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Exposure to domestic violence (DV) reports account for a significant portion of child welfare cases. However, there is a lack of resources for specifically working with cases that present a high-risk for lethality. The present study examined the involvement of child protection services (CPS) prior to domestic homicide cases. A retrospective case analysis was conducted utilizing cases reviewed by a domestic violence death review committee in Ontario, Canada. The study also examined the recommendations made by the committee to the child welfare sector. Overall, less than one-quarter of the homicide cases with children in the family system had CPS involvement. There were no differences in the presence of CPS involvement in cases where children were killed compared to cases where children were not killed. CPS-involved cases had significantly more risk factors and the family was involved with significantly more agencies overall. Recommendations directed to the child welfare sector highlighted the need for enhanced ongoing service provision to promote safety and hold perpetrators accountable, specialized DV training, and increased cross-sector collaboration. The child protection sector plays a critical role in assessing and managing risk in DV cases and preventing tragedies. The findings stress the importance of multi-disciplinary collaborations, and specialized ongoing training in engaging perpetrators and managing risk., Author(s): Laura Olszowy [sup.1] [sup.2] , Peter Jaffe [sup.1] [sup.2] , Michael Saxton [sup.1] [sup.2] Author Affiliations: (1) grid.39381.30, 0000 0004 1936 8884, University of Western Ontario, , 1137 Western [...]

A nonrandom national sample of 16 familicides, which involved 19 offenders (ages 14 to 21 years) who either killed or made a serious attempt to kill their families, was studied. The majority of offenders were Caucasian (78.91 %) males (84.21 %) with interpersonal family conflicts due to parental control, substance use, or physical violence. Prior to the murders, 50 % of the offenders reported to others their intent to kill their families. All of the 42 reported victims were specifically targeted and most of the homicides were planned shooting attacks (75 %) rather than spontaneous eruptions. Immediately following the homicides, 75 % of the offenders stole money from their families, and in 50 % of the cases they either called their friends to report the murders or to plan leisure activities. All offenders were immediate suspects and 81.25 % confessed to the homicides. Implications for furthering our understanding of this group of young offenders are offered., Author(s): Rosa Viñas-Racionero [sup.1] , Louis B. Schlesinger [sup.2] , Mario J. Scalora [sup.1] , John P. Jarvis [sup.3] Author Affiliations: (1) 0000 0004 1937 0060grid.24434.35Department of Psychology, University of [...]

Findings are reported from an experiment that examined mock jurors' gender biases regarding intimate homicide case adjudications. Mock jurors were more likely to convict a man than a woman who had killed an abusive partner, which was partially mediated by sympathy toward both the victim and defendant. Analyses revealed an abuser height and abuser gender interaction such that conviction rates for women defendants were higher when her abuser was taller compared to when he was shorter than she; abuser height did not influence conviction rates for men. Findings also suggested that when given information about a child being present, mock jurors perceived the killing of the abusive partner as an act to protect that child. The results are discussed in relation to how extra-legal factors impact juror perceptions of domestic violence cases in the courtroom. Keywords Intimate partner homicide * Juror perceptions * Gender biases * Domestic violence, Findings from the National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2011) leave little doubt that intimate partner violence (IPV) affects the lives of [...]

[In November 2005, the Victorian government introduced a series of homicide law reforms, central to which was the implementation of a new offence of defensive homicide. The reforms followed from [...]

Using data from the North Carolina Violent Death Reporting System and other sources, we examined ecologic relationships between county (n = 100) disadvantage and intimate partner homicide (IPH), variability by victim gender and county urbanicity, and potential mediators. County disadvantage was related to female-victim homicide only in metropolitan counties (incidence rate ratio [IRR] 1.25); however, disadvantage was associated with male-victim IPH regardless of county urbanicity (IRR 1.17). None of the potential intervening variables examined (shelter availability, intimate partner violence services' funding) was supported as a mediator. Results suggest disparities across North Carolina counties in IPH according to county disadvantage. Future research should explore other potential mediators (i.e., service accessibility and law enforcement responses), as well as test the robustness of findings using additional years of data. Keywords: gender; domestic violence; socioeconomic status; prevention DOI: 10.1891/0886-6708.25.3.363

