Search

Mass coral bleaching on the Great Barrier Reef (GBR) in Australia between 2016 and 2024 was driven by high sea surface temperatures (SST) 1 . The likelihood of temperature-induced bleaching is a key determinant for the future threat status of the GBR 2 , but the long-term context of recent temperatures in the region is unclear. Here we show that the January-March Coral Sea heat extremes in 2024, 2017 and 2020 (in order of descending mean SST anomalies) were the warmest in 400 years, exceeding the 95th-percentile uncertainty limit of our reconstructed pre-1900 maximum. The 2016, 2004 and 2022 events were the next warmest, exceeding the 90th-percentile limit. Climate model analysis confirms that human influence on the climate system is responsible for the rapid warming in recent decades. This attribution, together with the recent ocean temperature extremes, post-1900 warming trend and observed mass coral bleaching, shows that the existential threat to the GBR ecosystem from anthropogenic climate change is now realized. Without urgent intervention, the iconic GBR is at risk of experiencing temperatures conducive to near-annual coral bleaching 3 , with negative consequences for biodiversity and ecosystems services. A continuation on the current trajectory would further threaten the ecological function 4 and outstanding universal value 5 of one of Earth's greatest natural wonders., (© 2024. The Author(s).)

Resolving the timescale of human activity in the Palaeolithic Age is one of the most challenging problems in prehistoric archaeology. The duration and frequency of hunter-gatherer camps reflect key aspects of social life and human-environment interactions. However, the time dimension of Palaeolithic contexts is generally inaccurately reconstructed because of the limitations of dating techniques 1 , the impact of disturbing agents on sedimentary deposits 2 and the palimpsest effect 3,4 . Here we report high-resolution time differences between six Middle Palaeolithic hearths from El Salt Unit X (Spain) obtained through archaeomagnetic and archaeostratigraphic analyses. The set of hearths covers at least around 200-240 years with 99% probability, having decade- and century-long intervals between the different hearths. Our results provide a quantitative estimate of the time framework for the human occupation events included in the studied sequence. This is a step forward in Palaeolithic archaeology, a discipline in which human behaviour is usually approached from a temporal scale typical of geological processes, whereas significant change may happen at the smaller scales of human generations. Here we reach a timescale close to a human lifespan., (© 2024. The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Limited.)

Human-induced deforestation and soil erosion were environmental stressors for the ancient Maya of Mesoamerica. Furthermore, intense, periodic droughts during the Terminal Classic Period, ca. Common Era 830 to 950, have been documented from lake sediment cores and speleothems. Today, lakes worldwide that are surrounded by dense human settlement and intense riparian land use often develop algae/cyanobacteria blooms that can compromise water quality by depleting oxygen and producing toxins. Such environmental impacts have rarely been explored in the context of ancient Maya settlement. We measured nutrients, biomarkers for cyanobacteria, and the cyanotoxin microcystin in a sediment core from Lake Amatitlán, highland Guatemala, which spans the last ∼2,100 y. The lake is currently hypereutrophic and characterized by high cyanotoxin concentrations from persistent blooms of the cyanobacterium Microcystis aeruginosa Our paleolimnological data show that harmful cyanobacteria blooms and cyanotoxin production occurred during periods of ancient Maya occupation. Highest prehistoric concentrations of cyanotoxins in the sediment coincided with alterations of the water system in the Maya city of Kaminaljuyú, and changes in nutrient stoichiometry and maximum cyanobacteria abundance were coeval with times of greatest ancient human populations in the watershed. These prehistoric episodes of cyanobacteria proliferation and cyanotoxin production rivaled modern conditions in the lake, with respect to both bloom magnitude and toxicity. This suggests that pre-Columbian Maya occupation of the Lake Amatitlán watershed negatively impacted water potability. Prehistoric cultural eutrophication indicates that human-driven nutrient enrichment of water bodies is not an exclusively modern phenomenon and may well have been a stressor for the ancient Maya., Competing Interests: The authors declare no competing interest., (Copyright © 2021 the Author(s). Published by PNAS.)

New Zealand was among the last habitable places on earth to be colonized by humans 1 . Charcoal records indicate that wildfires were rare prior to colonization and widespread following the 13th- to 14th-century Māori settlement 2 , but the precise timing and magnitude of associated biomass-burning emissions are unknown 1,3 , as are effects on light-absorbing black carbon aerosol concentrations over the pristine Southern Ocean and Antarctica 4 . Here we used an array of well-dated Antarctic ice-core records to show that while black carbon deposition rates were stable over continental Antarctica during the past two millennia, they were approximately threefold higher over the northern Antarctic Peninsula during the past 700 years. Aerosol modelling 5 demonstrates that the observed deposition could result only from increased emissions poleward of 40° S-implicating fires in Tasmania, New Zealand and Patagonia-but only New Zealand palaeofire records indicate coincident increases. Rapid deposition increases started in 1297 (±30 s.d.) in the northern Antarctic Peninsula, consistent with the late 13th-century Māori settlement and New Zealand black carbon emissions of 36 (±21 2 s.d.) Gg y -1 during peak deposition in the 16th century. While charcoal and pollen records suggest earlier, climate-modulated burning in Tasmania and southern Patagonia 6,7 , deposition in Antarctica shows that black carbon emissions from burning in New Zealand dwarfed other preindustrial emissions in these regions during the past 2,000 years, providing clear evidence of large-scale environmental effects associated with early human activities across the remote Southern Hemisphere., (© 2021. The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Limited.)

