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Is there a political theology of revolution in Carl Schmitt or is his political theology only and exclusively autocratic? Schmitt sees the key to revolutionary politics in the construction of the idea of the people as a constituent power. This idea, and the first event it produced, namely, the French Revolution, not only establishes a concrete state of exception but also makes exceptionality both at the same time a constituent and a de-constituent element of the political order of the Modern State. The exception goes from coming from “outside” the political order to being integrated into it as an element of stasis, that is to say, of destabilization. Hence, all modern politics, under the mask of legality, become permanently revolutionary. This article analyses the juridical genealogy and the theological–political transfers involved in the construction of the modern revolutionary political era that follows from Schmitt’s insights.

The article "What is a Classic in History? The Making of a Historical Canon" addresses the definition of a classic in history and its inclusion in a canon. The author, Jaume Aurell, explores the criteria that determine which works are considered classics and why they deserve to be in the reading canon. Concepts such as durability, canon, historical genres, and genealogy are analyzed, highlighting the importance of historical writing and its relevance for understanding society. The book proposes an interdisciplinary vision that encompasses philosophy, literature, sociology, and biblical studies to understand the importance of classics in history. [Extracted from the article]

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This article discusses the concept of charisma in the Middle Ages, tracing its origins back to St. Paul in the first century. Charisma was originally seen as a special gift from God that enabled believers to perform extraordinary feats for the benefit of the community. However, the meaning of charisma has evolved over time, with Max Weber redefining it as captivating attractiveness or charm that enables one to engage in leadership roles. This special issue of Religions analyzes the concept of charisma in the Middle Ages, examining its theories, practices, and representations in various disciplines such as history, art history, and political philosophy. The articles in this collection aim to provide a nuanced understanding of charisma in the medieval context, free from anachronistic definitions. [Extracted from the article]

The article addresses the question of whether Derrida in his political theology can be considered an "unfaithful" reader of Schmitt. While Derrida does not quote Schmitt's Political Theology, some of his assertions are reminiscent of Schmitt's disciplinary use of political theology. Indeed, Schmitt's account of the relationship between exception, decision, and sovereignty was abundantly discussed in Derrida's last seminar, The Beast and the Sovereign. Derrida attempts in this seminar to deconstruct the sovereignty of the nation-state and its onto-theologico-political foundation. The question I raise in this article is whether, in previous years, Derrida himself had not implicitly made a different political theology that, considering the negative theological path, develops an alternative idea of power. The hypothesis explored is that this alternative paradigm is derived from one of the names of the impossible: the gift. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his book Le portrait du roi, Louis Marin seems to continue Ernst Kantorowicz's work on the Middle Ages, extending it to Early Modernity. Marin's book adds another body to the historical and juridical political bodies of Kantorowicz's King described in The Two King's Bodies, namely the portrait of the King. According to Marin, this body drives the interchange between the historical and juridical bodies; hence, the absolutist king has three bodies in one: the historical, the semiotic-sacramental, and the juridical. Following Kantorowicz and Marin's argumentative line, this paper addresses the ways in which absent or dead bodies can act politically, in particular, the shift in political legitimation that goes hand in hand with the transition from a politics of relics to a politics of images. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]