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The article discusses the participation of doctors in the Brazilian military dictatorship (1964-1985). It identifies the main ways in which these doctors contributed with their technical and scientific knowledge and their institutional positions to the repression of the regime's opponents. The authors argue that this collaboration was not casual but strategic, organized, and systematic in assisting interrogations and practices of physical and psychological torture, as well as in covering up human rights violations. The article points out that this collaboration between doctors and the authoritarian regime violated all professional codes of ethics and international conventions for the protection and promotion of human rights, as well as the Hippocratic Oath. The primary historical sources on which the article is based are documents from the Brasil Nunca Mais Project, the final report of the National Truth Commission (CNV), and reports from states truth commissions. It concludes that the scant civil, criminal, and professional punishment of doctors involved in the regime's violence, protected by the 1979 Amnesty Law and other legal provisions, characterizes an incomplete rupture with the authoritarian legacies of the past, with consequences for the present and future of Brazilian democracy.

The establishment of academic psychiatry was completed around 1900. Simultaneously, in view of the societal crisis phenomenon the professional self-concept of the psychiatrist was shifted to a self-image, according to which psychiatry had to place its expertise at the service of the people and the country. This was particularly expressed in World War I in the brutal dealing with the so-called war neurotics. In association with the so-called death by starvation of ca. 70,000 institution inmates, in the post-war period Karl Bonhoeffer debated a transformation of the term humanitarianism. The worst consequence of the rejection of humanitarian thoughts are the murders of invalids under National Socialism; however, legitimization of such crimes by alluding to collective ethics, as attempted by Karl Brandt, seems to be less than convincing. The reform of psychiatry initiated in the 1960s and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, which came into force in 2008, have achieved prerequisites for a supportive psychiatry with reduced coercion, whereby many questions also in the legal and social systems must still be clarified., (© 2024. The Author(s).)

2024 is the 100th Anniversary of the Geneva Declaration of the Rights of the Child. Endorsed by the League of Nations in 1924 following World War I, the Geneva Declaration is the first international legal instrument recognizing the inherent rights of children worldwide-indeed, it is the first human rights document ever recognized by an intergovernmental organization, thus giving rise to the international human rights era that transformed policy, law, and ethics in the 20th century. As we approach the 100th anniversary of the Geneva Declaration, we have the opportunity to reflect on the progress we have made in the first century of intentional work recognizing and advancing the human rights of children internationally. This commentary looks at the international children's rights legal framework that was developed by the global community from 1924 to the present. It then highlights advancements and shortcomings in key thematic areas, such as child health and well-being, poverty, child labor, and education. It closes by focusing on the path and priorities before us as we enter our second century of advancing international children's rights. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

The history of the development of the Global Alliance for Behavioral Health and Social Justice was founded on understanding the social determinants of mental health and society and the necessity for multiple disciplines to organize advocacy for human rights and social justice. This led way to a wide cross-section of disciplines working together to engage at the policy level, in legislation, and within community settings as the Community Mental Health Movement developed and made a path for the reformation of many forms within the mental health field. This article reviews some of that interesting history and the importance of understanding those fundamental roots as we also look at the future for what is next in advocacy, social justice action, and policy directions for advancing the lives of those with serious mental illness, who face some of the most oppressive forms of marginalization and rejection of human rights and citizenship. This article will outline social justice action agendas for the organization and diverse collaborative fields to pursue as we embark upon the future and envision the full rights of citizenship for those with serious mental illness. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

One of the heroes in American history, Associate Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall (1908-1993) sought legal remedies against racial discrimination in education and health care. As director of the Legal Defense Fund (LDF) of NAACP from 1940 to 1961, his success in integrating law schools in Texas led to the first black medical student admitted to a state medical school in the South. Representing doctors and dentists needing a facility to perform surgery, the LDF brought cases before the courts in North Carolina that moved the country toward justice in health care. His ultimate legal victory came in 1954, Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka , the decision that declared racial segregation in public schools unconstitutional. In 1964, the LDF under Jack Greenberg, Marshall's successor as director, won Simkins v. Moses H. Cone Memorial Hospital , a decision that held that hospitals accepting federal funds had to admit black patients. The two decisions laid the judicial foundation for the laws and administrative acts that changed America's racial history, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Social Security Act Amendments of 1965 that established Medicare and Medicaid. His achievements came during the hottest period of the American civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s. Well past the middle of the twentieth century, black Americans were denied access to the full resources of American medicine, locked in a "separate-but-equal" system woefully inadequate in every respect. In abolishing segregation, Marshall initiated the long overdue remedy of the unjust legacies of slavery and Jim Crow., Competing Interests: Declaration of Conflicting InterestsThe author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