Objectives: Cuncaicha, a rockshelter site in the southern Peruvian Andes, has yielded archaeological evidence for human occupation at high elevation (4,480 masl) during the Terminal Pleistocene (12,500-11,200 cal BP), Early Holocene (9,500-9,000 cal BP), and later periods. One of the excavated human burials (Feature 15-06), corresponding to a middle-aged female dated to ~8,500 cal BP, exhibits skeletal osteoarthritic lesions previously proposed to reflect habitual loading and specialized crafting labor. Three small tools found in association with this burial are hypothesized to be associated with precise manual dexterity., Materials and Methods: Here, we tested this functional hypothesis through the application of a novel multivariate methodology for the three-dimensional analysis of muscle attachment surfaces (entheses). This original approach has been recently validated on both lifelong-documented anthropological samples as well as experimental studies in nonhuman laboratory samples. Additionally, we analyzed the three-dimensional entheseal shape and resulting moment arms for muscle opponens pollicis., Results: Results show that Cuncaicha individual 15-06 shows a distinctive entheseal pattern associated with habitual precision grasping via thumb-index finger coordination, which is shared exclusively with documented long-term precision workers from recent historical collections. The separate geometric morphometric analysis revealed that the individual's opponens pollicis enthesis presents a highly projecting morphology, which was found to strongly correlate with long joint moment arms (a fundamental component of force-producing capacity), closely resembling the form of Paleolithic hunter-gatherers from diverse geo-chronological contexts of Eurasia and North Africa., Discussion: Overall, our findings provide the first biocultural evidence to confirm that the lifestyle of some of the earliest Andean inhabitants relied on habitual and forceful precision grasping tasks., (© 2020 The Authors. American Journal of Physical Anthropology published by Wiley Periodicals LLC.)

The systematic use of antlers and other osseous materials by modern humans marks a set of cultural and technological innovations in the early Upper Paleolithic, as is seen most clearly in the Aurignacian. Split-based points, which are one of the most common osseous tools, are present throughout most regions where the Aurignacian is documented. Using results from recent and ongoing excavations at Geißenklösterle, Hohle Fels and Vogelherd, we nearly tripled the sample of split-based points from 31 to 87 specimens, and thereby enhance our understanding of the technological economy surrounding the production of osseous tools. Aurignacian people of the Swabian Jura typically left spit-based points at sites that appear to be base camps rich with numerous examples of personal ornaments, figurative art, symbolic imagery, and musical instruments. The artifact assemblages from SW Germany highlight a production sequence that resembles that of SW France and Cantabria, except for the absence of tongued pieces. Our study documents the life histories of osseous tools and demonstrates templates for manufacture, use, recycling, and discard of these archetypal artifacts from the Aurignacian. The study also underlines the diversified repertoire of modern humans in cultural and technological realms highlighting their adaptive capabilities., Competing Interests: Authors have declared that no competing interests exist. Heidelberger Cement and Voith Corporation provided funding for this study. This does not alter our adherence to PLOS ONE policies on data sharing and materials."

The renewal of the archaeological record, mainly through the discovery of unpublished sites, provides information that sometimes qualifies or even reformulates previous approaches. One of the latter cases is represented by the three new decorated caves found in 2015 in Aitzbitarte Hill. Their exhaustive study shows the presence of engraved animals, mainly bison, with formal characteristics unknown so far in the Palaeolithic art of the northern Iberian Peninsula. However, parallels are located in caves in southern France such as Gargas, Cussac, Roucadour or Cosquer. All of them share very specific graphic conventions that correspond to human occupations assigned basically to the Gravettian cultural complex. The new discovery implies the need to reformulate the iconographic exchange networks currently accepted, as well as their correspondence with other elements of the material culture at the same sites. Thus, we have carried out a multiproxy approach based in statistical analysis. The updated data reveals a greater complexity in artistic expression during the Gravettian that had not been considered so far, and also challenges the traditional isolation that had been granted to Cantabrian symbolic expressions during pre-Magdalenian times., Competing Interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Long-term time series have provided evidence that anthropogenic pressures can threaten lakes. Yet it remains unclear how and the extent to which lake biodiversity has changed during the Anthropocene, in particular for microbes. Here, we used DNA preserved in sediments to compare modern micro-eukaryotic communities with those from the end of the 19th century, i.e., before acceleration of the human imprint on ecosystems. Our results obtained for 48 lakes indicate drastic changes in the composition of microbial communities, coupled with a homogenization of their diversity between lakes. Remote high elevation lakes were globally less impacted than lowland lakes affected by local human activity. All functional groups (micro-algae, parasites, saprotrophs and consumers) underwent significant changes in diversity. However, we show that the effects of anthropogenic changes have benefited in particular phototrophic and mixotrophic species, which is consistent with the hypothesis of a global increase of primary productivity in lakes.