To link to full-text access for this article, visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.forsciint.2009.03.030 Byline: Helina Hakkanen-Nyholm (a)(b), Eila Repo-Tiihonen (c), Nina Lindberg (d), Stephan Salenius (e), Ghitta Weizmann-Henelius (f) Keywords: Sexual homicide; Psychopathology; Offender profiling; Psychopathy Abstract: Information on sexual homicide offenders is limited. The current study estimates the rate of sexual homicides in Finland and analyses sociodemographic characteristics, crime history, life course development, psychopathy, and psychopathology in sexual homicide and nonsexual homicide offenders. Crime reports and forensic examination reports of all offenders subjected to forensic examination and convicted for homicide in 1995-2004 (n =676) were retrospectively analyzed for offence and offender variables and scored with the Psychopathy Checklist-Revised. Eighteen sexual homicides (2.8%) were identified. Co-offending, strangulation and disposal of the body were more frequent crime scene variables in sexual than nonsexual homicides. Mental health problems and sexual abuse in childhood and sexual crime history were significantly more frequent in sexual than nonsexual homicide offenders. Over half of the sexual homicide offenders were psychopathic: compared to nonsexual homicide offenders they scored significantly higher on interpersonal and affective features of psychopathy. Author Affiliation: (a) Forensic Laboratory National Bureau of Investigation, PO Box 285, 01301 Vantaa, Finland (b) Department of Psychology, PO Box 9, 00014 University of Helsinki, Finland (c) University of Kuopio, Niuvanniemi Hospital, PO Box 70240, Finland (d) Helsinki University Central Hospital, PO Box 590, 00029 HUS, Finland (e) Vantaa Prison, PO Box 160, 01361 Vantaa, Finland (f) Vanha Vaasa Hospital, PO Box 13, 65381 Vaasa, Finland Article History: Received 19 September 2008; Revised 13 February 2009; Accepted 31 March 2009

The purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between methamphetamine use and homicide. To carry out this study, data from the National Household Survey on Drug Abuse and Survey of Inmates in State and Federal Correctional Facilities were combined to create a case-control design. The main exposure measure is methamphetamine use and the main outcome measure is homicide. Results suggest that the odds of committing a homicide are nearly 9 times greater for an individual who uses methamphetamine. More importantly, the association between methamphetamine use and homicide persists even after adjusting for alternative drug use (i.e., alcohol, heroin, crack, cocaine, PCP, LSD), sex, race, income, age, marital status, previous arrests, military experience, and education level. Methamphetamine was the only drug use variable that was strongly correlated with homicide. These results support recent clinical studies that suggest methamphetamine use is different than other drug use in its effects on violence. Keywords: methamphetamine and violence; homicide; drugs and violence

To link to full-text access for this article, visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.forsciint.2009.02.001 Byline: Helina Hakkanen-Nyholm (a)(b), Hanna Putkonen (c)(e), Nina Lindberg (c), Matti Holi (d), Tuija Rovamo (b), Ghitta Weizmann-Henelius (e) Keywords: Homicide; Gender differences; Crime scene behaviour; Offence characteristics; Profiling Abstract: Approximately 10% of the homicides in Finland are committed by females. This study was designed to compare offence circumstances and crime scene behaviour among female and male homicide offenders. The forensic examination reports and crime reports of all female offenders prosecuted for a homicide between 1995 and 2004 were collected and content analysed (n =91). A sample of male offenders was selected for a comparison group. In addition to several bivariate analyses, two multidimensional scaling analyses were conducted to identify the underlying structure of the offence characteristics-related variables in male and female offenders. The results showed that family members were the victims of female offenders more frequently than of male offenders. Child victims were almost always killed by females. No significant difference emerged between the gender groups in the proportion of victims being former intimate partners. The results also showed that different offence characteristics relate to offender gender and type of victim. In male offenders, covering the body relates to moving and hiding an acquaintance victim's body, while in females it relates to emotional detachment and family member victim. For females, post-offence behaviours that relate to seek for help and regret were more frequent than for males. There were only marginal differences in the use of violence between females and males. Author Affiliation: (a) Forensic Laboratory, National Bureau of Investigation, PO Box 285, FIN-01301 Vantaa, Finland (b) Department of Psychology, PO Box 9, 00014 University of Helsinki, Finland (c) Helsinki University Central Hospital, PO Box 590, 00029 HUS, Finland (d) Kellokoski Hospital, 04500 Kellokoski, Finland (e) Vanha Vaasa Hospital, PO Box 13, 65381 Vaasa, Finland Article History: Received 4 June 2007; Revised 8 January 2009; Accepted 3 February 2009

