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In this essay, we comment on two highly visible, popular tweets in our datasets around the #hijab that were flagged as highly popular in October 2022. These two tweets are demonstrative of two types of commonly visible strategies on social media—one based on a strategy of intentional context collapse and the other performative activism that serves to extract value for the Twitter user through selective allyship. The essay is taken from a larger investigation around the hashtaggification of "hijab" in 2022 that looks at debates and discussions specifically around two contexts that collide through #hijab—one context is from India and another from Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the final season of the Norwegian drama series Skam ("Shame") (2015–2017), the protagonist Sana, navigating in a secular, liberal youth culture, is a practicing Muslim wearing the hijab. The series is analysed as an instance of public religious education focusing on the issue of representation. This approach is informed by the ethical turn in narrative studies, warranting and problematising representations of the other. Stigmatisation and normalising strategies are examined and discussed as part of the plot structure with an emphasis on the portrayal of Sana. The series presents a process towards self-determination in a distinct portrait of a young, Muslim woman's agency. Liberal values are privileged, and the issue of racism is put aside. In the development of the plot, stigmatisation is subject to depoliticisation, bringing forward a utopian vision of a liberal, diverse society. While the series turns out to be a rich, educational resource, Skam calls for critical explorations within a reflexive religious education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research focuses on the phenomenon of hijab cosplay as a fashion trend in popular culture and the representation of identity among Muslim women who combine cosplay and hijab. This research uses qualitative method with perceptual phenomenology approach, which aims to understand how Communication Theory of Identity developed by Michael Hecht and his colleagues in analyzing the identity of a hijab cosplayer by understanding it through four layers: personal layer, endorsement layer, communal layer, and relational layer. Data were collected through in-depth interviews with purposively selected hijab cosplayers, participant observation at cosplay events and observation of their activities on social media, and visual content analysis of photos and videos uploaded by participants on platforms such as Instagram. Triangulation of methods and data sources was used to increase the validity of the research findings, while member checking and peer debriefing were conducted to ensure the accuracy of interpretations. The results of this study show that the existence of hijab cosplay as a fashion trend in popular culture reflects a complex identity dynamic in which individuals successfully combine elements of religion and popular culture in their expression. Despite the challenges, hijab cosplayers have opened up a new space within the cosplay community, expanding the definition and acceptance of different forms of cultural expression. With the support of social media, this trend continues to grow, contributing significantly to intercultural dialogue and inclusivity in the global community. Therefore, the use communication theory of identity is very useful in understanding the identity formation process of hijab cosplayers in depth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Muslim women wearing simple headscarves (hijab) have been at the center of intense public scrutiny for several decades in many European countries, and they experience widespread ordinary forms of gendered and racialized discrimination. Our study of veiled Muslim women's reported experiences of stigmatization in France and Switzerland identifies types of interactions that we conceptualize as pedagogies of coloniality. These interactions follow similar scripts in which interlocutors, who are members of the majority group, ask hijabi women to unveil or to veil differently even though it is not legally required in the context of the interaction. Our concept aims at analyzing more precisely how Islamophobia works at the intersection of race, religion, gender and age in everyday interactions aimed at disciplining visibly Muslim women. By identifying essentialization, scrutiny and mimicry as pedagogies of coloniality, we show that Islamophobia is a form of racism deeply shaped by coloniality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the connection between Islam as episteme and the politics of the body, particularly the regulation of women’s embodiment. It argues that Islamic governance, influenced by both Shia and Sunni interpretations, heavily regulates female embodiment to extend social and political control, often at the expense of individual freedoms. Employing a synthesis of theoretical frameworks, including Foucault, Bourdieu, and Elias, with emphasis on Bourdieu, the study examines urban Hijab propaganda billboards in Iran and Afghanistan through visual semiotics to highlight how Islamic governance uses normalization and control of citizens’ bodies with focus on Hijab to exert power, discipline citizens, and establish their vision of a pious and stable Islamic society. This bodily regulation represents a significant impact of Islamic governance, eroding individual and social rights. By analyzing billboards, the study identifies mechanisms used to regulate bodies, highlighting Iran and Afghanistan’s policies as representative of political Islamic governance models in the Muslim world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I use posthumanism and autotheory to materialize the gendered, racialized and sexualized hair/her/stories of British-Muslim schoolgirls in my study. As an act of feminist indiscipline and a feminist transdisciplinary innovative practice, I entangle with those affective, material, embodied and embedded encounters and stories that grow, escape, flow and glow with the vital materiality of hair and her stories. Hair, as one of the transgressive data of my PhD research, emerged in various temporal, spatial and material contexts throughout our research encounters. Considering hair as having posthuman agency, I argue how it can enable different material relations in everyday lived experiences of Muslim schoolgirls with hijab, body, educational environments and practices. Inspired by the notion that theory can do more the closer it gets to the skin what I call Posthumanist autotheory, has emerged from the body-theory encounters. I use posthumanist autotheory to materialize how hair as the 'auto' and the more-than-human agency in autotheory grows and becomes matter, method and theory. In using posthumanist autotheory as a feminist transdisciplinary innovative and speculative affirmative approach, this paper hopes to enable knowledge shifts in participatory researching on gendered and