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The present paper examines the nature and patterns of interactions between the people of North Africa and the Sudanese zone of West Africa during the pre-colonial period. It reveals the symbiotic relations that shaped their interaction during the period and the factors that facilitated their contact despite the barrier of the Saharan desert. Similarly the paper refutes the claims of some European writers in the colonial period, and shortly, after that, the peoples of the Sudanese zone were incapable of any historical consciousness, nor able to evolve genuine institutions, without the support of the peoples of North Africa and Europeans. The work establishes that despite the impenetrable space of the Saharan desert, the peoples of North Africa and the Sudanese zone were able to mingle, exchange goods, ideas, beliefs and foster mutual relationships that impacted positively on both regions of the continent. The paper reveals that a major factor that has influenced if not, contributed to the belief held by some of these Europeans concerning the history of the Sudanese zone in particular, and Africa South of the Sahara in general is the narrow nature of their sources, which focuses more on secondary sources. The paper concludes that the biased account concerning the Sudanese zone during the period under review has been refuted successfully through broader approaches to the historical study of African history that involves an interdisciplinary approach as well as expansion of the sources to include oral sources among others. It utilises the theory of transnationalism to theorise and shed light on the frontier dimension of human movement across borders. The paper also employs secondary sources.

Migration is incomplete if it is not bringing development as far as some scholars believe to either the ‘mother country’ or the ‘host country. The Ejigbo migrants have exemplified this assertion in their sojourn in the West African States where they can be found in pocket settlement and largely in Abidjan Adjame to be precise. Even though some scholars will argue that the development of Ejigbo town is still at a low pace as against what Ejigbo Migrants has done in Abidjan where they largely settle .It is imperative to develop a multi-disciplinary approach in this study, through the deduction of facts from oral accounts and written sources; that is, making use of archival documents, conducting interviews, and also using written materials for this research work. The research has shown that with the help of Ejigbo migrants, development could be seen in Ejigbo land.

Drumming is an activity characterised by percussive instruments with different functions. This study evaluated the communicative and cultural significance of drumming in Nigeria using the talking drum. The study was evaluated using the Uses and Gratification theory. This study was analysed with the aid of secondary data on drumming and talking drum from Nigerian scholars and online websites. The analysis revealed that the talking drum is an established tool of communication and culture in Nigeria despite the upsurge of digital technology revolutionizing societal outlook. Drumming however no longer only exists in the physical space but can now be accessed through the internet and digital media. The study recommends that, drumming should be taught in schools and promoted through popular culture.

In a civilized society like ours where constitutional democracy system of Government is being practiced, power to make, alter, amend or repeal any law are adequately provided for by the relevant provisions of the constitution. Executive, Legislature and Judiciary which are the three arms of Government and the organs which keep Government at all levels functioning are products of the constitution. Their powers are rights to act accordingly and are derived from provisions of the constitution. Where any organ does any act which the constitution had not provided for, such act will be declared illegal, unconstitutional or null and void. Section 4(1) of 1999 constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (As amended) provides that “The legislative powers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria shall be vested in a National Assembly for the Federation which shall consist of a Senate and a House of Representative”. Section 4(2) of the same constitution also provides that “The National Assembly shall have power to make laws for the peace, order and good government of the Federation or any part thereof with respect to any matter included in the Executive Legislative list set out in part 1 of the second schedule to this constitution”. The combined interpretation of section 4(2) and section 4(3) and other subsections in that section 4 are that “absolute power to make laws for the Nigerians, or alter relevant sections of the constitution as provided by the constitution lies on the powers to any part of the National Assembly”. This paper however, analysed relevant sections of 1999 constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (As amended), the powers of the National Assembly to make, alter, amend or provide new constitution to the people of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as requested by the Nigerian citizens. The paper concluded on the strong notion that unless power to create a new Constitution is inserted in this present constitution, National Assembly lacks power to create a new constitution.

