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Introduction For over the past two decades, Iran has experienced a total fertility rate below the replacement level (Alimoradian et al., 2023) with the ideal number of children hovering around 2.5 (Razeghi Nasrabad & Abbasi-Shavazi, 2020). Concurrently, there has been a notable rise in women's involvement in higher education and the labor market within the social landscape of Iran. In this context, education and employment can be perceived as potential constraints that may at times conflict with the decision to start a family. This study aimed to delve into the challenges related to childbearing faced by working women. Materials & Methods This study adopted a qualitative research approach, conducting in-depth interviews with 22 employed mothers in Tehran. The participants were selected through purposive sampling to ensure maximum diversity and interviews continued until theoretical saturation was achieved. The data were analyzed using thematic analysis. Discussion of Results & Conclusion The study's findings unveiled 4 primary themes and 10 sub-themes concerning the challenges faced by working women in relation to childbearing: challenges at work, child-rearing challenges, economic challenges, and children's education challenges. The theme of challenges at work encompassed 3 sub-themes: anti-maternal administrative structure, work-family conflict, and glass ceiling. The anti-maternal administrative structure pertained to the absence of supportive conditions for balancing work and childbearing despite the existence of protective laws in Iran, such as reduced working hours, maternity leave, and breastfeeding hours for women. However, the study's participants perceived these laws as inadequate and lacking reliable enforcement. Long working hours, bringing work home, dissatisfaction of spouses and children due to extended work hours, feelings of fatigue, low vitality, and unhappiness served as evidence of work-to-family conflict. The glass ceiling denoted gender discrimination in the workplace that impeded women from advancing to higher positions. Examples of the glass ceiling included wage disparities, lack of family benefits, denial of family share of supplementary insurance to women, discrimination in managerial roles or job promotions, and limited number of female managers, particularly mothers with young children. The participants encountered various economic challenges, such as high living costs, limited housing space, especially for families with two children, expensive private schooling and extracurricular activities, high housing rent and mortgage payments, prolonged installments for home purchases, inflation, and economic downturn. They viewed their employment as crucial for addressing these challenges, often expressing that without employment, they would face hardship and poverty. The theme of childrearing challenges encompassed 3 sub-themes: "child care concern," "breastfeeding and child nutrition issues", "child upbringing concern", and "environmental and social insecurity". The working women in this study had encountered difficulties in caring for their children, particularly those under 6 years old and those in primary school. Mothers with children under 6 years of age highlighted challenges related to arranging childcare, including the transition of kindergartens from workplaces to the private sector. Additionally, the participants reported various issues concerning breastfeeding and child nutrition, such as negotiating with administrators to use breastfeeding facilities, early cessation of breastfeeding, irregular and inadequate feeding, and increased consumption of fast food by their children due to the mothers' limited time and late arrival at home. The theme of challenges related to children's education comprised 2 sub-themes: "inefficiency of family support policy in the education system" and "weakness in educational content." All participants, including women without children, highlighted this challenge and discussed the issues and concerns of their relatives, friends, and colleagues. Mothers expressed concerns about the Ministry of Education's neglect of the limitations faced by working mothers, high cost of educational devices, such as tablets or phones for online classes, mismatch of school and work hours, school closures due to weather conditions, and lack of time to assist children with homework and lessons. A significant concern for mothers with elementary school children was incompatibility of work and school hours as work typically ended at 4:00 p.m. while public schools closed at 12:30. This situation led some families to enroll their children in private schools where they could stay until the end of the workday and be supervised by the school staff. Additionally, parents were worried about their prolonged absence from their children, the need to provide internet access and devices, such as tablets or mobile phones for online schooling (during the coronavirus epidemic or air pollution days), and potential exposure of children to inappropriate content through movies, books, and materials unsuitable for their age. Ultimately, the research findings revealed that the employed women had encountered a multitude of challenges across various facets of their lives, particularly following the birth of a child. Additionally, the results indicated that the administrative framework tended to disregard the maternal role of working women. Aligned with institutional theory (Scott 2014), the normative expectations and gender stereotypes within the cultural context of Iranian society allocated the primary responsibility for family provision and livelihood to men, while domestic work, childcare, and the care of other family members were predominantly assigned to women. These circumstances had led the women in this study to opt for having fewer children as a coping mechanism. Developing programs and policies to alleviate these conflicts and challenges represents an effective strategy for promoting increased childbearing among working women.