racializing assemblages to those everyday ordinary economic, institutional, biological and medical matters and assemblages that constitute racism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article engages with the installation of the Iranian artist Minoosh Zomorodinia, Knots and Ripples (2017), through what we call “unsettling intimacies”. This concept is inspired by philosopher Mariana Ortega’s notion of “aesthetic unsettlement”. In our reworked application of the concept, we argue that in this mixed-media installation, an unsettling intimacy emerges that connects different tropes of Otherness (migrant and nature) in the context of global climate change. Through our engagement with the installation and conversations with the artist, we suggest that Knots and Ripples enacts a complex, posthuman, affective space of response-ability that draws on poetics, ethics and politics of affective communality beyond the boundaries of human and nonhuman. Following the artist’s conceptual metaphor of dakhil (tying a knot into a string for a wish to come true), and connecting it to unsettling intimacies, we engage with water as a posthuman figuration, one that connects an Iranian cultural practice, Islam, a hijab-wearing female artist, water vulnerabilities and more in hopes of liveable futures. Dakhil becomes a collective approach to the idea of thinking the world otherwise, that is to say a world-making practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how time and space influence the decision-making process (DMP) that hijabis (Muslim women who wear a headscarf or hijab) undergo when deciding whether to disclose their hijab to their manager. Drawing on 40 interviews with hijabis, whose identity is a source of significant stigmatization and discrimination in France, we show that, rather than being constrained by time and space, hijabis take advantage of these elements to foster their own agency. Three contributions to the literature emerge from our findings. First, the decision-making process can be broken down into three phases: conceptualization, planning, and actualization. Over the course of these three phases, specific steps are taken depending on whether or not hijabis wish to include their manager in their DMP. This is how hijabis take control of their disclosure decision, which must take the manager's reaction into account. Second, we demonstrate that hijabis focus on the temporal dimension when selecting the most appropriate point at which to share their decision. For the spatial dimension, we introduce the concept of transition space to convey the way hijabis construct a secure environment in which to make their decision. This space has four key characteristics: It is secluded and offers protection, it is flexible, it is essential, and it is a space of psychological distress. Finally, we show that identity management (IM) decisions incur material costs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the representation of radical and anti-radical ideologies among German Islamic TikTok creators, analyzing 2983 videos from 43 accounts through qualitative content analysis. The results reveal two main content clusters: religious practice involving social/lifestyle issues and political activism around Muslim grievances. Victimization, found in 150 videos, was the most common indicator associated with radicalization and emerged as a source of political activism and subversive discourse. Overall, indicators of radicalism were scarce, suggesting that visible mainstream Islamic creators do not exhibit high levels of radical ideology. However, this also reflects a selection bias in the design of this study, which systematically overlooks fringe actors. In addition, religious advocacy was the most common topic (1144 videos), serving as a source of guidance and motivation, but was occasionally linked to sectarianism and rigid religious interpretations. Male creators posted more religious/theological videos; female creators posted more lifestyle videos. However, gender distinctions are limited due to the low representation of female creators (6). Some topics, such as the hijab, served as an intersection between religious practice and politicized narratives. This study highlights TikTok's role in promoting diverse ideological views and shaping community engagement, knowledge sharing, and political mobilization within Germany's Muslim digital landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Hijab pin ingestion is common in the Kashmiri population, especially among young females. This is attributed to the tradition of wearing hijab in adolescent girls and young women. Aims and Objectives: The present study was conducted to identify the incidence of hijab pin ingestion in the Muslim females of Kashmir Valley. Materials and Methods: This study was conducted in the Department of General Surgery SKIMS Medical College, Bemina, Srinagar, from February 2022 to December 2023. It was a prospective study comprising 60 female patients above the age of 12 years having a history of accidental ingestion of hijab pins. History and clinical examination were followed by chest and abdominal radiographs. Data were collected and inferences were drawn. Results: The study included 60 patients presenting to the emergency with a history of accidental ingestion of pin. The majority of patients, that is, 30 (50%) were 25-35 years of age. Most patients 40 (67%) were asymptomatic at presentation with 20 (33.33%) patients presenting to the hospital within 2-3 h of ingestion. Foreign body (FB) had reached the small intestine in 22 (36.67%) patients at the time of presentation. Moreover, 1 (1.67%) patient had extraluminal migration of the FB. In our study, 46 patients had a normal passage of FB through the gastrointestinal tract. Most of the patients, that is, 46 (76.67%) were managed conservatively. Only 2 (6.67%) patients needed surgical intervention. Conclusion: FB ingestion is common among the young females of Kashmir Valley. Adequate follow-up is necessary to prevent long-term complications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beauty has become a precious commodity that the cosmetics business has captured by presenting the best image possible, particularly through advertising. The huge increase in the number of hijab wearers (hijabers) in Indonesia over the last few decades is one phenomenon to which the business has responded. This raises the topic of how religion is depicted in commercials for hijab shampoo products. These commercials are deconstructed to locate meaning, which leads to commodification practices using a semiotic approach, particularly Roland Barthes' examination of myth. The examination is then carried out from a sociological standpoint, using Karl Marx's idea of commodification. This qualitative research method uses content analysis on ten different hijab shampoo advertising from three different international manufacturers. The findings suggest that the advertisements are more than merely conveying the word that the product is useful for hair maintenance. There are also messages to wear the hijab regularly, that the hijab does not limit women's activities, and that hair health has ramifications for psychological disorders. The image depicted is a type of commodification in which the hijab is paired with cosmopolitanism, and the sacred significance of the headscarf itself is diminished. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to develop a model for improving business performance through the co-creation of value in hijab fashion MSMEs in West Java. Co-creation, which involves active collaboration between businesses and customers, has been recognized as a key factor in driving innovation and competitive advantage. By examining the role of co-creation in the context of micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs), particularly within the hijab fashion industry, this research seeks to identify the main drivers that enhance business performance. Data were collected through surveys and interviews with hijab fashion MSME owners and customers in West Java. Using statistical analysis, the study found that co-creation activities such as customer engagement, collaborative design, and shared experiences significantly contribute to improved customer satisfaction, product innovation, and overall business performance. The findings suggest that implementing co-creation strategies can help hijab fashion MSMEs achieve sustainable growth and maintain a competitive edge in the fashion market. This research contributes to the growing body of literature on co-creation value and MSME business performance improvement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Significant discrimination is directed towards Muslim women who dress modestly. Despite this, Muslims around the world continue to spend tens of billions of dollars on modest fashion. Past research in modest fashion has focused on modest fashion influencers, the industry or on veiling. Muslim women's everyday dress practices and their lived experiences have not been studied through an intersectional lens. Through an intersectional theoretical framework, this research uses wardrobe interviews with sixteen Muslim women to explore how they embody their identity through modest fashion, how intersectionality impacts their clothing choices and what contexts influence their sartorial decisions. Three themes emerge: what influences their style; how they shop and style outfits; and what consequences are faced. By prioritizing modesty as a sartorial practice, these women are diverting the western gaze, navigating away from superficial and oppressive western beauty ideals and challenging narrow Islamophobic stereotypes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Every Muslim is the brother of other Muslim and all the Muslims form one brotherhood. The Muslims constitutes one nation. In His last sermon, The Holy Prophet Hazrat Muhammad صلى الله عليه وسلمtaught this lesson to His Companions. Therefore, all Muslims in all over the world feel sympathy towards other Muslims. This brotherhood makes an unique relations to all Muslims. In International relations, all states focus to their national interests. They look forward welfare their citizens in other states. No minority can remain indifferent and isolated from its majority. The Muslim minorities living in the world in general and in the West in particular are facing many challenges. They are generally based on ethnic, religious, intellectual, cultural and other aspects. At present, among the problems that the Muslim minority is facing in the western culture and civilization, the blasphemy of the Religion and the Prophet, prohibition of Hijab, obstruction in the construction of Mosques, attacks on civilized values etc. are at the top. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the context of a misogynistic political establishment, the Iranian state's approach to women has become increasingly securitised in recent years. The Islamic Republic state, in fact, sees women as one of its biggest security threats, further deepening its securitisation of women and women's issues. This is most evident in relation to the official imposition of mandatory hijab, which vividly symbolises state ideology. The securitisation of women has occurred within the context of pervasive state misogyny and other officially sanctioned cultural notions that have accorded women second-class positions in the Islamic Republic's society. Despite its expansive system of state-sanctioned legal, political, ideological and cultural misogyny, however, the Islamic Republic has been unable to counter women's nonconformity to its dictates. Developments concerning and led by women themselves have challenged the official misogyny and its supporting ideological narrative. The state's inability and unwillingness to show ideological flexibility in this regard, and women's determined refusal to comply with the state, have combined to transform Iranian women into a national security threat to the state, one that it has so far been unable to effectively counter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ethnic minority job-seekers may have incentives to include or omit photographs from résumés depending on the social norms regarding this practice and the extent to which their outward appearances diverge from the majority group. To investigate minorities' incentives to engage in a specific type of résumé whitening––omitting photographs to avoid discrimination based on phenotypical traits or religious attire––we draw on data from an audit field experiment conducted between 2016 and 2018 in the Netherlands and Germany. Our analysis highlights the challenges for anticipating discrimination (and, thus, deciding to engage in résumé whitening) since it is difficult to predict employers' true preferences with respect to the inclusion of photographs. In the Netherlands, unveiled Turkish women were better off submitting their picture rather than omitting it, but the premium associated with the inclusion of photographs disappeared if they wore the Muslim headscarf. For unveiled Moroccan women, there was no discernible advantage or disadvantage associated with the inclusion of pictures in job applications. In contrast, in the German context, minority women with high prototypical appearance (brown phenotype or wearing the Muslim headscarf) would have incentives to omit their photographs from job applications, particularly if they wore the Muslim headscarf. For Moroccan and Turkish men in the two countries, the inclusion of pictures with different phenotypes does not affect employers' responses. To conclude, we explore the advantages and disadvantages of blind recruitment policies (i.e. omitting all ethnic identifying cues from résumés, including photographs and names) in the European context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The unexpected and rapid changes affected by modernity and globalization caused lots of challenges and contradictions in different areas such as religion and morality, especially in the case of women’s covers and hijab. In connection with that the