Polygamy as a part of socio-cultural life was not peculiar to Africa but also had a strong biblical root. In this wise, disregard for African cultural values like polygamy, and the insistence on monogamy for the culture of Africa by European missionaries appeared inappropriate. They rather seemed to be an imposition of the European culture on Africans. Missionaries’ solution to the debate on polygamy in the Christian church which required the converted African polygamist to divorce all but a wife before baptism seemed to suggest extremism. In fact, socio-economic security and family stability depended on the socio-cultural background, and number of children in the household. These undoubtedly were Abrahamic and African identities. Hence, the security and stability of polygamous households in both cultures seemed to be more at high value than that of monogamy imposed by the missionaries. The paper adopted socio-cultural principle, and hermeneutical method to examine polygamy and its appropriation in Abrahamic and African cultures. The study revealed that while the teachings of the missionaries on polygamy ought to be tailored towards the tenets of the biblical disposition on marriage, they rather considered polygamy in Africa to be an immoral cultural practice and unacceptable marital union. The paper recommended that the missionaries should demonstrate tolerance and magnanimity towards polygamists in Africa.

This paper examines the economic activities of Esan people from earliest times to 1906. It problematises entrepreneurship as an elastic factor of production and development in Esanland. Its elasticity made the pre-colonial economy of Esan responsive to the economic forces of change and continuity. And it contextualised the Esan people as the means and beneficiaries of development in Esanland within the period. The paper finds that economic survivalismin Esan did not take place in vacuum. It was triggered by the adaptation of Esan people to their environmental milieu and responsiveness to the forces of economic change. Hence, using historical research methodology, the paper employs primary and secondary materials to demonstrate this historical fact. From the patterns of economic development in Esan during the period, the paper finds that its economy was neither subsistent nor static. It was dynamic and viable because of the dynamism of Esan people as entreprenuers. Consequently, the pre-colonial Esan economy was able to satisfy economic needs in Benin Kingdom and beyond through Benin agents. Therefore, after the conquest of Benin in 1897, the British were attracted to Esanland, prompting a shift in economic emphasis to Esan in 1906. This paper concludes that the continued responsiveness and adaptation of Esan people to their environmental milieu and emergent forces of demand and supply made Esan economy relevant to the British.

The article focuses primarily on the issue of identity and contested citizenship within the context of democratic governance in Nigeria since 1999. A deep understanding of the workings of Nigeria’s democratic terrain may not be possible without some understanding of the identity. Given the political salience of ethnic, religious, and other social forces identities, it has led to a bifurcated citizenship crisis such as the dichotomy between “settlers” and “natives” and “indigenes” and “non-indigenes” or local citizenship. These centripetal and centrifugal forces have not only has become the rule for distributing position, power, and resources in Nigeria but have also coalesced to give rise to an identity crisis and contested citizenship. Different explanations have been offered regarding the implication of the above subject matter for democratic governance. However, the article tries to subsume these explanations under the indigene-settler perspective. Hence, the emergence of federal character, quota system, and true federalism as well as several socio-economic and political crises that became heightened since the beginning of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic are the manifestation of identity and citizenship crisis. The article, therefore, articulates viewpoints that bring into forefront intellectual debate on the future of Nigeria's democratic governance amidst identity crisis and contested citizenship. The article adopts a historical research methodology and relies on secondary sources of data.

The absence of good governance could be seen and explained in terms of defective constitutional arrangement, corruption, economic mismanagement, undemocratic internal party politics, fraudulent electoral system, rule of man as against rule of law and lack of accountability and transparency are the major impediments to democratic consolidation in Nigeria. In this regard, the study argues that sustained poor political leadership has seriously threatened the survival of democracy in Nigeria and that positive influences on the part of the religious bodies, through their leaders are argued to be inestimable. Meanwhile, this paper looked at the challenge of democracy in Nigeria from a religio philosophical point of view and the manners those problems which constitute fundamental challenges could be surmounted. Findings in this research maintain that for there to be significant improvement in the democratic processes, amongst others, Nigerian political leaders should change their dispositions in the handling of state affairs. Finally, the paper made some recommendations that would assist in promoting democratic practice and culture in the country. Among other recommendations, the paper recommends that for effective and productive democratic governance in Nigeria, the political leaders need to uphold democratic values of popular participation, respect for the rule of law, free and fair elections and the independence of the judiciary.