To study the risks of abuse, violence, and homicide, 5 studies of groups at risk for violence are summarized. 192 Abused Infants, 181 Abused Children, 127 Homicidal Youth, 425 Assaulters, 223 Rapists, and 223 Molesters were randomly selected and tracked in court, probation, medical, and school records, then compared with carefully matched groups of Controls and (in older groups) Nonviolent Delinquents. In adolescence or adulthood, these groups were classified into Later Homicidal (N=234), Later Violent or Nonviolent Delinquent, and Later Nondelinquent subgroups for more detailed comparisons. Shao's bootstrapped logistic regressions were applied to identify risks for commission of homicide. Significant predictors for all homicidal cases in these samples were number of court contacts, poorer executive function, lower social maturity, alcohol abuse, and weapon possession. Predictors for the 373 Abused cases (Infants and Children) were court contacts, injury, burn, poisoning, fetal substance exposure, and parental alcohol abuse. Predictors for the 871 Violent Delinquent cases (Assaulters, Rapists, Molesters) were court contacts, poorer executive function, and lower social maturity. Accuracies of prediction from the regressions ranged from 81% for homicidal sex offenders to 87 to 99% for other homicidal groups.

To study risks of abuse, violence, and homicide, 181 Abused Children (M age=12.85 yr., SD=2.74; 58 girls, 123 boys) were matched with 181 clinic-referred Controls. Data analysis was Shao's bootstrapped logistic regression with area under curve (AUC) and odds ratios (OR). Predictors of abused status were court contacts (OR=2.04e+22) and poorer executive function (OR=.81; AUC=.99; 95% CI= .97-.99). Groups were tracked forward in records for 9 years (M=8.78 yr., SD=1.41). Looking forward, youth (M age=21.63 yr., SD=2.07) were classified into Abused Children Later Homicidal (5%, n=10), Abused Children Later Violent (23%, n=41), Abused Children Later Delinquent (28%, n=50), Abused Children Later Nondelinquent (44%, n=80), and Controls (n=181). Data were analyzed with two more logistic regressions. Predictors of Abused Children Later Homicidal compared with Controls were number of court contacts (OR=50,398.78) and poorer executive function (OR=79.72; AUC=.91; 95% CI=.80-.95). The predictor of Abused Children Later Homicidal contrasted with Abused Children Later Nondelinquent was court contacts (OR=2,077,089,352; AUC=.87; 95% CI=.65-.95). The common predictor for Abused Children and Abused Children Later Homicidal groups was court contacts.

There have been many attempts to explain violent behavior, identify its causes, and predict its occurrence among youth and adults. Research and theoretical constructions have dealt with such far-ranging aspects as childhood health, peer and parental interactions, neuropsychological function, school and community support, and substance use and dependency. Theories have tended to focus on one or a few of these aspects, but there is an effort by many researchers to converge on an integrated approach. By demonstrating unique risk patterns in random samples of later-homicidal abused infants, children, and youth, violent and homicidal delinquents, and homicidal adults, five studies by Zagar and colleagues provide the best current empirical evidence for a view of the development of delinquency as a process of accumulating risks. These risks begin with prenatal substance exposure and continue with abusive or neglectful parenting, academic failure, court contacts, compromised executive function and resultant poor social functioning. Analysis by sex shows that males' and females' risks are virtually identical. Various theories are evaluated with respect to these empirical risk patterns for development of violence and homicide. A proposal for the necessary elements of a successful, overarching explanatory theory is offered.