preIslamic revolution’s generation of girls in Iran, are trying to contradict themselves with others by rethinking over the case of the hijab. This research, with the aim of analyzing the attitudinal differences of three decades of girls after the Islamic revolution about the case of hijab, has occurred by systematic analysis method using half-structured interviews with 29 women of Shiraz city. The demographic physiognomy of understudied women indicates that the majority have a university education with an average age of 25, and 13 people were constrained and 17 persons were against the hijab. The founded text of this research is categorized into 8 concepts/ variants, political device, affirmation of friends, family’s inner value, self-hijab, social occasion-based hijab, sexual discrimination hijab, and duty hijab. Therefore, what can be argued as the result of this study is that putting on a hijab and cover according to religious values and norms are still counted as a core factor of the Iranian Islamic lifestyle? Even though nowadays women are struggling with a hijab with the challenges of modernity and traditions, in the way that our young girl generation’s clothing style has been reviewed and different styles and clothes are to be seen. The schools of humanism and liberalism and the effect of the globalization phenomenon have changed the view on hijab in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social issues require a multifaceted approach to understand and deal effectively. The lack of a multi-dimensional approach leads to the presentation of one-dimensional policies, and as a result, social issues are not resolved. Among the social issues, there are many ups and downs of hijab in Iranian society. This article believes that one of the reasons for not solving the hijab issue is the lack of a multi-dimensional perspective in policy making in this area. In order to examine this failure in more detail, this article evaluates the approved policies during the last four decades from the perspective of eight theorists to examine the theoretical dimensions and nineteen active activists in the field with the aim of examining the difficulties of implementing policies in direct contact with the audience of the hijab arena. Is. Content analysis method has been used to analyze the participant's points. The result of the analysis of the conversation with the group of participants led to the central category of ill-considered policy, the result of two main concepts of the sovereign understanding of hijab and uneven confrontation. A sovereign understanding of the hijab means an independent understanding of the context and mind, which has led to a one-sided and political interpretation of the hijab. The consequence of such an understanding is the inconsistent confrontation with hijab in the channel of state-oriented politics (instead of problem-solving politics) and the contradictory confrontation of the government with women and men without approved hijab in certain political situations. What seems to be useful in correcting this process is the awareness of the sovereign policy makers regarding the damage caused by the one-dimensional view and the improvement of the knowledge of the policy makers and the policy-making process towards the multi-dimensional view and its requirements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The wearing of a headscarf and the veiling especially of the female face or the whole body is a universal phenomenon that occurs in different eras and in different regions and cultures. Today, wearing a headscarf has become a symbol of Islam, especially in Western countries, and is often met with Islamophobic rejection. In our study, using a qualitative interview, we questioned 25 young Muslim women of Turkish origin (between 18 and 25 years old, n = 25) living in Germany about their reasons for wearing or not wearing a headscarf and their experiences on account of this decision. The majority (n = 16) of the predominantly academically educated female participants do not wear a headscarf, primarily for reasons of female attractiveness, an internalized religiosity, and as an expression of the disintegration of the family hierarchy. All female respondents (n = 7) from families with divorced parents do not wear headscarves, while for the other female respondents (n = 9) who do not wear headscarves, the family seems to have a more liberal mindset. Reasons for wearing a headscarf are especially a religious attachment to Islam, fashionable self-confidence, and the wish to combine Western emancipation with the traditional dress code (in the form of a hybrid identity). These findings are considered against the background of a psychoanalytic reading of the Quranic suras on veiling (according to F. Benslama) and the Lacanian dialectic of the imaginary and symbolic phallus. The diversity of personal reasons can be described with the concept of a heterogeneous subjectivity, which arises from the clash of Western secular and Turkish-Islamic notions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Applied Business & Economics (JABE) is the property of Universitas Indraprasta PGRI and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines Iran's internal identity conflicts and its strategy to expand Shia influence in the Middle East. Iran's growing confidence in its regional power stems from its perceived victory in the prolonged confrontation with the United States and the belief that its constructive role will soon gain recognition. However, Iran faces internal ideological rifts as the younger generation challenges the conservative regime, exemplified by recent hijab protests. Simultaneously, Iran has been fostering Shia militant groups in Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, and Yemen to project its influence and engage in shadow warfare against Israel and Saudi Arabia. The escalating Iran-Israel conflict and Iran's involvement in the Syrian civil war highlight its geopolitical maneuvers. The study argues that there is an interplay between Iran's internal politicized identity crises and its external power projection, as the regime seeks to consolidate its legitimacy by emphasizing anti-Western and anti-Israeli sentiments. However, this strategy faces a dilemma, as resources allocated to suppressing domestic dissent and maintaining regional influence may further strain Iran's economy and exacerbate internal instability. The changing regional dynamics, such as the U.S.