This article offers an answer to the questions about what does it mean to think decolonially, and of how it is possible to decolonise human rights. It describes decolonial thinking as a material dialectics of a critique of Eurocentrism, a rescue of Third-World perspectives, and a dialogue between the two. It then takes this threefold movement of consciousness and political action to the field of human rights, and thematises some exemplars of each of the three moments, and of models of the decolonisation of human rights, including that of re-writing their history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically, political elites adopted the idea of human rights if, and only if, it could foster their interests. Today, it is thus public interest civil society organizations, and not states, that are left to contribute most to the protection of and the struggle for human rights. Despite human rights being enshrined in constitutions, nowadays they can primarily be effectively claimed by those with access to the courts and by the press, i.e., those in power. Public interest civil society organizations and social movements are the only ones left to play this crucial role. The need for the global human rights movement to bridge the gap that has opened up between itself and the majority of the public is clear. Communications in the human rights domain simply have to become less legalistic and more hands-on. To claim their rights, those rendered poor need real power. Those who have been left poor and oppressed do not ever get to actively claim their rights. Instead they ask for mercy, expect charity, and seek benefits from benevolent masters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Communist Party of Australia (CPA) increasingly adopted ideas of universal rights throughout the 1960s. Responding to changes in the Soviet Union and the party's increasing irrelevancy at home, leading members of the CPA theorised a universal notion of rights—one that applied equally either side of the Iron Curtain—to critique Soviet actions on a variety of questions. In a local setting, the party aired for the first- time significant critiques of its history and practices, particularly rethinking its fraught relationship with Australian democratic freedom and rights, and recasting itself as a defender and extender rather than an ideological opponent of such ideas. Though brief, this engagement with these previously apostate ideas tells us much about the nature of the Australian party during this turbulent period and adds to our understanding of the transnational evolution of activist rights rhetoric and ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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In this work, the aggressions of the “First Peoples” An analysis of the place of “Mother Nature” in human thought suggests the importance of respecting it. This respect is an important foundation for respect for human rights, as is the awareness of, constantly, fighting poverty and considering all human beings as totally equal.

Johan Lansen, a deeply-valued colleague, teacher, advisor, clinical supervisor and personal mentor for many, died at age 86 on November 26, 2019 in his hometown of Amersfoort in the Netherlands.

Disability activists emerged as an important influence over the first decade of the new millennium in postcommunist Central and Eastern Europe, a particularly critical time for progress in human rights and services for people with mental disabilities in that part of the world. An entrenched custodial institutional infrastructure existed for children and adults with mental disabilities in communist Central and Eastern Europe between the 1940s and the fall of communism in 1989. Activists who emerged in the subsequent postcommunist era faced multiple challenges and important new opportunities in their efforts to address human rights and quality of life for citizens with mental disabilities. Critical to their efforts were new civil society freedoms that allowed for the establishment of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), which had previously been prohibited. Those activists and NGOs tended to represent one of two distinct missions: Either a focus on human rights protection with a watch-dog function, or an emphasis on service-provision and community-based support. Across both types of activism and NGO missions, the goal to reduce the imposition of custodial institutional life on people with mental disabilities was a priority. In addition to the history of mental disability activism in postcommunist Central and Eastern Europe, this article addresses the implications for American psychologists involved in cross-cultural and international work in disability issues, and notes the challenges facing psychologists who are engaged in both activism and the profession. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