Maryam Alimoradian , Hajiieh Bibi Razeghi Nasrabad * , Maliheh Alimondegari , Abbas Askari-Nodoushan Background and Objective: A basic factor in the reduction of fertility levels is delayed fertility. This research was carried out in Khorramabad, Lorestan Province, Iran. Methods: This descriptive-analytical study was conducted on 535 married women aged 15-49 years in Khorramabad. The data were collected face-to-face through a cross-sectional survey in 2020 using a researcher-made questionnaire between September and December 2019. This study used the Kaplan-Meier test to determine the childlessness survival time. A logistic parametric model with the gamma shared frailty distributions was employed to analyze its determinants. Results: The mean of childlessness survival time was 31.76 months, with a median of 24 months. Women in the age group of 15 to 30 years, women with university education, women who married at the age of less than 25 years, and women with a higher sense of socioeconomic insecurity had a longer childlessness survival time (P

Teleworking Linkage with Work Life Balance during the COVID 19 pandemic ‌Hajieh Bibi Razeghi Nasrabad[1]‌Abstract The purpose of this study was to explore the relationship between teleworking and work-family balance during the COVID-19 pandemic. The research employed a qualitative approach, and the sample included 27 women with children under 12 years old working at Tehran Municipality, Iran. Participants were selected through purposive sampling, ensuring maximum variety in terms of age, number of children, position, and type of contract. The sample size was determined based on theoretical saturation.The data collection method involved in-depth interviews, and thematic analysis was used for data analysis. The findings revealed that women tended to work more remotely than their husbands, leading to them shouldering the majority of the housework. According to the findings, the relationship between teleworking and work-family balance during the COVID-19 pandemic can be categorized into eight sub-themes and two main themes: "the gap between expectations and realities of teleworking" and "the potential to improve work-family balance."These findings suggest that telecommuting during the pandemic posed challenges due to a lack of infrastructure and requirements. Depending on individual family characteristics and the nature of the job, teleworking either enhanced family-work balance or contributed to work-family imbalance. Despite the numerous limitations and challenges faced by working mothers, the continuation of teleworking after the COVID-19 era, along with flexible work arrangements in terms of both time and location, is deemed essential for achieving a balanced family-work dynamic. ‌Keywords Teleworking, Work-famiy Balance, COVID-19, Employed Women, Housework. ‌‌Introduction‌In recent years, the balance between work responsibilities and family life obligations has become a focal point in many societies. Research findings indicate that work-family conflict has adverse effects on individuals, families, and organizations. Duxbury and Higgins (1991) demonstrated that work-family conflict negatively impacts the quality of both work and family life, subsequently decreasing overall life satisfaction. Aryee, Fields, and Luk (1999) identified reduced job and family satisfaction as separate consequences of family-work and work-family conflicts, ultimately negatively affecting life satisfaction. Frone, Russell, and Cooper (1992) argued that work-family conflict, family anxieties, and family-work conflict lead to job anxiety, often resulting in depression.Teleworking has been proposed as an option to mitigate work-family conflicts in the literature. The expectation is that the flexibility in time and location provided by teleworking could reduce the challenges associated with work-family conflicts. The COVID-19 pandemic prompted a significant shift to telework globally, affecting various aspects of people's lives, particularly women (Galasso, 2020). The pandemic necessitated remote operations for many business departments and the performance of administrative tasks from home (Kaushik & Guleria, 2020).In Iran, teleworking regulations were initially approved in 2010 to increase productivity, work flexibility, and reduce government employees' commuting. Although the decree was canceled in 2012, the COVID-19 pandemic led to its revival with some modifications. In the new conditions of remote work during the pandemic, women are presumed to bear the brunt of non-paid work due to societal and cultural norms assigning them household and childcare responsibilities. Additionally, the labor market, characterized by lower wages and greater instability, is more accessible to women than men, making teleworking a more viable option for women (Lewis, 2020).Given women's growing interest in job opportunities and the prevalence of technology in various economic and social fields, analyzing different aspects of teleworking becomes crucial. This study aimed to explore the relationship