To assess risks of violent offending in young adults, 425 Delinquent Assaulters (M age=14.1 yr., SD=1.7; 77 girls, 348 boys) were matched with 425 Nonviolent Delinquents. Analysis of data from court, school, and medical records used Shao's bootstrapped logistic regressions. Predictors of Assaulter status were poorer executive function (OR=0.97) and prior court contacts for violent offenses (OR=3.5e+ 23; AUC=.97; 95% CI=.82-.99). Looking in records backward 4 years (M=4.1, SD= 2.6) and forward 10 years to mean age 24.5 yr. (SD=2.1), adults were classified as Homicidal (8%, n=69); Delinquent Assaulters Later Adult Assaulters (10%, n=86); Delinquent Assaulters Later Noncriminals (32%, n=270); Nonviolent Delinquents Later Nonviolent Criminals (10%, n=87); and Nonviolent Delinquents Later Non-criminals (40%, n=338). The Homicidal group (n=69) was compared to matched Control and Nonviolent Delinquent groups (n=69) using logistic regression. Predictors of Homicidal versus Control were poorer executive function and alcohol or substance abuse (AUC=.97; 95% CI=.93-.99). Predictors of Homicidal versus Nonviolent Delinquents were unemployment, poorer executive function, and prior court contacts (AUC=.98; 95%CI=.95-.99).

To identify risks for commission of homicide, 26 convicted Homicidal Youth (M age=14.9 yr., SD=1.4; n=26; 1 girl, 25 boys) were matched with 26 Nonviolent Delinquents and 26 clinic-referred Controls. Youth were tracked backward 8 years (M=7.7 yr., SD=1.5) and forward 3 years (M=3.1 yr., SD=1.2) in records. Data analysis was Shao's bootstrapped logistic regression yielding area under the curve (AUC) and odds ratios (OR). Predictors of homicide were poorer executive function (OR=7.04e+40), violent family (OR=4.01e-16), and alcohol abuse (OR=7.33e-17; AUC=.97, 95% CI=.77-.99). From earlier studies, 101 Homicidal Youth and their Controls were reanalyzed similarly. Predictors were poorer executive function (OR= 6.51), lower social maturity (OR=0.28), weapon possession (OR=26.10), and gang membership (OR=4.14; AUC=.98, 95% CI=.96-.99). Groups were combined, i.e., 26 and 101 Homicidal; 127 Homicidal Youth (7 girls, 120 boys) and their matched Controls were tracked in records. The predictor was poorer executive function (OR= 3.34e-21; AUC=.98, 95% CI=.96-.97). When 127 Homicidal Youth were compared with 127 matched Nonviolent Delinquents, predictors were poorer executive function (OR=2.83e-02), weapon possession (OR=l.63e-10), lower social maturity (OR= 1.15), and use of special education services (OR=.94; AUC=.94, 95% CI=.37-.99).

To study risks for abuse and later homicidal behavior, 192 abused infants (M age=3.12 yr., SD=1.48; 82 girls, 110 boys) and 192 controls were matched on demographics and examined; data discriminating abused and later homicidal cases were analyzed with Shao's bootstrapped logistic regression. Predictors of Abused status were injury, burn, poisoning, fetal substance exposure (OR=2.47), later parental or youth court contacts (OR=1.86e+12), and parental alcohol abuse (OR=.54; AUC = .99; 95% CI=.96-.99). Youth tracked through records 12 years (to M age=12.17 yr., SD=1.89) were classified into Abused Later Homicidal (11%, n=21), Abused Later Violent (14%, n=27), Abused Later Delinquent (31%, n=60), Abused Later Nondelinquent (n=44), and Control groups (n=192). Data were analyzed similarly. When the Abused Later Homicidal was contrasted with the Control group, predictors of homicide were three or more home/school moves (OR=.78), illnesses (OR=.90), and later court contacts (OR=1.75e+07; AUC=.99; 95% CI=.90-.98). When the Abused Later Homicidal was compared with the Abused Later Nondelinquent group, predictors of homicide were poorer executive function (OR=2.29) and later court contacts (OR=7.78e+06; AUC=.94; 95% CI=.90-.98).