This contribution explores the historical developments of transnational lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) psychology in Colombia, the Philippines, Russia, and South Africa in relationship to U.S. LGBT psychology. LGBTI psychology in these diverse contexts share commonalities but also have important variations in their development and focus within LGBTI concerns. The International Psychology Network for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Intersex Issues (IPsyNet) provides a model for international professional psychology collaboration and linkage on behalf of advocacy for LGBTI rights and sexual orientation and gender identity and/or expression concerns. Although there is the risk of transnational LGBTI psychology(ies) reproducing European-North American (Euro-N.A.) "homonationalism" and contributing to neo-colonization, these case examples illustrate the dynamic potential of transnational LGBTI psychology, including the possibilities of psychology to develop LGBTI psychologies drawing from indigenous as well as international structures and platforms, influencing Euro-N.A. models in the process. Finally, this article describes the promise and the limitations of transnational LGBTI psychology, including the role of human rights frameworks, as well as advocacy within professional psychology. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

This article constructs a brief history of how lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) issues have intersected with South African psychology at key sociopolitical moments, filling a gap in current histories. Organized psychology-a primary focus of this analysis-since its first formations in 1948, mostly colluded with apartheid governments by othering queerness as psychopathology or social deviance. The National Party, both homophobic and racist, ruled the country from 1948 until the first democratic elections in 1994. The acceleration of antiapartheid struggles in the 1980s saw progressive psychologists develop more critical forms of theory and practice. However, LGBTI+ issues remained overshadowed by the primary struggle for racial equality and democracy. Psychology's chameleon-like adaptation to evolving eras resulted in a unified organization when apartheid ended: the Psychological Society of South Africa (PsySSA). Democratic South Africa's Constitution took the bold step of protecting sexuality as a fundamental human right, galvanizing a fresh wave of LGBTI+ scholarship post-1994. However, LGBTI+ people still suffered prejudice, discrimination, and violence. Additionally, psychology training continued to ignore sexual orientation and gender-affirmative health care in curricula. PsySSA therefore joined the International Psychology Network for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Intersex Issues (IPsyNet) in 2007, catalyzing the PsySSA African LGBTI+ Human Rights Project in 2012 and two pioneering publications: a position statement on affirmative practice in 2013, and practice guidelines for psychology professionals working with sexually and gender-diverse people in 2017. This article traces a neglected history of South African psychology, examining the political, social, and institutional factors that eventually enabled the development of LGBTI+ affirmative psychologies. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

This essay examines two Portuguese novels about colonialism and its legacies: António Lobo Antunes's Fado Alexandrino (1983) and Aida Gomes's Os Pretos de Pousaflores ( The Blacks from Pousaflores ) (2011). Fado Alexandrino perpetuates the use of Black women's raped bodies as a plot device to represent colonial violence, while Gomes's narrative empowers racialized victims of sexual abuse and challenges dominant public memories of the Colonial War. A close reading of these novels, contextualized against the background of scholarly debates about the representation of sexual violence, exposes both the perils and potential of cultural works to preserve the memory of rape in armed conflict.

A Woman in Berlin (1954) has undoubtedly shaped global understanding of wartime rape. The present article focuses on the diarist's use of humor to process her disorientation, assert her subjectivity, and build affective links with other victims. I consider how the diary's tone influenced its reception and thus how aesthetic analysis might illuminate the conditions under which stories about sexual violence become audible, as well as the ways in which the "cultural politics of emotion" (to quote the title of Sarah Ahmed's 2004 study) can both foster and obstruct human rights projects.

More than one-third of the world's population resides in Asia. China and India have the largest population densities and the focus of this article is on these two countries. In the seventeenth century, women were globally treated as inferior and subordinate to men. Women had to listen to their fathers, husbands, and sons, and they could not inherit business or wealth. Starting in the eighteenth century and continuing in the nineteenth century, women's rights became central to political debates in Europe which demanded human rights, leading to the Women's Rights Movement. The Feminist movement began in the twentieth century, which focused on the reproductive rights of women. In the twentieth century, various Declarations have been signed by the United Nations to offer both gender equity and equality to women in the world, but unfortunately many of them have not been put into practice in Asia. In the twenty-first century, the feminist movement is focusing more on women having the power to decide the course of their lives. We still have to overcome challenges of unequal economic opportunity, political empowerment, gender violence, and human trafficking to achieve gender equality in Asia.