between teleworking and work-life balance among women working in the municipality during the COVID-19 pandemic. MethodologyThe research employed a qualitative approach, utilizing phenomenology as the research method. The sample included 27 women with children under 12 years old working in Tehran Municipality, selected through purposive sampling with maximum variety. Data collection involved in-depth interviews, and thematic analysis was employed for data analysis. The interviews were conducted from February to May 2021. FindingsApplying Brown and Clark's methodology, 214 concepts were extracted, categorized into nine sub-themes and two main themes: "Gap between expectations and realities of remote work" and "Potential to improve work-family balance in post-corona conditions."The category "Gap between expectations and realities of remote work" comprised five sub-themes: "existence of stereotyped attitudes about the ideal employee and remote worker," "permeability of work and family boundaries," "gender stereotypes," and "stress caused by meeting job and family expectations."The category "Potential to improve family-work balance in post-coronavirus conditions" emerged from four sub-themes: "Teleworking is a symbol of family-friendly policy," "Opportunity to test extensive teleworking," "Increasing the efficiency of women in the two fields of employment and family," and "Potential change in social norms."Despite the challenges faced by working mothers in the family and work environment during teleworking, they expressed a desire for its continuation, viewing it as a mechanism to increase job and family satisfaction post-COVID-19. ResultsThe study's results indicated that working mothers encountered various challenges during teleworking, stemming from the unpreparedness of the family system and labor market for this mode of work. It is crucial to differentiate between "teleworking in normal conditions" and "teleworking in emergency conditions." In normal conditions, with children in school or daycare and a designated workspace at home, some challenges can be mitigated.Despite challenges, participants viewed teleworking as useful and necessary, advocating for its continuation. For effective implementation, considerations include a working mother's willingness, organizational support for coherent work plans, realistic expectations, awareness of potential mental health effects, and training in effective coping strategies.Many participants acknowledged the lack of a reduction in work efficiency during remote work but experienced job devaluation, loss of benefits, and limited access to office amenities. Policymakers are urged to ensure the proper implementation of teleworking laws, addressing issues such as access to technology, bonuses based on work type and efficiency, and the organization's trust in mothers during teleworking.Support for men's greater participation in housework and childcare is essential. Cultural, technological, and managerial enhancements are recommended to realize teleworking as an effective tool for improving the quality of life, work-family balance, and job productivity.This study was conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic, and the teleworking experiences were influenced by these conditions. Future research is suggested to investigate this issue among both men and women in post-pandemic conditions. [1]. Associate Professor of Demography, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Tehran & National Institute of Population Research, Tehran Iran, Email: hrazeghi@ut.ac.ir, (Corresponding Author)Submit Date: 2023/03/01 Accept Date: 2023/26/03

Background: The COVID-19 pandemic has caused a significant number of deaths in many countries around the world. This study provides an estimate of the effect of the COVID-19 epidemic on life expectancy and years of life lost (YLL) in Iran.Methods: This study is a secondary data analysis carried out in 2020. Mortality data from COVID-19 were obtained from the Ministry of Health and Medical Education. Since the calculation of mortality rates requires the number of people at risk of death, this data was obtained from the Statistics Center of Iran and was used after a detailed evaluation. The effect of COVID-19 on mortality is evaluated using the techniques of a multi-decrement life table and the corresponding single-reduction life table. The YLL is calculated using the standard method provided by the World Health Organization.Results: Analysis of mortality data showed that deaths due to COVID-19 could reduce life expectancy at birth by 1.4 years in 2020. Therefore, life expectancy at birth declined from 75.1 years to 73.7 years. Furthermore, the deaths due to COVID-19 from the outbreak to early February 2021 have caused about 800,000 years of YLL, which is almost as much as the YLL caused by cancers and tumors. Conclusion: A decrease in life expectancy at birth by more than one year in countries with a life expectancy of over 70 years, such as Iran, can delay the increase in life expectancy for several years.