—Iran nuclear deal and the Arab-Israeli normalization, also pose challenges to Iran's strategic calculus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we address a question that has been frequently asked: Why is the Iranian government unable to defeat the struggle by women against the compulsory hijab? What distinguishes women's resistance from other forms of freedom and justice movements? We address these questions by highlighting women's "resilient resistance" within the family domain as both flexible and sustainable. The article examines how the domestication of politics and the politicization of family have interconnected dynamics in Iran, as illustrated by the "Woman, Life, Freedom" movement. It shows how women have shifted the Iranian family from a collaborator of oppressive patriarchal power to a more egalitarian structure to accommodate their protests against the compulsory hijab. As the catalysts for this change, they succeeded in discrediting the Islamic Republic's moral discourse based on the compulsory hijab as a manifestation of modesty for women. They also validated their own morality based on personal choice. Using ethnographic fieldwork, including participatory observation and in-depth interviews with movement participants, this paper shows how women's invisible yet significant resistance within the family has transformed this institution and profoundly affected the broader political landscape of Iran. It examines a unique case where social transformation drives larger political change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigated how religious factors exert social pressure to discipline female bodies through hijab practices in Indonesia. This study identified relationships among factors, such as religiosity, individuals' involvement with religious communities, subjective norms regarding the hijab practice, and the regulation of sexuality. This study found that religious factors positively influence subjective norms which reinforce the regulation of sexuality. Although recent studies have underscored the role of the hijab as a tool for expressing Muslim identity and as a means for Muslim women to construct modernity, the results of this study reveal that the disciplinary function of the hijab still seems to have a greater impact. A group analysis reveals differences in the influence of religious factors on subjective norms. While religiosity has a larger impact among adolescents than their involvement with religious communities, this impact is insignificant in the age group of 20s and 30s. The varying effects of religious factors among different age groups imply that religious values rather than involvement with religious communities have a much greater impact on the construction of subjective norms among adolescents while the role of religion in socialization might be enhanced as individuals get older. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Qasim Amin was a prominent Egyptian intellectual who, through his two writings, initiated numerous social reforms in Egypt. These reforms were subsequently replicated in other Islamic countries. He initially expressed his personal opinions regarding the position of women in society and their hijab in a manner that was sympathetic to Islam. However, he eventually began to express his own views that were not in accordance with Islam. He regards the hijab worn by eastern women as the cause of regression in eastern countries, while the lack of hijab worn by western women is the source of progress in western countries. He also maintains that the hijab worn by women stimulates and intensifies the desire of men. He was of the opinion that women are subject to four historical periods, and when they reach the fourth period, they have achieved complete liberation, similar to communism. He believed that the hijab was a form of sex slavery and that it was only appropriate for the women of the Prophet. He also held the belief that hijab is a consequence of the interaction between Islamic countries and their neighboring countries. These are merely a few of the issues that Amin addressed in his two renowned works, Tahrir al-Mur'a and al-Mur'a al-Jadidah, regarding hijab. In this article, we compare Amin’s perspectives on the hijab with those of Morteza Motahari. Amin will be provided with appropriate responses in accordance with Morteza Motahari’s comments. The impact of Western modernity and the role that Westerners have depicted for women is evident in Amin. Amin’s works are primarily focused on the development of gender, with a particular emphasis on women’s education and the notion that women's independence is a precursor to Western civilization. He considers the hijab from the perspective of Islamic jurisprudence, but ultimately reaches his own personal opinions regarding the hijab and pursues complete freedom from it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Multiculturalism is increasingly shaping contemporary societies, yet food, a fundamental human necessity, often becomes a point of cultural and belief-based contention. The halal food industry has grown significantly, garnering support both locally and internationally. However, this burgeoning sector faces challenges related to establishing standardized regulations that acknowledge its role in nation-building and promote cultural diversity. This study aimed to assess the awareness and acceptance of pre-certified halal food among non-Muslim students across secondary schools in Lambayong, Sultan Kudarat. Employing a descriptive survey research design, the study utilized a researcher-developed questionnaire administered to 350 students selected through simple random sampling from seven identified schools in Lambayong, Sultan Kudarat. Findings indicated that despite Lambayong's diverse population, most respondents demonstrated awareness and positive perceptions of pre-certified halal food. However, some community elders and church leaders expressed reservations about allowing younger generations to consume such food. The study also observed that while many vendors and proprietors were Muslim, not all adhered to the practice of wearing hijab (for Muslim women), and some lacked necessary cooking equipment like gloves and hairnets. Furthermore, certain halal establishments were found to have inadequate sanitation and pest control measures. Ultimately, the study concluded that there exists a moderate relationship between respondents' awareness and their acceptance of halal food. Recommendations include schools collaborating with barangay and local government units to monitor the hygiene of nearby restaurants and canteens. Additionally, halal food establishments should prioritize enhancing their sanitation practices and hygiene protocols to ensure compliance and consumer confidence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

