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Este trabajo se centrará en el Genocidio de Ruanda, un conflicto que tuvo lugar entre abril y julio de 1994 y que acabó con la vida de alrededor de 800.000 personas, en su mayoría tutsi. Se examinarán los desencadenantes, la evolución y las consecuencia de este devastador conflicto, además de hacer hincapié en el papel desempeñado por los medios de comunicación y la intervención tardía por parte de la comunidad internacional, factores que potenciaron el odio étnico, a la vez que contribuyeron a la escalada del conflicto. A raíz de las trágicas consecuencias, la comunidad internacional se comprometió a mejorar su legislación con el objetivo de evitar la repetición de un conflicto de estas magnitudes., Máster en Relaciones Internacionales y Estudios Asiáticos

The Rwandan genocide, one of the largest massacres perpetrated in the history of mankind after World War II, turns 23 by these dates. A dark episode that claimed the lives of around 800,000 people, besides aggravated and instrumentalized ethnic conflict in order to hide the interests of international powers due to mineral resources that have conditioned the political agenda of the region, with epicenter in the area of Great Lakes of Africa. The strategic resources of this territory have motivated a broad ki nd of interventions in countries such as Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda and parts of the Democratic Republic of Congo. In order to understand the reasons for this slaughter it is necessary to carry out a thorough analysis of the factors that had influenced it. A fratricidal struggle in which the two main ethnic groups of the country —Hutus and Tutsis— forgot their patriotism to extol their differences., El genocidio de Ruanda, una de las mayores masacres perpetradas en la historia de la humanidad tras la Segunda Guerra Mundial, cumple 23 años. Un oscuro episodio que segó la vida de unas 800.000 personas, además de un conflicto étnico agravado e instrumentalizado para ocultar los intereses de potencias internacionales en aras de unos recursos minerales que han condicionado la agenda política de la región, con epicentro en la zona de los Grandes Lagos de África. Los recursos estratégicos que alberga este territorio han motivado intervenciones de todo tipo en países como Ruanda, Burundi, Uganda y partes de la República Democrática del Congo. Para comprender los motivos de esta matanza es necesario realizar un análisis exhaustivo de los factores que influyeron en la misma. Una lucha fratricida en la que las dos principales etnias del país —hutus y tutsis— olvidaron su patriotismo para ensalzar sus diferencias.

This paper explores the effectiveness of microfinance as a tool for post-conflict peacebuilding. Economic despair is a central component of recurring conflict. Microfinance has proven itself to be an effective tool for raising the poorest of societies to sustainable economic levels. Microfinance Institutions are essentially banks for the poor that provide small amounts of credit for microenterprises. Countries can use microfinance to establish collective lending groups that will provide their people with a means of getting out of poverty after longstanding conflict. In the last decade, microfinance has proven its effectiveness as a tool for fostering economic development in many regions recovering from conflict. Today, microfinance institutions exist in over 100 countries. As of 2006, an estimated one hundred million people had received microfinance services in some form. The paper presents ways of leveraging microfinance for peacebuilding and stability operations, and case studies of peacebuilding-oriented microfinance., Civilian Research Project.

While the outcome of the Iraq war seems to have validated the U.S. Army's counterinsurgency manual FM 3-24, the war in Afghanistan seems to indicate there are fundamental problems associated with its historical principles and concepts. Dr. Kilcullen and Dr. Gorka asserted in a recent Joint Forces Quarterly article that the Army has relied on an incomplete set of examples to form current COIN doctrine. To evaluate their claim, this monograph answers two questions. First, do Gorka and Kilcullen accurately describe the defects in the Army COIN doctrine's development, and, second, does the failure to study examples of civil wars and revolutions matter? Answering these questions required an examination of past and present U.S. Army counterinsurgency doctrine to determine which doctrinal tenets were transferred from one document to the next, to compare historical examples used in previous doctrine and current doctrine, and to determine whether current COIN doctrine lacks examples of civil wars and revolutions. To answer the second question, it was necessary to select and examine recent civil wars. The civil wars in Burundi and Mozambique proved useful for answering that question because the warring parties involved exhibited characteristics not addressed in current doctrine. The research showed that current COIN doctrine failed to study civil wars and is limited to a select group of typical counterinsurgency examples. Current U.S. Army COIN doctrine is not comprehensive enough to address the many contextual situations surrounding the multiple examples of civil wars, revolutions, and insurgencies around the world. The claims of Gorka and Kilcullen are valid and would benefit from further examination., The original document contains color images.