Introduction: Iran has experienced a dramatic fertility decline in recent decades. The Total Fertility Rate (TFR) reached the below-replacement level in 2000 and further declined to 1.8 in 2011 before rising to around 2.1 by 2016 and then falling to 1.8 by 2019. Tehran city has been a vanguard of low fertility as the TFR has been around 1.5 children per woman in recent years. As fertility falls to a low level, the second and higher birth intervals increase which could have significant impacts on the level of fertility. Various theories and hypotheses have explained low fertility. Recently, however, gender equity has emerged as a key link in explaining the phenomenon of low fertility (Cook 2003; McDonald 2000). Based on gender equity theory, many women, especially those with higher education and career prospects, may see their role as mothers and wives in conflict with other roles under the influence of new egalitarian ideas they have acquired in person-centered institutions. Therefore, they try to limit their fertility because fertility takes a lot of time and energy from them. Thus, low fertility rates will continue unless gender equity in family-centered institutions increases much faster than in the past. In the context of high gender equity in individual-centered institutions, higher gender equity in family-oriented social institutions will lead to increased fertility. Failure to change gender roles in family life, while women want to take advantage of more economic and educational opportunities, leads to reduced fertility (McDonald 2000). Three aspects of gender equity in the family, including the spouse's participation in household chores, women's attitudes toward gender roles, as well as the spouse's support and participation in the affairs of children, are valuable in explaining fertility decline (Bianchi, et al. 2000; Mills, et al. 2008). Recent studies in low-fertility settings have attributed long birth intervals and low fertility to gender role attitudes and role division within the family (Fukuda 2017; Miettinen et al 2011). This study aims to investigate the effect of the gender division of labor and attitudes on the second birth interval in Tehran city. Materials and Methods:This study used a sub-sample of data from the ‘Iran Fertility Transition Survey’ conducted in five provinces of Iran (including Tehran) in 2017. The sample comprised 363 married women aged 15-49 years old and had at least one child in Tehran city. The Kaplan-Meier test was used to determine the second birth interval. To investigate its relationship with attitude and gender division of labor, survival models including Cox proportional, exponential, Weibel, Gompertz, Log Normal Logl Logistic, and Gamma Generalized models were fitted. In order to consider the dependence on survival times, a common fragility model with gamma distribution was tested. Based on the Akaik criterion, the generalized gamma model was selected as the most appropriate model. Discussion of Results and Conclusions: The results showed that the median time of first birth to second birth among the sample was 84 months. Based on cumulative survival ratios within 120 months (10 years) of the time of first birth, 70% of women had a second child, meaning that 30% of them were likely to remain single-child. According to the results, one-third of women indicated that their husbands were involved in taking care of their children. Regarding the division of household affairs, 86% of women did the housework (cleaning, cooking, etc.) alone and only 14% did it with the participation of their husbands. In addition, about half of the women had egalitarian gender attitudes, and less than a third had traditional gender attitudes.According to Kaplan Meyer's estimates, the median interval between the first and second birth among women who do the housework alone and take care of the children alone is 6 and 2 months longer, respectively, than the women whose husbands participate in such matters. The analyses revealed also a significant relationship between gender attitudes and second birth interval. Women with an egalitarian attitude delayed their second birth by about 30 months more than other women. The results of multivariate analysis with the generalized gamma model also showed that having a modern gender attitude increases the second birth interval.Participation of men in domestic work had no significant effect on the second birth interval. Despite the transition of the society from traditional to modern in many respects, due to the dominance of patriarchal structures and low gender equity in the family, the division of household chores based on gender remains, and women are mainly responsible for housework. Even after controlling for employment situation, there was no significant relationship between the division of labor in the home and the interval between the first and second birth. This finding may have been influenced by the small sample size in the participatory category, given that the majority of women do housework alone, and thus, the statistical analysis did not show a significant difference between the independent variables and the second birth timing. However, after controlling for contextual variables and socio-economic characteristics, the results showed that gender division of labor in child affair had a significant effect on the second birth interval, and the lower participation of men in child affairs increased the second birth interval.The results also revealed that such variables as education, the ideal number of children at the time of marriage, and the interval between marriage to first birth had a significant effect on the second birth interval. Having a diploma degree and lower as compared to those with higher levels of education has reduced the second birth interval. The ideal number of children at the time of marriage also had a decreasing effect, as those with a higher ideal number of children at the time of marriage had a lower second birth interval. Furthermore, those with a longer interval between marriage and the first birth experienced a longer second birth interval. Finally, there was a significant difference between the second birth interval by marriage cohort. Those who married in the 1980s experienced a shorter birth interval as compared to the 2000s marriage cohort.According to McDonald (2000) and Goldshider (2000), the conflict between behavior and attitudes in the family and society can be the source of change in family decisions, the formation of low fertility intentions and behaviors, including delay in fertility and increasing the interval between births leading to smaller family norm and size. The findings of this article are in line with the theory of gender equity as having egalitarian gender attitudes and unequal division of care of children has led to a delay in the second birth. In other words, having egalitarian gender attitudes among women only leads to increased fertility when males also participate in decision making as well as household and children affairs. Giving or taking responsibility for housework by women is rooted in a gender ideology that is different or even conflicting with the gender ideology of women today. Therefore, such a difference in attitude and behavior can lead to a longer interval between births and low fertility behaviors and intentions in Tehran city. In order to implement policies to increase fertility, in addition to striving for a sustainable economy and providing an optimistic outlook for the future, family-friendly policies must embrace a broad framework of cultural values that support men's participation in domestic affairs and reduce gender inequality, thereby preventing further delay on the second birth interval leading to fertility increase.