Recent assessments of Earth's dwindling wilderness have emphasized that Antarctica is a crucial wilderness in need of protection 1,2 . Yet human impacts on the continent are widespread 3-5 , the extent of its wilderness unquantified 2 and the importance thereof for biodiversity conservation unknown. Here we assemble a comprehensive record of human activity (approximately 2.7 million records, spanning 200 years) and use it to quantify the extent of Antarctica's wilderness and its representation of biodiversity. We show that 99.6% of the continent's area can still be considered wilderness, but this area captures few biodiversity features. Pristine areas, free from human interference, cover a much smaller area (less than 32% of Antarctica) and are declining as human activity escalates 6 . Urgent expansion of Antarctica's network of specially protected areas 7 can both reverse this trend and secure the continent's biodiversity 8-10 .

Severe and persistent 21st-century drought in southwestern North America (SWNA) motivates comparisons to medieval megadroughts and questions about the role of anthropogenic climate change. We use hydrological modeling and new 1200-year tree-ring reconstructions of summer soil moisture to demonstrate that the 2000-2018 SWNA drought was the second driest 19-year period since 800 CE, exceeded only by a late-1500s megadrought. The megadrought-like trajectory of 2000-2018 soil moisture was driven by natural variability superimposed on drying due to anthropogenic warming. Anthropogenic trends in temperature, relative humidity, and precipitation estimated from 31 climate models account for 47% (model interquartiles of 35 to 105%) of the 2000-2018 drought severity, pushing an otherwise moderate drought onto a trajectory comparable to the worst SWNA megadroughts since 800 CE., (Copyright © 2020 The Authors, some rights reserved; exclusive licensee American Association for the Advancement of Science. No claim to original U.S. Government Works.)

Atmospheric methane (CH 4 ) is a potent greenhouse gas, and its mole fraction has more than doubled since the preindustrial era 1 . Fossil fuel extraction and use are among the largest anthropogenic sources of CH 4 emissions, but the precise magnitude of these contributions is a subject of debate 2,3 . Carbon-14 in CH 4 ( 14 CH 4 ) can be used to distinguish between fossil ( 14 C-free) CH 4 emissions and contemporaneous biogenic sources; however, poorly constrained direct 14 CH 4 emissions from nuclear reactors have complicated this approach since the middle of the 20th century 4,5 . Moreover, the partitioning of total fossil CH 4 emissions (presently 172 to 195 teragrams CH 4 per year) 2,3 between anthropogenic and natural geological sources (such as seeps and mud volcanoes) is under debate; emission inventories suggest that the latter account for about 40 to 60 teragrams CH 4 per year 6,7 . Geological emissions were less than 15.4 teragrams CH 4 per year at the end of the Pleistocene, about 11,600 years ago 8 , but that period is an imperfect analogue for present-day emissions owing to the large terrestrial ice sheet cover, lower sea level and extensive permafrost. Here we use preindustrial-era ice core 14 CH 4 measurements to show that natural geological CH 4 emissions to the atmosphere were about 1.6 teragrams CH 4 per year, with a maximum of 5.4 teragrams CH 4 per year (95 per cent confidence limit)-an order of magnitude lower than the currently used estimates. This result indicates that anthropogenic fossil CH 4 emissions are underestimated by about 38 to 58 teragrams CH 4 per year, or about 25 to 40 per cent of recent estimates. Our record highlights the human impact on the atmosphere and climate, provides a firm target for inventories of the global CH 4 budget, and will help to inform strategies for targeted emission reductions 9,10 .

The earliest Neolithic of southwest Asia is generally perceived and portrayed as a period of emerging economic practices that anticipated full-fledged food-producing economies. This first Neolithic, however, can also be seen as the last gasp of an earlier way of life that remained fundamentally Epipaleolithic in character. While people at this time had begun to cultivate some of the plant foods gathered in preceding periods, and to live for lengthy periods in sites with substantial architecture, they also relied on hunting for a significant portion of their diet and logistical movement across landscapes to exploit diverse environments. The objective of our research on Nachcharini Cave, the only excavated early Neolithic site in the high mountains of northeastern Lebanon, is to evaluate its role in a form of logistical organization not well attested at other sites in the Levant during this period. On the basis of material that Bruce Schroeder excavated in the 1970s, we present here for the first time analyses of faunal and lithic evidence from Nachcharini Cave, along with new radiocarbon dates that place the major occupation layer of the site firmly in the earliest Neolithic. We conclude that Nachcharini was a short-term hunting camp that was periodically used over some two centuries., Competing Interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Humans seem to have an adaptive predisposition for inventing, telling and consuming stories 1 . Prehistoric cave art provides the most direct insight that we have into the earliest storytelling 2-5 , in the form of narrative compositions or 'scenes' 2,5 that feature clear figurative depictions of sets of figures in spatial proximity to each other, and from which one can infer actions taking place among the figures 5 . The Upper Palaeolithic cave art of Europe hosts the oldest previously known images of humans and animals interacting in recognizable scenes 2,5 , and of therianthropes 6,7 -abstract beings that combine qualities of both people and animals, and which arguably communicated narrative fiction of some kind (folklore, religious myths, spiritual beliefs and so on). In this record of creative expression (spanning from about 40 thousand years ago (ka) until the beginning of the Holocene epoch at around 10 ka), scenes in cave art are generally rare and chronologically late (dating to about 21-14 ka) 7 , and clear representations of therianthropes are uncommon 6 -the oldest such image is a carved figurine from Germany of a human with a feline head (dated to about 40-39 ka) 8 . Here we describe an elaborate rock art panel from the limestone cave of Leang Bulu' Sipong 4 (Sulawesi, Indonesia) that portrays several figures that appear to represent therianthropes hunting wild pigs and dwarf bovids; this painting has been dated to at least 43.9 ka on the basis of uranium-series analysis of overlying speleothems. This hunting scene is-to our knowledge-currently the oldest pictorial record of storytelling and the earliest figurative artwork in the world.