Objectives. We evaluated the contribution of neighborhood-level factors indicative of social disorganization, including educational and occupational attainment, immigrant concentration, physical disorder, and social cohesion, to the likelihood of intimate partner femicide (IPF) while taking into account known neighborhood- and individual-level IPF risk factors. Methods. We used medical examiner data on 1861 femicide victims between 1990 and 1999 and archival information on 59 neighborhoods in New York City to conduct a multilevel case-control analysis. Results. After controlling for neighborhood-level income, we found that no neighborhood factors were significantly associated with IPF risk, as compared with risk of non-IPF and risk of femicide from unknown perpetrators, above and beyond the contributions of individual-level factors. The strongest predictors of IPF were foreign country of birth and young age. Conclusions. IPF victims were nearly twice as likely as non-IPF victims to be foreign born; by contrast, there was little neighborhood-level heterogeneity with respect to IPF risk. Further research is needed to identify neighborhood characteristics that uniquely influence risk of IPF to guide community-level interventions.

To link to full-text access for this article, visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.forsciint.2008.01.002 Byline: Geoffroy Lorin de la Grandmaison (a), Christophe Fermanian (b), Philippe Aegerter (b), Michel Durigon (a) Keywords: Firearms; Long guns; Suicide; Homicide Abstract: A retrospective study was carried out on 132 fatalities due to gunshot wounds secondary to long firearms. One group of suicide (n =72) and one group of homicide (n =60) were statistically compared regarding age and sex of the victim, number of shots, range of fire, direction of the projectile(s), anatomical distribution of entrance sites, weapon and ammunition types and the nature of eventual associated traumatic lesions. The frequency of suicide was higher when the victim's age increased. Females constituted about 43% of the homicide victims and about 8% of the suicide victims. 51.5% of the homicide victims and about 10% of the suicide victims had sustained more than one gunshot wound. Close range was respectively found in 53.5% of the homicide cases and in all suicide cases. Most of the suicide cases (85% of the cases) showed typical entrance sites. Entrance sites in the limbs and lateral or posterior wall of the chest were only encountered in homicide cases. Associated traumatic lesions were found in about 23% of the homicide cases and in 18% of the suicide cases. In case of suicidal gunshots to the left chest, both upwards and downwards directions, and also both right-to-left and left-to-right directions can occur. From 22 suicide cases showing entrance wound in the mouth, a downwards direction was found in only one. This study underlines the importance but also the limits of the autopsy findings (including direction of the projectile(s) related to the entrance site) for giving an indication of the manner of death (homicide vs. suicide). Author Affiliation: (a) Department of Forensic Medicine and Pathology, Raymond Poincare Hospital, AP-HP, 104 Boulevard Raymond Poincare, 92380 Garches, France (b) Clinical Research Unit, Ambroise Pare Hospital, AP-HP, 9 Avenue Charles de Gaulle, 92100 Boulogne, France Article History: Received 28 March 2007; Revised 12 October 2007; Accepted 4 January 2008

Objective. We investigated whether limiting the hours of alcoholic beverage sales in bars had an effect on homicides and violence against women in the Brazilian city of Diadema. The policy to restrict alcohol sales was introduced in July 2002 and prohibited on-premises alcohol sales after 11 PM. Methods. We analyzed data on homicides (1995 to 2005) and violence against women (2000 to 2005) from the Diadema (population 360 000) police archives using log-linear regression analyses. Results. The new restriction on drinking hours led to a decrease of almost 9 murders a month. Assaults against women also decreased, but this effect was not significant in models in which we controlled for underlying trends. Conclusions. Introducing restrictions on opening hours resulted in a significant decrease in murders, which confirmed what we know from the literature: restricting access to alcohol can reduce alcohol-related problems. Our results give no support to the converse view, that increasing availability will somehow reduce problems.