The optimal use of human resources in the labor market requires recognizing the variables that affect individuals' job preferences. Job preferences indicate the hierarchical superiority of some characteristics of a job over other characteristics related to an individual (Amabaill, 1994: 953). In fact, job preferences demonstrate what job each person expects to get in the future according to his/her skills and education. Preferring a decent job in accordance with an individual’s skills, interests, and expertise can flourish his/her talents, accelerate the process of performing tasks, increase productivity in the society and accelerate its development wheel. However, if the job choice is not done properly, it could lead to job dissatisfaction, reduced efficiency, enhanced costs in the workplace, weakening of values, norms, and organizational goals in relation to individuals, and social distrust (Moeidfar et al., 2005: 130). The range of job characteristics includes its external and internal aspects. The external aspect is related to income, security, and job position. The internal aspect is related to the mental understanding of whether the job is inherently interesting and if it is good for the community or for others. Also, in another classification of jobs, the main features related to the aspects of job autonomy, such as independent employment opportunities and control of work organization or working time, are considered (Davoine, Erhel, and Guergoat, 2008; Handel, 2005; Ros, Schwartz, and Surkiss, 1999). Although it has been assumed that economic motivation is often important to the employed person, much research in the social sciences has shown significant changes in job-related values. The present research focused on job capacity for providing social integration, social structure of daily life, and a creative and innovative atmosphere, giving meaning to life, and contributing to the development of the society (Jahoda, 1982). Job preferences were first measured by Jurgensen at the Minnesota Gas Company in 1945 (Jurgensen, 1945) and its questionnaire was completed in 1975 (Agent, 1975). The agent-based job preference questionnaire states what one’s job preferences are in order of priority. The questions are related to promotion opportunities, type of company (public, private, or cooperative), income, type of job, job security, salary and benefits, working hours, supervisor, co-workers, and working conditions. Amabil et al. (1994) divided job preferences into two categories: internal and external preferences. Internal preferences lead to a particular job due to internal feelings like desire to succeed or desire to gain experience. Based on external preferences, a person tends to a particular profession to access external factors, such as encouragement and avoidance of punishment. In recent years, various studies have focused on job preferences in terms of importance of work quality and higher levels of job satisfaction (Pichler and Wallace, 2009; Westover, 2012), life satisfaction (Drobnič, Beham, and Präg, 2010), physical health (Aronsson and Blom, 2010), and welfare (Esser, 2017; Eurofound, 2012). Overall, individuals’ job preferences seem to be of fundamental importance in terms of work motivation and individual well-being (Esser and Lindh, 2018: 143).The main purpose of this study was to investigate young people’s job preferences and identify the socio-demographic characteristics affecting their job preferences. Also, the system of young people’s job preferences was studied and the socio-demographic characteristics affecting it were identified in Isfahan as one of the central and major cities of Iran. According to the Statistics Center of Iran (2016), the population of Isfahan Province was equal to 5120850 people, of which 1629475 people (31.5%) were in the age group of 18-35 years. Also, the economic growth was 46.1% based on the results of the Labor Force Survey (2020). Materials & MethodsThis research was based on a survey method. The data collection tool was a researcher-made questionnaire and the sample size was 400 young people aged 18-35 years in 2020. Also, a multi-stage cluster sampling proportional to the population size was undertaken using quotas.Despite the limitations of Covid-19 pandemic in 2020, the questionnaires were completed in full compliance with all health protocols during the absence of critical outbreak (orange and red). For data analysis, SPSS software (version 22) and AMOS software were applied. In addition, statistical tests, including mean comparison (t-test and one-way analysis of variance), calculation of correlation coefficient (Pearson and Spearman), and regression and structural equation model were employed. The dependent variable of the research was job preference and the independent variables included education, parents' education, gender, socio-economic class, future job security, method of choosing a job, work experience, and family and friends’ guidance.In this study, to assess the young people’s job preferences, an agent questionnaire with the two items of degree of difficulty and comfort of job (having a job without stress) was utilized. In addition, 4 general factors were summarized by using factor analysis. The first factor, the economic dimension of work, which was confirmed by Cronbach's alpha coefficient of 0.762, included the items of income, job security, job benefits, and opportunity of job promotion. Considering the work-family balance, the