomats living abroad played an important role for European Jews in danger during the Second World War and the Holocaust.[73] The American Jewish Committee (AJC) expressed sorrow with the passing away of Selahattin Ülkümen on 18 June 2003. Not wishing to offend Turkey, a country still neutral in the war, the Germans relented and released the forty-two Jewish people on Ülkümen's list.[40] Mathilde Turiel remembered the bravery of Selahattin Ülkümen's efforts: Thanks to Mr. Ülkümen, my husband was freed!. [Extracted from the article]

After visitors have passed through the main exhibition, they must exit through the future-oriented light side, which faces due true east toward the sun, symbolizing not only those who survived the Holocaust and rebuilt their lives but also the coming of the messianic age.[71] With such a configuration, Skokie, even as a place of local Holocaust memory, becomes the meeting point between the centuries-long Jewish past as well as a Jewish future that promises to bring light unto the nations.[72] Footnotes 1 Mike Isaacs, "Hologram Technology in Holocaust Museum Exhibit Immortalizes Survivors' Stories", I Chicago Tribune i , November 2, 2017, https://www.chicagotribune.com/suburbs/skokie/news/ct-skr-holocaust-museum-take-a-stand-tl-1102-20171101-story.html. Another Jewish voice, Rabbi Yitzhok Wolf, opined, "Skokie basically threw the Holocaust Museum out of the village."[65] Lay leaders of the HMFI and other supporters of the proposal interpreted this defeat in terms of a survival struggle, given that for several Holocaust survivors, Skokie held spiritual capital as a space of Jewish activism and religious tolerance. A national Holocaust museum did not yet exist, and the only model available in America during this time was a small museum near Detroit - the first freestanding American Holocaust memorial center, established in 1984.[17] That same year, Figman found a small storefront building for sale located at 4255 West Main Street, which the HMFI board decided to purchase for $290,000.[18] As tenants still occupied parts of the building during the immediate purchase phase, the moving process remained low-profile, and passersby could easily miss the structure if not looking for it. [Extracted from the article]

The article focuses on the politics of space and identity in the Hyde Park Holocaust Memorial in London, England. Topics include the controversy surrounding the memorial's proposed site; the desire of British Jews to be included in the definition of Britishness; and the clash between cultural hierarchies in British society. Ultimately, the memorial's location in Hyde Park reflects a failure to create a meaningful space for Holocaust remembrance within British national identity.

The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) developed a 'Working Definition of Antisemitism' in 2016. Whilst the definition has received a significant amount of media attention, we are not aware of any comprehensive philosophical analysis. This article analyses this definition. We conclude that the definition and its list of examples ought to be rejected. The urgency to do so stems from the fact that pro-Israel activists can and have mobilised the IHRA document for political goals unrelated to tackling antisemitism, notably to stigmatise and silence critics of the Israeli government. This causes widespread self-censorship, has an adverse impact on freedom of speech, and impedes action against the unjust treatment of Palestinians. We also identify intrinsic problems in the way the definition refers to criticism of Israel similar 'to that leveled against any other country', ambiguous wording about 'the power of Jews as a collective', lack of clarity as to the Jewish people's 'right to self-determination', and its denial of obvious racism. We consider alternative definitions and prefer one like the Oxford English Dictionary (OED) definition, 'hostility to or prejudice against Jews', with the addition of the words 'as Jews'. We recognise that the Jerusalem Declaration on Antisemitism (JDA) can play a useful purpose in illustrating the shortcomings of the IHRA definition. However, we do not advocate promoting it as the prime international definition. Indeed, we question the efficacy of using complex new definitions to combat racism against Jews or other groups, and instead advocate combatting it through collective action across societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rediscovery of State "Roots" As Anthony Smith explains, claiming antiquity, or an early, first, and uninterrupted continuous presence in the area inhabited by members of the nation is one of the key components of nationhood myths.[7] In the post-Yugoslav region, this largely meant "rediscovering" an ancient past, along with emphasising the "golden era" of the nation. Our analysis below thus focuses primarily on nationalizing memory at the official (state) level, though we also comment on the role of non-state actors and international processes in supporting or opposing state memory politics, as well as their manifestation in popular culture. While the role of the state is still most important in establishing hegemonic narratives of the nation, other non-state actors actively participate in promoting or opposing these narratives, while international processes such as Europeanisation and the ICTY proceedings importantly affect state memory politics. The post-Yugoslav region is frequently taken as a textbook example of how states can harness the past as a tool for the needs of the present. [Extracted from the article]

In November 2006, a special law approved the status of the Holodomor as a genocide against the Ukrainian people and public denial of the Holodomor was deemed illegal.[12] Since then, the legislature has undertaken thirteen attempts to criminalize public denial of Holodomor as such or as a genocide[13] (all of them failed, however). The Great Famine of 1932-33 (called Holodomor or "murder by hunger") and the Holocaust both occurred on the territory of contemporary Ukraine in the 1930s-40s. Holodomor and the Holocaust on the Ukrainian Memory Map Since the mid-1980s, Holodomor has evolved from a taboo topic to an all-national sacral symbol and one of the constituting national historical myths. Needless to say, the recognition of Holodomor as genocide by Israel is a matter of special importance - while Israeli politicians and statespersons, readily recognize Holodomor as a tragedy and crime against humanity, they also see these claims as a challenge to the idea of the uniqueness of the Holocaust. [Extracted from the article]