French law 2004-228 and Quebec's Bill 21 has prohibited wearing conspicuous religious symbols while discharging public duty, especially as teachers in public school. This has aroused robust public debate because it disproportionately affects Muslim women wearing hijabs. This paper investigates the philosophical/ethical argument on both sides of the debate. The key research question is whether liberal feminists have the justification to support the hijab ban. The paper outlines different types of liberal feminism and their views on just social arrangements. The paper uses Gheaus's concept of gender justice and Kabeer's definition of gender empowerment to structure the debate, stating that feminists will support the ban if it enhances empowerment and makes society more gender-just or internal working of social arrangements, at least procedurally just. The paper draws on the utilitarian argument, Nussbaum's and Sen's articulation of the Capability Approach and the importance of identity, and Bourdieu's concept of Habitus, Doxa, and Symbolic Violence. The paper argues that there are strong arguments on both sides. Still, liberal feminists concerned about structural inequalities, economic empowerment, and individual freedom may not be convinced that the Hijab ban makes society more gender-just or improves individual empowerment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there is a large body of literature on different models of secularism and religion and politics, relatively scarce attention has been devoted to the experimentation of the moderate secularism model in authoritarian and Muslim-majority countries. This article brings a novel insight into the literature by unpacking the complex relationship between secularism, politics, and religion in Turkiye. The Turkish Republic was founded on the norm of authoritarian secularism that promulgates the exclusion of religion both from the political and public spheres. After the Justice and Development Party (JDP) came to power, Turkiye appeared to be moving toward moderate secularism through policies, such as the liberalization of the headscarf and the expansion of non-Muslim rights. By examining the transformed role of the Diyanet (the Presidency of Religious Affairs), Imam Hatip schools, and the conversion of church-turned-museums into mosques, this article illustrates that rather than moving in the direction of moderate secularism, the JDP has rather instrumentalized it and has eventually worked toward infusing Islamic norms into the Turkish state through bureaucratic and political initiatives. By examining and contextualizing the trajectory of secularism in Turkiye, this study contributes to the literature on religion, authoritarianism, and secularism in general, and ongoing debates on Turkish politics in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Al-Tamaddun is the property of University of Malaya, Department of Islamic History & Civilization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objective: Adolescence is characterized as a developmental and challenging period marked by a wide range of changes in various psychological and physiological dimensions. One of the most significant issues reported by both adolescents and parents is the intensification of conflicts between them, which necessitates a deeper examination. Therefore, the aim of the present study was to provide a phenomenological explanation of the parent-adolescent conflict among girls aged 16 to 17 years. Methods and Materials: The data for this qualitative study were collected using the research tradition of lived experience and the method of semi-structured in-depth interviews through the process of coding (the 7-step Colaizzi method). The research population included 30 adolescent girls aged 16 to 17 years from the city of Kashan in 2023, who were analyzed using purposeful sampling and adherence to the principles of theoretical saturation. Findings: The results indicated the extraction of 7 main themes and 23 sub-themes. The main themes included: 1. Concerns about clothing and hijab, 2. Communication skills, 3. Value issues, 4. Academic challenges, 5. Preservation of dignity and individual respect, 6. Family-related factors, 7. Alignment with societal changes, which were examined in detail in the findings section. Conclusion: Utilizing the results of the present study facilitates the development of educational and therapeutic models to reduce conflict between adolescents and parents, and therapeutic interventions can also be performed on themes that were more frequently reported by adolescents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Comparative Studies on Islamic & Western Law is the property of University of Qom and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Although the development of cyber space and new technologies has brought countless advantages and merits to human life, but it is considered a threat to the life of cyber space and one of the rights of intellectual property called hijab. Since hijab as an outer covering and chastity as an inner covering play a significant role in the social and psychological security of the society, so it is necessary to recognize and support it as an intellectual property right. In addition, identifying and supporting hijab and chastity in the position of respecting privacy and observing it is a preventive measure in the occurrence of social harm. Islamic teachings also forbid showing off in public, as it harms human beauty and real perfection as a spiritual right. From a comparative point of view, and especially the common law, trademark weakening and abuse of other unregistered trademarks are provided in the laws, which they can be an appropriate sanction in order to support the owners of creative ideas such as hijab and chastity. The present article, with the help of descriptive-analytical method, tries to highlight the protective role of the law on hijab and chastity as a right of intellectual property and privacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses and criticises the latest Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) case concerning the wearing of Muslim headscarves at work. OP was refused permission to wear a Muslim headscarf at work because her employer, a public authority, had a policy of exclusive neutrality, prohibiting employees from wearing any form of religious clothing or symbols. The CJEU judgment limits the employment opportunities of Muslim women who want to wear headscarves for religious reasons and allows member states and infra-state bodies a margin of discretion to decide whether to ban religious clothing and symbols for all employees, only for employees who come into contact with service users or not to ban such items at all; and, it ignores any possibility of the presence of gender, race or multiple discrimination. Prohibitions on religious clothing and symbols affect especially Muslim women, who are often from a non-European background and thus could amount to gender discrimination, race discrimination and to discrimination on a combination of religion or belief, gender and racial or ethnic origin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Economic & Administrative Approach (JEAA) is the property of Journal of Economic & Administrative Approach (JEAA) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The hijab stands as a prominent identifier of a Muslim woman, symbolizing not only religious adherence but also embodying complex societal perceptions and expectations. A Muslim woman must possess a strong personality because she is regarded with a double-bladed affection but is also a reflection of a dual minority. The research looked into the multifaceted experiences of Muslim women, who navigate the dual identities taken against them as both religious minority and gender minority. Within her subculture, they are subjected to customary