Accelerated soil erosion has become a pervasive feature on landscapes around the world and is recognized to have substantial implications for land productivity, downstream water quality, and biogeochemical cycles. However, the scarcity of global syntheses that consider long-term processes has limited our understanding of the timing, the amplitude, and the extent of soil erosion over millennial time scales. As such, we lack the ability to make predictions about the responses of soil erosion to long-term climate and land cover changes. Here, we reconstruct sedimentation rates for 632 lakes based on chronologies constrained by 3,980 calibrated 14 C ages to assess the relative changes in lake-watershed erosion rates over the last 12,000 y. Estimated soil erosion dynamics were then complemented with land cover reconstructions inferred from 43,669 pollen samples and with climate time series from the Max Planck Institute Earth System Model. Our results show that a significant portion of the Earth surface shifted to human-driven soil erosion rate already 4,000 y ago. In particular, inferred soil erosion rates increased in 35% of the watersheds, and most of these sites showed a decrease in the proportion of arboreal pollen, which would be expected with land clearance. Further analysis revealed that land cover change was the main driver of inferred soil erosion in 70% of all studied watersheds. This study suggests that soil erosion has been altering terrestrial and aquatic ecosystems for millennia, leading to carbon (C) losses that could have ultimately induced feedbacks on the climate system., Competing Interests: The authors declare no competing interest., (Copyright © 2019 the Author(s). Published by PNAS.)

Historical grassland cover change is vital for global and regional environmental change modeling; however, in China, estimates of this are rare, and therefore, we propose a method to reconstruct grassland cover over the past 300 years. By synthesizing remote sensing-derived Chinese land use and land cover change (LULCC) data (1980-2015) and potential natural vegetation data simulated by the relationship between vegetation and environment, we first determined the potential extent of natural grassland vegetation (PENG) in the absence of human activities. Then we reconstructed grassland cover across western China between 1661 and 1996 at 10 km resolution by overlaying the Chinese historical cropland dataset (CHCD) over the PENG. As this land cover type has been significantly influenced by anthropogenic factors, the data show that the proportion of grassland in western China continuously decreased from 304.84 × 10 6 ha in 1661 to 277.69 × 10 6 ha in 1996. This reduction can be divided into four phases, comprising a rapid decrease between 1661 and 1724, a slow decrease between 1724 and 1873, a sharp decrease between 1873 and 1980, and a gradual increase since 1980. These reductions correspond to annual loss rates of 7.32 × 10 4 ha, 2.90 × 10 4 ha, 17.04 × 10 4 ha, and -2.37 × 10 4 ha, respectively. The data reconstructed here show that the decrease in grassland area between 1661 and 1724 was mainly limited to the Gan-Ning region (Gansu and Ningxia) and was driven by the early agricultural development policies of the Qing Dynasty. Grassland was extensively cultivated in northeastern China (Heilongjiang, Jilin, and Liaoning) and in the Xinjiang region between 1724 and 1980, a process which resulted from an exponential increase in immigrants to these provinces. The reconstruction results enable provide crucial data that can be used for modeling long-term climate change and carbon emissions., Competing Interests: The authors declare no conflict of interest.

We determined depth profiles of total mercury (T-Hg) in six 210 Pb-dated sediment cores from Todos os Santos Bay to reconstruct the history of anthropogenic Hg accumulation. We also assessed superficial sediments samples from five estuaries. T-Hg concentrations (5-3500 μg kg -1 ) presented a large spatial and temporal variability. T-Hg concentrations in Ribeira Bay increased up to 200-fold along time, whereas the fluxes of T-Hg are substantially higher (up to 10,000 fold) than present-day wet deposition for industrialized areas. Sedimentary records indicate that a chlor-alkali plant has been the main source of Hg pollution until the present, although the T-Hg records suggest that harbor, shrimp farming, and oil refinery activities, besides Hg atmospheric depositions, are important across the bay. Sediments in the Ribeira Bay act as an important Hg sink. If sediments are eroded or disturbed, they may release Hg, thus posing a serious risk to wildlife and ecosystem health. CAPSULE: Sedimentary cores provide data on preindustrial levels and also anthropogenic fluxes of Hg for the appraisal of the magnitude, processes and potential risks of the contamination., (Copyright © 2019 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

There is growing evidence that pre-Columbian humans had strong impacts on soils, plant and animal communities and ecosystem functioning in many parts of Amazonia, and that the legacies of these impacts still affect biodiversity and how ecosystems function today. Understanding the history of human/environment interactions in Amazonia is essential for analyzing the current state of these interactions and imagining scenarios for the future. This study gives a brief overview of these themes.