second factor, which was confirmed by Cronbach's alpha coefficient of 0.689, included working hours during the week, possibility of balancing between work and family affairs, and workplace conditions such as distance or proximity to the residential place, leave benefits, and type of company (public, private, or cooperative). The third factor, which dealt with the social dimension of work and its characteristics and was confirmed by Cronbach's alpha coefficient of 0.689, consisted of co-workers’ moral characteristics, having a good and considerate supervisor, and having a job without stress and risks. The fourth factor, which was confirmed by Cronbach's alpha coefficient of 0.641, was the inherent nature of job, including the degree of difficulty and comfort of job, type of job, job interest, and possibility of increasing a sense of self-fulfillment. Discussion of Results & ConclusionsThe findings showed that the female respondents considered the dimensions of the nature of work and balance between work and family, the economic dimension of work, and the social dimension of work as important factors, while the male respondents regarded the economic dimension of work, the dimensions of the nature of work and work balance between work and family, and the social dimension of work, respectively. In fact, the priorities of the female respondents in choosing a job were interest, income, job security (having a job without stress and job risks), job conditions (work place and time), type of company (public, private, or cooperative), and the opportunity for promotion or career advancement, respectively. The priorities of the male respondents were the income, sense of job security, interest, job benefits, working conditions and hours, degree of difficulty and comfort, moral characteristics of colleagues, and type of company, respectively.The findings indicated the significant relationships of the variables of education, family and friends’ guidance, work experience, socio-economic class, job security, job selection, and gender with the mentioned dimensions of job preferences. Based on the multivariate analysis performed by using the regression and structural equation model, the variables of job security, job selection, education, and gender were identified as determinants of the dimensions of job preferences. According to the research results, it is recommended that academic career counseling be provided in accordance with the needs of the labor market, as well as job security by the employer since employers can be satisfied with their employments when guiding applicants to choose their desired jobs.

Introduction Population aging is a global and unprecedented phenomenon caused by socio-economic development and affects many countries, both developing and developed ones (UN, 2009). The way of adapting to changes in the age structures of the population could have a significant impact on the quality of life of people in the community, especially the elderly. Aging is often associated with many changes such as the family structure and living arrangements, work patterns and transition to retirement, health status, and even identity changes (Forster & Morris, 2012). Some elderly are able to adapt well to such changes and have successful aging, but some elderly cannot; as a result, many problems could arise in their physical, mental, and social health. The issue of successful and active aging has been the focus of researchers and policymakers to explain why some people in the old age are healthy, happy, satisfied, and adaptable to others, and what mechanisms and processes lead to such differences. Active aging is a concept introduced by the World Health Organization in 1990, which means the process of optimizing opportunities for health, participation, and safety as people live longer. Being active not only means continuing physical activity and participation in the workforce, but also continuing participation in activities related to the society, politics, culture, spirituality, and citizenship. According to this approach, even the elderly with disabilities can actively participate in the family and community. Active aging has a variety of determinants that surround the family, the individual, and the nation (Tareque et al., 2014). According to the 2016 census in Iran, there are 7414091 people aged 60 and over comprising 9.27% of the total population. Studies show that during the last two decades, the growth rate of the elderly population of the country has accelerated faster than the growth of the total population; in the near future, a change in the population structure towards aging is expected. This study examines the socio-demographic and economic determinants of active aging among retirees. Materials and Methods This cross-sectional study was conducted in 2016 on 350 retirees of government offices in Babol city of Mazandaran province. The data collection tool was a researcher-made questionnaire which was designed based on three other standardized questionnaires. These questionnaires included: 1) The Quality of Life Questionnaire by the World Health Organization (WHOQOL-BREF); 2) The Lipad Elderly Quality of Life Questionnaire, prepared by Diego et al. in 1998 and was used in three cities (Leiden in the Netherlands, Padua in Italy, and Helsinki in Finland); and 3) The Social Health Questionnaire developed by Keys in 2004 at the MacArthur Science Foundation in the United States. In the present study, the