and traditional restrictions and often face judgment against gender-roles. The research approach selected for this study was a transcendental phenomenological study. The study selected ten participants from diverse Muslim communities in the Philippines, taking into consideration factors such as age and ethnicity to ensure a broader representation of perspective. The main data collection method used for the study was a one- on-one in-depth interview. This method is an open-ended, discovery-oriented approach to obtaining detailed information about a topic from the respondents (Wallace Foundation). Findings revealed that the hijab, the piece of clothing that is used as a head covering by Muslim women and is normally worn in public, holds profound significance for these women, symbolizing purity, sacredness, and offering a sense of security and protection. Therefore, efforts must be made to promote a deeper understanding and appreciation of the hijab's significance, and this can be achieved through educational initiatives, public awareness campaigns, and the intensification of Muslim women's voices in various spheres of society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Karnataka state government banned the hijab in schools on February 5, 2022, and several women petitioned the Karnataka High Court to overturn it. A panel of three judges concluded on March 15, 2022, that the hijab is not an important Islamic practice. By punishing females for their wardrobe choices, the court stressed conformity above girls' access to education. The hijab prohibition is part of a pattern of discrimination against Muslim women that violates their human rights. With the rise of authoritarianism, a new form of feminism is emerging in which Muslim girls in India are challenging the authorities and resisting asserting their identity and preferences. Previous research has described human rights violations experienced by Indian female students regarding court decisions. Therefore, the purpose of the research is to investigate the human rights violations that have been disclosed as a result of India's hijab ban which employs normative juridical research methodologies. The method refers to a legal research approach that involves the examination of written law from multiple perspectives. The High Court's verdict worsens Muslim girls and women's education-related harassment, trauma, and prejudice. Muslim students removing their hijabs and burqas before entering schools is a difficult topic that requires neutrality. The verdict would affect the Indian Constitution and the Muslim population, especially hijab-wearing women. United Nations (UN) Women has backed all initiatives of India's Ministry of Women and Child Development that seek to advocate for those affected by the hijab ban to promote gender equality and prevent discrimination against women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: The hijab is a significant subject in cultural sociology. It is explored across various disciplines, including social sciences, psychology, and religion. This research aims to assess students’ responses at Ilam University of Medical Sciences in Ilam City towards the national coverage pattern. Methods: This study employed a qualitative and grounded theory approach, focusing on all female students at Ilam University of Medical Sciences. Participants were selected using purposive sampling, and data was gathered using semi-structured interviews. The collected data was then analyzed using a qualitative content analysis approach. Results: Interview data from the respondents was analyzed and categorized into the following themes: Pluralistic Coverage, Selective Coverage, Revision of Coverage Policy, and Cultural Resistance. The results showed a revision in hijab policies manifested through the formulation of related rules, the repoliticization of the hijab, the implementation of cultural programs, and the avoidance of over-regulation. Conclusion: The findings indicated that the students’ responses to national clothing patterns were critical, suggesting that revising cultural clothingrelated policies could improve these patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In October 2022, a two-judge bench of the Indian Supreme Court delivered a split verdict on constitutional challenges to the "hijab ban" imposed in some educational institutions in the State of Karnataka. This case note identifies gaps in the manner in which three central constitutional claims, namely, religious freedom, privacy and freedom of speech and expression, and discrimination, were engaged with in this case. The note argues that while both judges' opinions on the inapplicability of the essential religious practices test are questionable, its application does not conclusively determine the constitutionality of the ban. It also argues that the Court should have subjected the hijab ban to a structured proportionality analysis to investigate if the ban violates the rights to privacy, and freedom of speech and expression. Finally, the note argues that claims of indirect discrimination are central to this case and demanded serious engagement by the bench. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious expression at the workplace is a recurring theme in preliminary rulings of the CJEU, not least because the CJEU repeatedly misses the chance to provide clearer guidance on minimum standards of inclusivity which the Member States should apply. This lack of guidance can be seen in the rulings addressing the wearing of headscarves by private employees in recent years. National courts and legal scholars were hoping in vain that the CJEU would clarify how to handle religious expression at the workplace. In its recent preliminary ruling in OP v Commune d'Ans the CJEU again failed to clarify certain contested issues but also extended its unclear interpretation to public employees. This case note examines the potential harm caused by lack of definitive answers from the CJEU, the difficult balancing act between EU non-discrimination law and state competencies, and the need for an EU interpretation of religious freedom to evolve in order to properly serve its citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite its long history since the late Ottoman period in Turkey, this article focuses on the headscarf issue within a particular period; since 2002, when the Justice and Development Party has been in power. Women's issues have always occupied a large space in the Justice and Development Party's project(s), which articulate diverse narrative lines ranging from conservatism to liberalism. The article aims to unravel this diverse insight into the Justice and Development Party's politics within the context of its recent political drift toward authoritarianism while particularly focusing on its headscarf discourses. It argues that the Justice and Development Party's political drift toward authoritarianism resulted in the replacement of the earlier politics of consensus/'non-defiance', which refers to a conservatism that denies radicalism and avoids