Tropospheric ozone (O 3 ) is a key component of air pollution and an important anthropogenic greenhouse gas 1 . During the twentieth century, the proliferation of the internal combustion engine, rapid industrialization and land-use change led to a global-scale increase in O 3 concentrations 2,3 ; however, the magnitude of this increase is uncertain. Atmospheric chemistry models typically predict 4-7 an increase in the tropospheric O 3 burden of between 25 and 50 per cent since 1900, whereas direct measurements made in the late nineteenth century indicate that surface O 3 mixing ratios increased by up to 300 per cent 8-10 over that time period. However, the accuracy and diagnostic power of these measurements remains controversial 2 . Here we use a record of the clumped-isotope composition of molecular oxygen ( 18 O 18 O in O 2 ) trapped in polar firn and ice from 1590 to 2016 AD, as well as atmospheric chemistry model simulations, to constrain changes in tropospheric O 3 concentrations. We find that during the second half of the twentieth century, the proportion of 18 O 18 O in O 2 decreased by 0.03 ± 0.02 parts per thousand (95 per cent confidence interval) below its 1590-1958 AD mean, which implies that tropospheric O 3 increased by less than 40 per cent during that time. These results corroborate model predictions of global-scale increases in surface pollution and vegetative stress caused by increasing anthropogenic emissions of O 3 precursors 4,5,11 . We also estimate that the radiative forcing of tropospheric O 3 since 1850 AD is probably less than +0.4 watts per square metre, consistent with results from recent climate modelling studies 12 .

Throughout the Angkor period (9th to 15th centuries CE), the Khmer kingdom maintained a series of interconnected cities and smaller settlements across its territory on mainland Southeast Asia. One such city was Koh Ker, which for a brief period in the 10th century CE even served as a royal capital. The complexity of the political landscape meant the Khmer kings and the elite were particularly mobile through the Angkor period, and rupture in royal houses was common. However, while the historical record chronicles the 10th century migration of the royal seat from Koh Ker back to Angkor, the fate of Koh Ker's domestic population has remained unknown. In this article, we reconstruct the settlement history of Koh Ker, using palaeoecological and geoarchaeological techniques, and show that human activity and land use persisted in the city for several centuries beyond the city's abandonment by the royal court. These results highlight the utility of multi-proxy environmental reconstructions of Khmer urban settlements for re-evaluating prevailing assumptions regarding the use and occupation of Angkor-period cities., Competing Interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Based on chronological and archaeobotanical studies of 15 Neolithic and Bronze Age sites from the northern Chinese Loess Plateau and southern Inner Mongolia-the agro-pastoral zone of China-we document changes in the agricultural system over time. The results show that wheat and rice were not the major crops of the ancient agricultural systems in these areas, since their remains are rarely recovered, and that millet cultivation was dominant. Millet agriculture increased substantially from 3000 BC-2000 BC, and foxtail millet evidently comprised a high proportion of the cultivated crop plants during this period. In addition, as the human population increased from the Yangshao to the Longshan periods, the length and width of common millet seeds increased by 20-30%. This demonstrates the co-evolution of both plants and the human population in the region. Overall, our results reveal a complex agricultural-gardening system based on the cultivation of common millet, foxtail millet, soybeans and fruit trees, indicating a high food diversity and selectivity of the human population., Competing Interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

American archeology has long been polarized over the issue of a human presence in the Western Hemisphere earlier than Clovis. As evidence of early sites across North and South America continues to emerge, stone tool assemblages appear more geographically and temporally diverse than traditionally assumed. Within this new framework, the prevailing models of Clovis origins and the peopling of the Americas are being reevaluated. This paper presents age estimates from a series of alluvial sedimentary samples from the earliest cultural assemblage at the Gault Site, Central Texas. The optically stimulated luminescence age estimates (~16 to 20 thousand years ago) indicate an early human occupation in North America before at least ~16 thousand years ago. Significantly, this assemblage exhibits a previously unknown, early projectile point technology unrelated to Clovis. Within a wider context, this evidence suggests that Clovis technology spread across an already regionalized, indigenous population.

The origin of the Middle Stone Age (MSA) marks the transition from a highly persistent mode of stone toolmaking, the Acheulean, to a period of increasing technological innovation and cultural indicators associated with the evolution of Homo sapiens We used argon-40/argon-39 and uranium-series dating to calibrate the chronology of Acheulean and early MSA artifact-rich sedimentary deposits in the Olorgesailie basin, southern Kenya rift. We determined the age of late Acheulean tool assemblages from 615,000 to 499,000 years ago, after which a large technological and faunal transition occurred, with a definitive MSA lacking Acheulean elements beginning most likely by ~320,000 years ago, but at least by 305,000 years ago. These results establish the oldest repository of MSA artifacts in eastern Africa., (Copyright © 2018 The Authors, some rights reserved; exclusive licensee American Association for the Advancement of Science. No claim to original U.S. Government Works.)