dependent variable is active aging which includes three dimensions of health, safety, and participation. It was measured with 42 items on the Likert scale. In the final analysis, it became a distance variable with a score ranged from 42 to 210. Independent variables in this study included age, gender, level of education, employment status, income level, number of children, social capital, living arrangements, and intergenerational social support. The SPSS-24 software was employed to analyze the data at a significance level of 0.05. Discussion of Results and Conclusions The results of the present study showed that the average active aging index of men was higher than women. Retirees (those who lived with their spouses and their children, those with a university degree, and those who were re-employed after retirement) had the highest average active aging. Based on the results of multivariate analysis, the variables of intergenerational social support and age had a significant inverse effect on active aging. With the increase of social capital, the score of active aging increases. Furthermore, the level of household income above ten and a half million Rials and the level of diploma and higher education had a positive and significant relationship with active aging. Non-resident living arrangements led to an increase in the active aging index score. Older age was also associated with a decrease in the active aging score. Based on the results of path analysis, the social capital variable with the highest beta coefficient (0.545) followed by education and household income level were more important in predicting changes in active aging. According to the coefficient of determination, 51.7% of the total active aging changes were explained by the variables tested in this study. Active aging requires policy-making and strategic planning that addresses the quality of life of individuals throughout life. Improving the level of social capital of people before reaching old age could lead to an increase in life expectancy along with the health and well-being of the elderly. In the current situation, due to the inadequacy of social protection system for the elderly in proportion to the increase in the elderly population, encouraging and institutionalizing intergenerational support of children to elderly parents is an inevitable necessity.

Background & aim: A number of studies have addressed the positive effects of parental gender preferences for children on fertility in Iran. However, new demographic situations have left two questions unanswered: whether parents demonstrate gender preferences for children in a modern low-fertility society and if so whether such a preference is a strong predictor of the probability of having another child. Methods: This cross-sectional survey was conducted on 450 married men and women residing in Tehran, Iran in 2014. The Data collection tool included a self-structured questionnaire entailing a demographic information form, fertility intention, and gender preference-related data. The data were analyzed in SPSS Software (version 24) using cross tabulation estimation and logistic regression. Results: 22.2% of men and 17.11% of women were reported to be in favor of having daughter, while 12.9% of men and 14% of women preferred son. Moreover, gender preference was found to have no significant effect on fertility intention. However, the women with same-sex children were 3.17 times more likely to desire another child, compared to those who have different sex composition (OR=3.178, P value= 0.000). Furthermore, the men in the age groups of ≤30 and 31-40 desired to have another child, compared to older men. Conclusion: While a preference for son is rooted in Iranian culture, a new gender preference is emerging with a strong tendency toward having a girl. However, gender preference was not a driving force in the continuation of fertility in the context of low fertility of Tehran.

This article focuses on the experience of employed women's lives from the combination of native roles with employee roles. The required data were collected through in-depth interviews with 28 married women with children lower 10 years of age in Tehran city in 2017. The findings are in the form of two core categories, eight sub-themes and 19 concepts that have been extracted from 580 words. The findings showed that employed mothers, due to having at least one child less than 10 years of age who needed more care and support. Their common sense of combination of work and family is perceived conflict between work and family. In this situation, their understanding of the family environment is relatively supportive; the workplace is indifferent and contradictory, the community environment is the low social support. The strategies women use to reduce conflicts are mostly individual, and the result of this is a form of compulsory adaptation with the under categories of the feeling of sacrifice (self or spouse and child), double-effort to compensate for remaining work, reduce fertility, and reduce responsible social responses. Despite the pleasure of employed mothers to feel empowered and helpful because of multiple roles, less supportive structures make them less likely to benefit from out-of-home employment. The study's results are widely used in policy making to facilitate the combination of work and home affairs and increase the participation of women in economic activities and promote the country's development goals.