The historical struggles that Brazil faced to overcome malnutrition coincided with the empowerment of civil society and social movements which played a crucial role in the affirmation of health and food as social rights. After two decades under military dictatorship, Brazil went through a redemocratization process in the 1980s when activism emerged to demand spaces to participate in policy-making regarding the social agenda, including food and nutrition security (FNS). From 1988 onward institutional structures were established: the National Council of FNS (CONSEA) convenes government and civil society sectors to develop and monitor the implementation of policies, systems and actions. Social participation has been at the heart of structural changes achieved since then. Nevertheless, the country faces multiple challenges regarding FNS such as the double burden of disease, increasing use of pesticides and genetically modified seeds, weak regulation of ultra-processed products, and marketing practices that affect the environment, population health, and food sovereignty. This article aims at examining the development of the participatory political system and the role played by Brazilian social movements in the country's policies on FNS, in addition to outlining challenges faced by those policies.

Reproductive rights struggles have continued to dominate public debates in Poland since the political resurgence of the Catholic church in 1989. In 2015, the state passed a landmark "In Vitro Policy" to regulate assisted reproductive technologies. Its religiously based compromises may jeopardize other reproductive rights. I argue that the new policy negotiations demonstrate how versions of competing human rights claims are central to reproductive governance and struggles in the new Polish "ethical order." These negotiations reveal a reciprocal and temporal effect between infertility and abortion laws, in which previously enacted abortion restrictions are used to limit and define "In Vitro" rights.

Competing Interests: The authors declare no conflict of interest.

A document published by the Council of Europe provides practical indications for interpreting Article 21 of the Convention on Human Rights and Biomedicine, which asserts that "The human body and its parts shall not, as such, give rise to financial gain". In Italy the Istituto Superiore di Sanità (ISS, Italian National Institute of Health) is actively committed to comply fully with this imperative ethical requirement.

The Council of Europe's legal regulation concerning development of biology and medicine undoubtedly form the most interesting, but certainly not perfect, over-national system of protection of human beings in prenatal stages of development. The strength of the mentioned system is that it based on well-known and common acceptable values and rules such as human dignity and its protection. The aim of the paper is to present the reasons behind adopting such a system, as well as the consequences of the latter.The author argues that in such a way a revolution within the human rights system of the Council of Europe took place. This revolution caused a significant expansion of the Council of Europe's system of human rights' protection and changed the perspective of the protection from vertical to the horizontal.

I met Jonathan Fine for the first time in 2011. He was to travel back to Boston through Mumbai after a stint in Chattisgarh, where he had volunteered with Jan Swasthya Sahayog, the well-known rural hospital near Bilaspur. A friend suggested that since he was a doctor who had done pioneering work by setting up the renowned organisation Physicians for Human Rights, we should arrange a talk by him for medical students. A lecture was thus organised at my alma mater, the GS Medical College and KEM Hospital, where Jonathan spoke on "Why should doctors engage with human rights?" In his characteristic blunt style, rather than talk about his past, he exhorted the audience to visit Chattisgarh and see the severe inequities he had witnessed.

As computer historians extend the bounds of what constitutes computer history, they must also take care not to write histories that overstate the importance of these technologies. "Decentering" the computer in computer history provides a way for historians to study the role of computers in more domains without exaggerating their importance. Here I illustrate how the use of a computer system for forensic identification formed part of Chile's complicated history of truth, justice, and reconciliation in the aftermath of the Pinochet dictatorship. While computers are not, and should not be, the central focus of how we understand processes of truth and reconciliation in history, in this case they illuminate the dynamics of how those working within the Chilean government, including its justice system, have approached Chile's history of human rights abuses.

This article, in commemoration of the 70th anniversary of the Doctors' Trial at Nuremberg, reflects on the Nazi eugenics and "euthanasia" programs and their relevance for today. The Nazi doctors used eugenic ideals to justify sterilizations, child and adult "euthanasia," and, ultimately, genocide. Contemporary euthanasia has experienced a progression from voluntary to nonvoluntary and from passive to active killing. Modern eugenics has included both positive and negative selective activities. The 70th anniversary of the Doctors' Trial at Nuremberg provides an important opportunity to reflect on the implications of the Nazi eugenics and "euthanasia" programs for contemporary health law, bioethics, and human rights. In this article, we will examine the role that health practitioners played in the promotion and implementation of State-sponsored eugenics and "euthanasia" in Nazi Germany, followed by an exploration of contemporary parallels and debates in modern bioethics. 1 .