The human selection of food plants cannot always have been aimed exclusively at isolating the traits typical of domesticated species today. Each phase of global change must have obliged plants and humans to cope with and develop innovative adaptive strategies. Hundreds of thousands of wild cereal seeds from the Holocene 'green Sahara' tell a story of cultural trajectories and environmental instability revealing that a complex suite of weediness traits were preferred by both hunter-gatherers and pastoralists. The archaeobotanical record of the Takarkori rockshelter in southwest Libya covering four millennia of human occupation in the central Sahara gives us a unique insight into long-term plant manipulation and cultivation without domestication. The success of a number of millets was rooted in their invasive-opportunistic behaviour, rewarded during their coexistence with people in Africa. These wild plants were selected for features that were precious in the past but pernicious for agriculture today. Reconnecting past practices with modern farming strategies can help us to seek out the best resources for the future.

With the rapid rise in pollution-associated nitrogen inputs to the western Pacific, it has been suggested that even the open ocean has been affected. In a coral core from Dongsha Atoll, a remote coral reef ecosystem, we observe a decline in the 15 N/ 14 N of coral skeleton-bound organic matter, which signals increased deposition of anthropogenic atmospheric N on the open ocean and its incorporation into plankton and, in turn, the atoll corals. The first clear change occurred just before 2000 CE, decades later than predicted by other work. The amplitude of change suggests that, by 2010, anthropogenic atmospheric N deposition represented 20 ± 5% of the annual N input to the surface ocean in this region, which appears to be at the lower end of other estimates., (Copyright © 2017, American Association for the Advancement of Science.)

Microbial ecology has been recognized as useful in archaeological studies. At Archaic Monte Iato in Western Sicily, a native (indigenous) building was discovered. The objective of this study was the first examination of soil microbial communities related to this building. Soil samples were collected from archaeological layers at a ritual deposit (food waste disposal) in the main room and above the fireplace in the annex. Microbial soil characterization included abundance (cellular phospholipid fatty acids (PLFA), viable bacterial counts), activity (physiological profiles, enzyme activities of viable bacteria), diversity, and community structure (bacterial and fungal Illumina amplicon sequencing, identification of viable bacteria). PLFA-derived microbial abundance was lower in soils from the fireplace than in soils from the deposit; the opposite was observed with culturable bacteria. Microbial communities in soils from the fireplace had a higher ability to metabolize carboxylic and acetic acids, while those in soils from the deposit metabolized preferentially carbohydrates. The lower deposit layer was characterized by higher total microbial and bacterial abundance and bacterial richness and by a different carbohydrate metabolization profile compared to the upper deposit layer. Microbial community structures in the fireplace were similar and could be distinguished from those in the two deposit layers, which had different microbial communities. Our data confirmed our hypothesis that human consumption habits left traces on microbiota in the archaeological evidence; therefore, microbiological residues as part of the so-called ecofacts are, like artifacts, key indicators of consumer behavior in the past.

Environmental histories that span the last full glacial cycle and are representative of regional change in Australia are scarce, hampering assessment of environmental change preceding and concurrent with human dispersal on the continent ca. 47,000 years ago. Here we present a continuous 150,000-year record offshore south-western Australia and identify the timing of two critical late Pleistocene events: wide-scale ecosystem change and regional megafaunal population collapse. We establish that substantial changes in vegetation and fire regime occurred ∼70,000 years ago under a climate much drier than today. We record high levels of the dung fungus Sporormiella, a proxy for herbivore biomass, from 150,000 to 45,000 years ago, then a marked decline indicating megafaunal population collapse, from 45,000 to 43,100 years ago, placing the extinctions within 4,000 years of human dispersal across Australia. These findings rule out climate change, and implicate humans, as the primary extinction cause.

The populations of light-demanding trees that dominate the canopy of central African forests are now aging. Here, we show that the lack of regeneration of these populations began ca. 165 ya (around 1850) after major anthropogenic disturbances ceased. Since 1885, less itinerancy and disturbance in the forest has occurred because the colonial administrations concentrated people and villages along the primary communication axes. Local populations formerly gardened the forest by creating scattered openings, which were sufficiently large for the establishment of light-demanding trees. Currently, common logging operations do not create suitable openings for the regeneration of these species, whereas deforestation degrades landscapes. Using an interdisciplinary approach, which included paleoecological, archaeological, historical, and dendrological data, we highlight the long-term history of human activities across central African forests and assess the contribution of these activities to present-day forest structure and composition. The conclusions of this sobering analysis present challenges to current silvicultural practices and to those of the future., Competing Interests: The authors declare that no competing interests exist.