emphasizing controversial issues like the headscarf, with the politics of dissensus/defiance that reveal social tensions and political conflicts such as those between Islamic and secular sectors, through revitalizing the old debate on the headscarf issue. In this sense, the lifting of the headscarf bans in public institutions in 2008 can be read as a symptom, not of the Justice and Development Party's earlier liberal stand, but of the beginning of its shift toward authoritarianism based on its religious-nationalist project, which made use of this liberal right of pious women in enhancing the gaps between oppositional groups and in consolidating its social basis. This earlier attempt has been followed by continuous use of the headscarf as a symbol drawing a border between 'us' and 'them' and signifying outrages and moral crisis for which the Justice and Development Party blamed the oppositional groups. Within this context, the article questions the ways in which the headscarf as a political symbol along with other conservative policies targeting female bodies and sexualities took a part in the constitution and consolidation of the Justice and Development Party's radical right alliance and its authoritarian regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study conducts a comprehensive survey of the evolving discourse surrounding women's competitive sport in Iran from 1979 to 2020. This research identifies three distinctive discursive sequences delineating the trajectory of women's sport within this timeline. The initial phase, termed 'Suspending Discourse' emerged during the 1980s due to the disruptive effects of the Islamic Revolution and the Iran-Iraq War, resulting in the cessation of women's competitive sport in the country. Subsequently, the 'Modality Discourse' evolved after the late 1980s, characterized by efforts to align women's sport with Islamic regulations. Noteworthy accomplishments during this period include the establishment of the Islamic Women's Games, gender-segregated competitions, and increased international participation due to the acceptance of Islamic veils for Muslim female athletes by some international sports federations. Lastly, the 'Discourse of Conditional Growth' signifies the remarkable advancements in women's sports, notably in national team championships and the development of semi-professional sports leagues since the 1990s, despite persisting challenges. This study unveils the transformative phases of discourse, illustrating the progression of women's competitive sports in Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The doctrine of Essential Religious Practices (hereinafter ERP) has seen ceremonious application in matters pertaining to religion and its practices, causing a shift in the empowerment of the supposed stakeholders from religious participants to the judiciary. Constantly fuelled by political interference and exploitation, the doctrine once propounded to complement the vision of a secular nation has come to witness arbitrary change, thereby leading to a dilution of constitutional values and human rights. In this article, the authors first decode the intangible idea of secularism, contextualised in an Indian scenario, followed by deliberating on the 'essential' and 'religious' elements of the repeatedly invoked doctrine. A detailed analysis of tests surrounding similar questions of law has further been undertaken in comparative jurisprudence in light of the hijab verdicts given by the High Court of Karnataka and the Supreme Court of India. Such analysis has aided in forwarding alternatives to a politically contaminated doctrine, with a prudent aim to help prevent manipulated outcomes of multiple cases pending under this jurisprudence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Court of Human Rights, which is also referred to as the Strasbourg Court, as a court that has international jurisdiction in the field of human rights on a regional scale, has repeatedly faced the issue of "Hijab" in its rulings. The approach of that court is that governments have the right to limit the hijab in public institutions, especially schools. The following article tries to criticize the performance of the European Court of Human Rights regarding the restriction of the hijab in public institutions from the perspective of the international human rights system. Ragham's hypothesis is that the European Court of Human Rights, influenced by the supremacy of state hegemony, by issuing a ruling to restrict the hijab, not only did not guarantee human rights, but violated them. In order to verify its hypothesis, the upcoming research has been carried out with a descriptive-analytical method based on the collection of information in a library form. The following article has proven that this action of the European Court of Human Rights violates the principle of freedom that the first generation of human rights goes back to. By adopting this approach, the aforesaid court violated the principle of religious freedom which is accepted in the International Bill of Rights and also has a customary dress, and also violated Article 9 of the European Charter of Human Rights, which according to a mission For which the court is drawn, it is considered a violation of the purpose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article seeks to analyze in an analytical way by referring to library sources and based on the methodology of legal knowledge, in addition to paying attention to the results of the efforts of jurists, the effect of the issue of chastity with the focus on the observance and non-observance of hijab by the mother in the matter of child custody. Especially for the girl, report on the legal aspect and explain its role in enjoying the condition of moral health of the mother who is responsible for custody and explain the relationship that he finds with titles such as justice, depravity and trustworthiness of the guardian in the issue of moral degeneration and deprivation of custody. Articles achievement indicates that, from the jurisprudential-legal aspect, a level of mother's hijab is effective in ensuring the child's moral health and the mother's possession of the necessary moral conditions in the matter of child custody, and it can play a role in his chastity under description of chastity. Even if his righteousness and non-debauchery cannot be considered a condition of custody. Based on this, if the non-observance of the mother's hijab is enough to put the chaste upbringing of the child in serious danger according to the prevailing Sharia and customs; He is no longer a guardian in the matter of custody of the child, and the continuation of such custody leads to harm to the child, and therefore custody can be taken away from him. It should be noted that despite the passage of more than half a century since the sexual revolution in the West and the occurrence of nudity pests in these societies, today we are witnessing efforts, especially by families, to treat the aforementioned complications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]