Background: Total fertility rate has fallen below the replacement level in 2006 in Iran. In family demographic research, gender attitude is considered as an affecting factor to understand low fertility intention. The present study aimed to investigate the relationship between men’s gender attitudes and their fertility intention. Methods: The data were drawn from a survey entitled "Married Lifestyle and its Determinants in Tehran City in 2015" using multi-stage cluster sampling method and a structured questionnaire. 618 married men were selected with wives aged between 15 to 49 years. Crammers V estimate and logistic regression were used in bivariate and multivariable analysis in IBM SPSS Statistics for Windows, Version 22.0. Results: The results showed that 249 (40.3%) of the men in Tehran had egalitarian gender attitudes and 141 (22.8%) of them had traditional gender attitudes. The mean number of intended children in traditional men was 2.1, but 1.6 in egalitarian men. Multivariate logistic regression showed that gender attitudes had a significant impact on the intention to have a(nother) child only in one-child men. The odds ratio of intention to have a(nother) child was lower among egalitarian men (OR=0.271, P=0.016(. Conclusion: Men’s gender attitudes on their fertility intention vary across parities. In one-child men, egalitarian gender attitudes are related to low fertility intention.

Women's age at the time of first child increased in Iran in recent years, women tend to have their first child at more interval of marriage. With postponement in childbearing a new stage of childlessness is created in people's life course. Some recent demography studies have shown that women have first birth within about 4 years of their marriage and do not tend to more delay. The aim of this paper is the recognition of women's attitudes about appropriate maternal age at the time of the first birth. The other purpose of this paper is to identify the mechanisms that prevent further delay in first birth. The results shown that appropriate age for having first birth is mid-20s, and in particular 24 years. Having a child at a late age (over 30) is considered by most participant as a nonnormative event . The reasons for short postponement have two dimension of emotional and social. Emotional dimension is related to the women's emotional needs to motherhood and love –child. Social dimension which is indirectly prevented further delay, is influenced by some social control mechanisms such as infertility stigma, social disapproval along with reducing continued interaction with family.

Background and Objective: Infertility is one of the issues that affect many aspects of infertile couples. In this study current infertility in Tehran province is estimated based on clinical, epidemiological and demographic definitions. Methods: This descriptive-analytical study was performed on 669 women with a spouse aged 15-49 in Tehran, Iran during 2020. Data were collected by using a valid researcher-made questionnaire. Results: Prevalence of current infertility by clinical, epidemiological and demographic definitions was 9.6%, 8.1% and 5.8%, respectively. As expected, primary infertility is lower (2%-4%) than secondary infertility (1.8%-6.4%). Some couples become infertile after their first pregnancy and the birth of their first child. Infertility has a significant relationship with age (P

Objectives: In recent decades, fertility has decreased significantly in Iran. In many countries, childlessness is one of the major causes of low fertility. Thus, the present study focused on whether we are facing a dramatic increase in voluntary and involuntary childlessness in Iran that leads to lower fertility. Materials and Methods: Using secondary data analysis of 2000 and 2011 Iran Demographic and Health Survey (IDHS) and Individual Level Data from the 1996-2016 Census Sample Files, the study aimed to estimate childlessness and to assess the level of voluntary and involuntary childlessness in Iran. The Kaplan-Meier survival function was also used to estimate the percentage of women who fail to have a first birth after marriage. Results: According to the census data, the proportion of childless women within the age group of 15-39 increased during 1991- 2016. In contrast, the rate of lifetime childlessness remained around 4% by 2011 and then raised slightly by 2016 and reached 5%. The survival function of childlessness showed that only 4 and 6.5% of women in 2000 and 2011 remained childless after 10 years of marriage, respectively. Conclusions: With regard to the low lifetime childlessness rate, advances in the health system, and ideal fertility above two children, it was concluded that the fertility decline in Iran is associated with a decrease in the number of large families and the long birth interval and no rise in childlessness. Although providing support for infertile couples is important, any exaggerated claim about voluntary and involuntary childlessness leads to the adaption of inappropriate and ineffective policies toward increasing fertility.