To link to full-text access for this article, visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.forsciint.2006.05.032 Byline: Outi Saleva (a), Hanna Putkonen (b), Olli Kiviruusu (a), Jouko Lonnqvist (a)(b) Keywords: Homicide; Suicide; Homicide-suicide; Extended suicide Abstract: Suicide preceded by homicide is a rare but tragic event that often shocks the whole community. Annual rates show considerable variation, though not as great as the incidence of homicides. Within the industrialized nations, Finland's prevalence rates for homicide-suicide have been mid-range. The National Suicide Prevention Project recorded and carefully analysed all suicides committed in Finland during a 12-month period. In this material of almost 1400 suicides, 10 verified homicide-suicide cases were found. The perpetrator was male in all but one case, and all the victims were family, 9/10 being spouses and/or children. The most typical homicide-suicide seemed to be a man shooting a family member during a separation process. No perpetrator was found suffering from a psychotic disorder but three had major depression. The homicide-suicides were compared with the suicides and statistically significant differences emerged in two variables: shooting was more often the method used in the homicide-suicide cases, which, furthermore, were more likely to involve a divorce or recent rupture in another long-term intimate relationship. Sharing few common variables with either homicide or suicide, homicide-suicide appears to be a distinct phenomenon whose prevention would seem to be extremely difficult on the individual level. Since shooting is the most common method of homicide-suicide, firearm licenses should be more restricted. Author Affiliation: (a) National Public Health Institute, Mannerheimintie 166, FIN-00300 Helsinki, Finland (b) Helsinki University Central Hospital, Department of Psychiatry, P.O. Box 590, FIN-00029 HUS, Finland Article History: Received 12 March 2006; Revised 19 April 2006; Accepted 17 May 2006

The nature of the temporal association between age structure and homicide rates between 1970 and 1999 is examined using U.S. county data. Specifically, the following questions are asked: (a) does the strong temporal association between the relative size of the young population and homicide rates demonstrated at the U.S. national level hold at a disaggregated level and (b) does the association between the proportion young and homicide rates differ by varying social and economic conditions. The results confirm that a positive temporal association between age composition and homicide rates exists within U.S. counties. However, the analysis reveals that other criminogenic forces, such as poor social conditions that produce higher crime rates, can alter the association between the relative size of the young population and homicide rates. The positive effect of the percentage aged 15 to 24 years on homicide rates is generally attenuated when criminogenic conditions exist while that of the percentage aged 25 to 34 years tends to be accentuated under such circumstances. Keywords: age composition; homicide; time series; United States

A longstanding debate focuses on whether suicide and homicide rates walk hand in hand or whether they are reciprocally related. Much of the research on this issue investigates whether suicide or homicide predominates in certain geographic areas or whether they trend together over time. We theorize that the degree of social integration and social regulation associated with birth cohorts is negatively related to both of these forms of lethal violence. We develop a common explanation for shifts in the age distributions of homicide and suicide in the United States from 1930 to 2000. In this context, suicide rates and homicide rates walk hand in hand and their parallel movements are associated with two variables linked to social integration and regulation., Research on suicide and homicide often appears in different venues and within different scholarly traditions. Students and researchers of public health are likely to read Suicide and Life Threatening Behavior […]

The killing of women by men who then take their own lives (femicide-suicide) is the most common form of homicide-suicide. This study identified femicide-suicide risk factors in an 11-city case-control study of femicide in the United States. Perpetrator, victim, relationship, and incident characteristics were analyzed for femicide-suicide cases (n = 67) and controls (11 = 356, women living in the community with nonfatal physical abuse) using logistic regression modeling. Two risk factors emerged that were unique to femicide-suicides cases compared to overall femicide risk analyses: prior perpetrator suicide threats and victims having ever been married to the perpetrator. Keywords: murder-suicide; homicide-suicide: partner violence; domestic violence