Genocide and mass atrocities are a threat to the international order. They impact global security and ultimately the interests of the United States. The President has asserted that the United States is committed to the prevention of genocide and mass atrocities. Recent efforts to prevent or intervene in such crimes have achieved a certain measure of success. One of the challenges of dealing with genocide and mass atrocities is truly understanding the problem and having broad strategic goals that can be translated into a practical operational-level approach for a theater-level commander. This thesis examines genocide, examples of genocide since World War II, and the conditions that tend to define the prelude to mass killings to derive useful policy decision points for political and military leaders who are contemplating intervention. A case study (Rwanda) will be used to illustrate these indicators as they could have been applied to this historical event. Joint doctrine and the tenets of operational art and design will then be used to lay a framework for how Mass Atrocity Response Operations (MARO) could be conducted to secure a population. This operationalization of response will identify a Joint Force Commander's requirements for success and provide recommendations for operational commanders tasked with MARO.

Reconciliation remains an elusive concept in both domestic and international contexts as well as academic and governmental contexts. The military role in reconciliation remains even more elusive. As such, this monograph seeks to clarify what the appropriate role is for the U.S. military in a reconciliation process. Moreover, it seeks to discount the role of the military as the enforcer of a reconciliation process. To do so, it first defines reconciliation and establishes a framework for understanding the process. Next, it assesses the adequacy of reconciliation's treatment in current U.S. Government doctrine. Finally, it evaluates three case studies of reconciliation methods that were used in South Africa, Rwanda, and Northern Ireland. The primary finding of this research is that military force plays a very small role in the reconciliation process beyond providing a secure environment. Neither military forces, nor any external actors for that matter, can force a divided society to reconcile. External actors who wish to facilitate a reconciliation process must predicate intervention on a clear understanding of the opposing sides' intentions regarding reconciliation. The secondary finding is that the U.S. Government's understanding of reconciliation is unclear and its treatment of reconciliation is inconsistent. Current U.S. Government doctrine on stability operations only addresses "post-conflict states" and does not make the critical distinction between "post-interstate" conflict and "post-intrastate" conflict. Without this distinction, reconciliation will remain a neglected aspect of future stability operations. Moreover, continued misunderstanding of reconciliation will encourage some people to advocate that reconciliation be a military responsibility, which could potentially undermine the success of future stability operations., The original document contains color images.

The underlying assumption and perhaps bias of this paper is that the innocence of childhood is worthy of preservation and protection regardless of cultural or socioeconomic conditions. The framework of international and national legal statutes and conventions entrenches this assertion and defines the status of children. This is a case study of the use of child soldiers in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), one of the world's richest nations from the perspective of natural resources, and yet poorest from the perspective of the conditions in which the majority of its population lives. As an international organization responsible for the preservation of the Rights of the Child, the United Nations has taken action to change this situation through the United Nations Organization Mission in the DRC (MONUC). This paper assesses MONUC's effectiveness between 1999 and 2007 in addressing the root and enabling factors contributing to the use of child soldiers in eastern DRC. Using these factors to measure effectiveness, the paper concludes that while the UN has made concerted efforts to stem the use of child soldiers, it has been only partially effective. This is due largely to the complexity of conflict in eastern DRC and the critical capability that child soldiers provide warring factions in generating viable combat power. Also curtailing its effectiveness were the limited resources that MONUC had available to achieve a very broad mission., The original document contains color images.