The roots of pyrometallurgy are obscure. This paper explores one possible precursor, in the Faynan Orefield in southern Jordan. There, at approximately 7000cal. BP, banks of a near-perennial meandering stream (today represented by complex overbank wetland and anthropogenic deposits) were contaminated repeatedly by copper emitted by human activities. Variations in the distribution of copper in this sequence are not readily explained in other ways, although the precise mechanism of contamination remains unclear. The degree of copper enhancement was up to an order of magnitude greater than that measured in Pleistocene fluvial and paludal sediments, in contemporary or slightly older Holocene stream and pond deposits, and in the adjacent modern wadi braidplain. Lead is less enhanced, more variable, and appears to have been less influenced by contemporaneous human activities at this location. Pyrometallurgy in this region may have appeared as a byproduct of the activity practised on the stream-bank in the Wadi Faynan ~7000years ago., (Copyright © 2016. Published by Elsevier B.V.)

Objective: The Jomon, one of the ancestral populations of modern Japanese, were hunter-gatherers inhabiting the Japanese archipelago from 11,000 to 300 BC. We evaluated changes in the diaphyseal morphology of the fibula from the middle to the final phase of the Jomon period, compared to the morphology of other historical and modern populations from the Japanese archipelago, to elucidate temporal changes in habitual activities and possible division of labor among males and females., Material and Method: Jomon specimens of 107 males and 97 females were obtained from the shell mounds of the Pacific coastal area of East Japan, distinguishing between middle (3,000-2,000 BC) and late-final (2,000-300 BC) phases of the Jomon period. Mid-shaft morphology of the fibula and tibia were compared to morphological measurements of specimens from Yayoi (37 males, 28 females), medieval (56 males, 56 females), early modern (51 males, 50 females), and modern (125 males, 68 females) periods., Result: Largest values of fibular areas and relative fibular-to-tibial areas were identified in males from the late-final Jomon phase, compared to the middle Jomon phase and after the Yayoi period. These period-specific differences in fibular area were smaller in females, with the largest between-sex difference identified in the late-final Jomon phase., Discussion: Results confirm a change in the habitual activity pattern of males in the late-final phase. Males of the late-final Jomon phase likely did more long-distance traveling to the inland/mountainous region, as part of an ecological change that occurred during the middle to the late-final Jomon phase. Am J Phys Anthropol 160:708-718, 2016. © 2016 Wiley Periodicals, Inc., (© 2016 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.)

The current view for the southern Levant is that wild game hunting was replaced by herd management over the course of the Pre-Pottery Neolithic B period, but there is significant debate over the timing, scale and origin of this transition. To date, most relevant studies focus either on wild game exploitation in the periods prior to domestication or on classic markers of domestication of domestic progenitor species over the course of the PPNB. We studied the faunal remains from the 2007-2008 excavations of the Middle PPNB (MPPNB) site of Yiftah'el, Northern Israel. Our analysis included a close examination of the timing and impact of the trade-off between wild game and domestic progenitor taxa that reflects the very beginning of this critical transition in the Mediterranean zone of the southern Levant. Our results reveal a direct trade-off between the intensive hunting of wild ungulates that had been staples for millennia, and domestic progenitor taxa. We suggest that the changes in wild animal use are linked to a region-wide shift in the relationship between humans and domestic progenitor species including goat, pig and cattle.

The Oriental fire-bellied toad (Bombina orientalis) is a commonly used study organism, but knowledge of its evolutionary history is incomplete. We analyze sequence data from four genetic markers (mtDNA genes encoding cytochrome c oxidase subunit I, cytochrome b, and 12S-16S rRNA; nuDNA gene encoding recombination activating gene 2) from 188 individuals across its range in Northeast Asia to elucidate phylogeographic patterns and to identify the historic events that shaped its evolutionary history. Although morphologically similar across its range, B. orientalis exhibits phylogeographic structure, which we infer was shaped by geologic, climatic, and anthropogenic events. Phylogenetic and divergence-dating analyses recover four genetically distinct groups of B. orientalis: Lineage 1-Shandong Province and Beijing (China); Lineage 2-Bukhan Mountain (Korea); Lineage 3-Russia, Northeast China, and northern South Korea; and Lineage 4-South Korea. Lineage 2 was previously unknown. Additionally, we discover an area of secondary contact on the Korean Peninsula, and infer a single dispersal event as the origin of the insular Jeju population. Skyline plots estimate different population histories for the four lineages: Lineages 1 and 2 experienced population decreases, Lineage 3 remained stable, while Lineage 4 experienced a sharp increase during the Holocene. The timing of the population expansion of Lineage 4 coincides with the advent of rice cultivation, which may have facilitated the increase in population size by providing additional breeding habitat., (Copyright © 2016 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.)