In this prospective study, the authors predicted violence and homicide in 3 representative school samples (N = 1,517). Participants were part of a longitudinal, multiple cohort study on the development of delinquency in boys from late childhood to early adulthood in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. Thirty-three participants were convicted of homicide, 193 participants were convicted of serious violence, whereas another 498 participants self-reported serious violence. Predictors of violence included risk factors in the domains of child, family, school, and demographic characteristics. Boys with 4 or more violence risk factors were 6 times more likely to later commit violence in comparison with boys with fewer than 4 risk factors (odds ratio [OR] = 6.05). A subset of risk factors related to violence also predicted homicide among violent offenders. Boys with 4 or more risk factors for homicide were 14 times more likely to later commit homicide than violent individuals with fewer than 4 risk factors (OR = 14.48). Implications for the prevention of violence and homicide are discussed. Keywords: violence, homicide, prediction, precursors, development

Many studies have found an increased prevalence of psychiatric illness among offenders of violent crimes. Few, if any, large-scale studies comparing the psychiatric aspects of homicide offenders to those of [...]

This paper explores the potential for reducing homicide, with a particular focus on the United Kingdom. It draws upon data from the Homicide Index, international research on homicide, and the general crime reduction literature. Homicide is highly diverse in its characteristics, causes and dynamics, so effective strategies to reduce it are likely to require tailoring to specific forms. The paper focuses upon four important categories: domestic (partner) homicide; the killing of infants; alcohol-related homicide; and homicide involving guns and knives. Attention is also paid briefly to issues around 'dangerous' offenders and mental disorder, and to homicide victimisation in relation to specific occupations.

The murder or attempted murder of a child's mother in the context of domestic violence is a significant event in a child's life and carries with it multiple additional possible stressors. Children experiencing these situations have not, to date, been well studied. This paper discusses what is currently known in the literature about these children and provides some initial descriptive sociodemographic and contextual data regarding 237 children who experienced the murder (N = 146) or attempted murder (N = 91) of their mother by a current or estranged intimate partner. These data are part of a 10-city study to identify the risk factors in intimate partner homicide. This descriptive study suggests the alarming prevalence of children exposed to their mothers' murders or attempted murders, the paucity of systematic interventions provided to these children, the likelihood of their exposure to prior marital violence and/or child abuse, the multiple stressors they encounter after the incident, and some of the demographic variables associated with femicide and attempted femicide. Affected children are most likely to be under the age of 10 at the time of the homicide or attempted homicide with mothers who are between the ages of 30 and 39, working but earning less than $25,000 per year. Poor African American women and their children are especially vulnerable. Many of the children actually witnessed the homicide or attempted homicide (35% of homicide cases; 62% of the attempteds) or found their mother after the attack (37% of homicides cases; 28% of attempteds), but significant numbers of these children received no or little intervention. The critical needs for community-based prevention and intervention programs are discussed. KEY WORDS: femicide; homicide; intimate partner violence; domestic violence; family violence; childhood bereavement; death of parent.

The killing of another human being is an execrable act and universally condemned. Simpler societies have informal ways of seeking retribution (Bohannan 1960; Hoebel 1954). Ancient states and civilizations evolved formal procedures and complex institutions for evaluating culpability, apportioning blame, and authorizing appropriate sanctions (Ng 1990; Robinson 1996). The evolution of the insanity defense in Anglo-American society has culminated in assigning to psychiatry and psychology the important task of determining whether the mental state of a person who perpetuates homicide meets criteria for legal sanction. Differences involving the traditional model of reasoning about human action that is standard in psychiatry compared to law have been discussed. A common basis of understanding and procedure for assessing responsibility has evolved (Moore 1984). However, usually neglected is the influence that culture has in shaping behavior of homicide and its forensic psychiatric assessment. Two cases are presented to examine why and how culture is influential in matters of homicide.

Using state data from 1992 and 2000 instead of I975, the author both confirmed and extended Lester's 1987 study. Like Lester's study, the present replication showed for 1992 (but not 2000) that the more people drinking fluoridated water, the lower the rates of crude and age-adjusted suicide (partial rs: -.25 and -.25, respectively). Crude and age-adjusted rates of homicide in 1992 and 2000 did not change with the fluoridation of public water. Effective interpretation requires more study.