Originating in response to the divisive legacy of colonialism, the Rwandan Defense Forces (RDF) have been shaped by a unique and turbulent history on their way to becoming one of modern Africa's most capable and successful militaries. Rwanda, among the smallest countries in Africa, became the first nation in 2004 to deploy peacekeeping forces in support of the Darfur crisis. As of March 2008, there were more than 3,500 Rwandan Soldiers deployed to the Darfur region of Sudan in support of the now joint United Nations (UN) and African Union (AU) mission. Unlike some of the military forces that have supported UN and AU efforts, Rwanda's Soldiers have generally reported to peacekeeping commands well-equipped, well-lead, and well-disciplined. For a small, interior country just 14 years past suffering a 4-year revolutionary war that culminated in one of the most shocking genocides in modern history, Rwanda's military progress is striking. Stretching beyond independence from Belgium in 1962, the disruptive subject of Rwandan ethnicity has been a central source of influence in the development of today's Rwandan Defense Forces. Amidst this strife, founders of the RDF institutionalized a form of disciplined and adaptive warfare to rid Rwanda of divisive influence and re-establish the military as a source of protection and pride for the entire country. In recent years, the RDF has developed into a highly capable and respected conventional military that continues to promote social unity and safeguard Rwandan society. Though not without mistakes and criticisms, the unique and proven record of the RDF demonstrates a proficiency and professional competence, placing it among the best of Africa's contemporary armed forces. Rapidly progressing from a heritage of exile, revolution, and genocide, the RDF now represents a uniquely talented, professional military organization, and one of Africa's best resources to resolve conflicts similar to the one it currently faces in Darfur.

The African region below the Sahel, with its legacy of racist European colonial rule followed in the early 1960s by the emergence of incompetent, kleptocratic, and ruthless African rule, is dominated by weak or failed states. Such states breed insurgencies. Three case studies provide insight into insurgent movements and the incompetent governments under which they thrive. Two short analyses are counterpoints: the success of Botswana, and the failure of Sudan. A full-length analysis of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and its full-scale insurgencies since 1960 -- at the hands of Big Man leaders Lumumba, Mobutu, and Kabila -- provide object lessons as to the underlying conditions, catalysts, and igniters of insurgencies. These case studies point to two keys to predicting insurgencies within failed states: (1) with a background of a failed state as a matrix, successful insurgencies are sparked, led, and culminated by one Big Man leader; and (2) this Big Man succeeds when he finds, exploits, or creates a seam between states, nations, tribes, or clans. The African Big Man leader takes the traditional place of the African tribal chief. It is this aggressive, dynamic leader, working at that seam, who can unite warring tribes, clans, or groups into a coherent insurgent whole. It is this man through whom a growing insurgent movement succeeds or fails., Advanced Research Project. The original document contains color images.

For military ways and means to help attain a political end, the military itself must possess the capability to help transform an environment of conflict into an atmosphere of political, social, and economic stability. In short, a modern military must have the ability to escalate and de-escalate the level of violence as appropriate to coerce or persuade people, political parties, insurgents, guerrillas, or any other actor involved to return to the conditions necessary to resolve the conflict. The outdated conceptual split between traditional major combat operations and nontraditional "nation building" has not only hindered performance at every level of operations, but has potentially turned initial tactical advantages into strategic failures. To properly bridge the gap between traditional and nontraditional operations and help operational commanders develop appropriate ways to reach political ends, three supporting concepts must be explored. First, the concept of military contact, which is aimed at gaining insight into how both persuasion and coercion are important, while understanding that for a long-term solution, the ability to persuade is far more significant. Second, the concept that it is the operational level of war in which the strategic ends and tactical means are reconciled helps demonstrate the overwhelming need for commanders to create clear intent and Rules of Engagement (ROE). Third is the concept that successful decision making must be based on suitable lenses or filters created by training, commander's intent, and ROE, which in turn help to create the appropriate understanding of the situation within military members at the tactical level. The paper provides historial examples and lessons learned from two conflicts: The 1994 United Nations Mission to Rwanda - A Case of Inability to Escalate; and Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF), March to May 2003 -- A Case of Inability to De-Escalate.