The late Pleistocene extinction of so many large-bodied vertebrates has been variously attributed to two general causes: rapid climate change and the effects of humans as they spread from the Old World to previously uninhabited continents and islands. Many large-bodied vertebrates, especially large apex predators, maintain their associated ecosystems through top-down forcing processes, especially trophic cascades, and megaherbivores also exert an array of strong indirect effects on their communities. Thus, a third possibility for at least some of the Pleistocene extinctions is that they occurred through habitat changes resulting from the loss of these other keystone species. Here we explore the plausibility of this mechanism, using information on sea otters, kelp forests, and the recent extinction of Steller's sea cows from the Commander Islands. Large numbers of sea cows occurred in the Commander Islands at the time of their discovery by Europeans in 1741. Although extinction of these last remaining sea cows during early years of the Pacific maritime fur trade is widely thought to be a consequence of direct human overkill, we show that it is also a probable consequence of the loss of sea otters and the co-occurring loss of kelp, even if not a single sea cow had been killed directly by humans. This example supports the hypothesis that the directly caused extinctions of a few large vertebrates in the late Pleistocene may have resulted in the coextinction of numerous other species.

Large herbivores and carnivores (the megafauna) have been in a state of decline and extinction since the Late Pleistocene, both on land and more recently in the oceans. Much has been written on the timing and causes of these declines, but only recently has scientific attention focused on the consequences of these declines for ecosystem function. Here, we review progress in our understanding of how megafauna affect ecosystem physical and trophic structure, species composition, biogeochemistry, and climate, drawing on special features of PNAS and Ecography that have been published as a result of an international workshop on this topic held in Oxford in 2014. Insights emerging from this work have consequences for our understanding of changes in biosphere function since the Late Pleistocene and of the functioning of contemporary ecosystems, as well as offering a rationale and framework for scientifically informed restoration of megafaunal function where possible and appropriate.

Understanding how ecological communities are organized and how they change through time is critical to predicting the effects of climate change. Recent work documenting the co-occurrence structure of modern communities found that most significant species pairs co-occur less frequently than would be expected by chance. However, little is known about how co-occurrence structure changes through time. Here we evaluate changes in plant and animal community organization over geological time by quantifying the co-occurrence structure of 359,896 unique taxon pairs in 80 assemblages spanning the past 300 million years. Co-occurrences of most taxon pairs were statistically random, but a significant fraction were spatially aggregated or segregated. Aggregated pairs dominated from the Carboniferous period (307 million years ago) to the early Holocene epoch (11,700 years before present), when there was a pronounced shift to more segregated pairs, a trend that continues in modern assemblages. The shift began during the Holocene and coincided with increasing human population size and the spread of agriculture in North America. Before the shift, an average of 64% of significant pairs were aggregated; after the shift, the average dropped to 37%. The organization of modern and late Holocene plant and animal assemblages differs fundamentally from that of assemblages over the past 300 million years that predate the large-scale impacts of humans. Our results suggest that the rules governing the assembly of communities have recently been changed by human activity.

Sydney estuary has a long history of environmental degradation and is one of the most modified water ways in Australia due to a highly urbanised catchment (~77 %) and a high population (4.6 million). The objectives of the present study were to map historical land use change from European settlement (1788) to 2010 to determine catchment evolutionary pathways and to estimate catchment loading (total suspended solids, Cu, Pb and Zn) to the estuary over this period. Land use distribution in Sydney catchment, determined for seven time horizons over this period, indicated that a substantial increase in residential land use through subdivision of large estates and an increase in road area resulted in a marked increase in metal loading to Sydney estuary between 1892 and 1936. The decline in industrial activity from a maximum in 1978 (3.9 %) to 1.8 % in 2010 and the introduction of unleaded fuel during this time was accompanied by reduction in metal loading to the estuary. Land use time horizon maps enabled the creation of novel, ternary diagrams to represent temporal evolution in catchment land use. The 15 sub-catchments of Sydney estuary were combined into three major catchment categories, i.e., urban, dense urban and commercial. Present-day annual discharge of stormwater from the Sydney catchment was calculated to be 466,000 ML and annual loadings of total suspended sediment (TSS), Cu, Pb and Zn in tonnes were 49,239, 27, 37 and 57, respectively. Stormwater has superseded industry as the main source of anthropogenic metals to this estuary in recent times.

Humans have a long history of moving wildlife that over time has resulted in unprecedented biotic homogenization. It is, as a result, often unclear whether certain taxa are native to a region or naturalized, and how the history of human involvement in species dispersal has shaped present-day biodiversity. Although currently an eastern Palaearctic galliform, the black francolin (Francolinus francolinus) was known to occur in the western Mediterranean from at least the time of Pliny the Elder, if not earlier. During Medieval times and the Renaissance, the black francolin was a courtly gamebird prized not only for its flavor, but also its curative, and even aphrodisiac qualities. There is uncertainty, however, whether this important gamebird was native or introduced to the region and, if the latter, what the source of introduction into the western Mediterranean was. Here we combine historical documentation with a DNA investigation of modern birds and archival (13th-20th century) specimens from across the species' current and historically documented range. Our study proves the black francolin was nonnative to the western Mediterranean, and we document its introduction from the east via several trade routes, some reaching as far as South Asia. This finding provides insight into the reach and scope of long-distance trade routes that serviced the demand of European aristocracy for exotic species as symbols of wealth and prestige, and helps to demonstrate the lasting impact of human-mediated long-distance species dispersal on current day biodiversity.