Scholarly study of the factors affecting homicide clearances is at the same point as scholarly study of police patrol officers more than 50 years ago. In particular, major organizing frameworks provide fundamentally contradictory images, and only a handful of multivariate studies exist. The present research partially remedies these problems by advancing a more complete conceptual framework and then by using that framework to guide multivariate analysis of the factors affecting the clearance of 802 homicides in Columbus, Ohio, between 1984 and 1992. Consistent with the more complete conceptual framework, there is strong support for the argument that the visibility of homicide and the singular importance of homicide clearances cause homicide detectives to work aggressively to clear all homicides irrespective of where they occur or the characteristics of homicide victims. Also consistent with the framework, the authors find no support for previous arguments that detective experience and workload affect homicide clearances. Keywords: explaining homicide clearances

This research extends a 1990 study by Land, McCall, and Cohen on the structural covariates of homicide rates. Examining neighborhoods in St. Louis, this study assesses whether socioeconomic and demographic characteristics are correlated with different types of homicide, thereby addressing the question of whether homicides are sufficiently distinct in nature that their levels are not equally associated with community characteristics. The findings indicate that while residential instability is associated only with felony killings, economic disadvantage is associated with all of the homicide categories. The theoretical significance of the findings for theories of violent crime is discussed. Keywords: homicide types; neighborhood disadvantage; social disorganization

Although there is growing literature on lethal violence in developing nations, homicide-suicides have rarely been studied. Addressing this issue, this paper analyzes all homicide-suicides that occurred in Fiji between 1982 and 1992. The study's results are consistent with prior research in Western developed nations, demonstrating that homicide-suicides constitute a minuscule proportion of all homicides, occur primarily between intimate relations, are precipitated by intrafamilial discord, and occur in the domestic setting. Contrary to prior research, however, perpetrators of homicide-suicide were equally divided between men and women and no firearms were utilized.

This study examines how the widespread adoption of unilateral divorce influenced the prevalence of lethal spousal violence in the United States. These evaluations are based on fixed-effects specifications for spousal homicide counts from an annual panel of US. states from 1968 to 1978. The results indicate that unrestricted unilateral divorce laws had small and statistically insignificant effects on the amount of lethal spousal violence directed against wives. However the easy access to divorce created by such laws increased spousal homicides of husbands by approximately 21%. These increases were concentrated in states where the division of marital property favored husbands. (JEL J12, J16, 118, K4), I. INTRODUCTION Policy makers throughout the United States have expressed an increased interest in placing stronger legal restrictions on the ability of spouses to dissolve marriages. In three states (Louisiana, [...]

The family is a mechanism of social control and is essential for reducing crime in urban areas. Recent urban disadvantage and violence research has shifted attention to family disruption as a predictor of crime. Unexplored by this literature is the impact of diversity in family structures on violence. Because the family has taken on multiple forms in urban areas, the authors incorporate this literature into the study of types of race-specific homicide. They estimate constructs of family structure, separate from family disruption, on race-specific family-, acquaintance-, and stranger-related homicide rates. The results indicate that measures of family structure differ both theoretically and empirically from constructs of family disruption. Moreover, when controlling for urban disadvantage, family types do not contribute to homicide in the same manner as family disruption, with differences emerging along racial lines. The authors call for a more inclusive look at the family in the study of urban violence.

Researchers examine trends in the United States, between 1976 and 1995, in intimate partner homicide, focusing on relationship type and race. Overall, intimate partner homicide rates appear to be decreasing, though rates for unmarried white females have increased.

Researchers study the relationship between female labor force rates and female intimate homicide victimization. It was discovered that an increase in the female labor force leads to an increase in female intimate homicides. The backlash hypothesis explains this effect, where jealous men, in competition with females, act violently against women to reassert their dominance.

Researchers studied the mental state examination reports of 48 mothers in Finland to determine the relationship between their current criminal activity, the attempted and successful killing of their children, to life circumstances, maternal homicidal acts and childhood abuse. Issues discussed include the cycle of violence, motherhood stresses, psychological abuse, parent-child attachment in childhood and neonatcide.