El objeto de este trabajo es abordar algunas de las causas que condujeron al genocidio en Ruanda de 1994. Para ello nos hemos apoyado especialmente en una fuente peculiar, la transcripción de las emisiones de la Radio-Televisión Libre des Mille Collines, una estación informativa y propagandística del extremismo hutu, empleada como prueba fundamental en el Tribunal Penal Internacional para Ruanda. La riqueza e interés de esta fuente radica en la inmediatez de sus informativos, la brutalidad de sus mensajes y la eficacia movilizadora entre una población masivamente analfabeta. Para acercarnos a la realidad de Ruanda en los años noventa resulta imprescindible repasar las complejas interrelaciones entre hutus y tutsis, empezando por reflexionar sobre la naturaleza de dichas identidades: ¿estamos ante etnias, castas, grupos sociales…? ¿evoluciona la naturaleza de estas relaciones con el paso del tiempo? Así mismo, repasaremos el entramado colonial, en particular la etapa belga, sus intereses y los trasfondos ideológicos; el proceso de independencia del país, así como las primeras presidencias; todo ello contribuyó a las nefastas consecuencias conocidas. De todas maneras, no nos encontramos ante una peculiaridad ruandesa; muchos de estos factores, y de sus resultados, son comunes a buena parte del continente africano. (Castellano)

RésuméL'introduction d'une innovation dans une société s'accompagne d'une modification des rapports de pouvoir et donc d'un bouleversement de l'ordre social. En s'appropriant la nouveauté, les catégories sociales défavorisées profitent de l'occasion pour renégocier leur statut dans la société, au besoin par la violence. Au Rwanda, la plante exogène qu'est le caféier a été introduite par les colons belges dans la polyculture paysanne précisément au moment où prévalait un ordre social inégalitaire : Hutus et Tutsis cohabitaient en effet dans un équilibre fragile, les Tutsis occupant une position hiérarchique avantageuse. En grande partie grâce aux revenus de la caféiculture, les Hutus seront en mesure de contester leur infériorité sociale, d'où le cycle de violences qui dure depuis près de cinquante ans., When an innovation is introduced in a society, power relations are modified and, as a consequence, the social order. By adopting the innovation, underprivileged categories are able to renegotiate their status, if need be by violence. In Rwanda, Belgian colonists introduced the coffee plant in a peasant polycrop system at a time of inequality in the social order. The balance between the Hutu and Tutsi was fragile, with the latter holding a higher rank in the hierarchy. Thanks largely to the income from coffee, the Hutu were able to protest against their social inferiority, whence the cycle of violence that has lasted for nearly fifty years now.

El objeto de este trabajo es abordar algunas de las causas que condujeron al genocidio en Ruanda de 1994. Para ello nos hemos apoyado especialmente en una fuente peculiar, la transcripción de las emisiones de la Radio-Televisión Libre des Mille Collines, una estación informativa y propagandística del extremismo hutu, empleada como prueba fundamental en el Tribunal Penal Internacional para Ruanda. La riqueza e interés de esta fuente radica en la inmediatez de sus informativos, la brutalidad de sus mensajes y la eficacia movilizadora entre una población masivamente analfabeta. Para acercarnos a la realidad de Ruanda en los años noventa resulta imprescindible repasar las complejas interrelaciones entre hutus y tutsis, empezando por reflexionar sobre la naturaleza de dichas identidades: ¿estamos ante etnias, castas, grupos sociales…? ¿evoluciona la naturaleza de estas relaciones con el paso del tiempo? Así mismo, repasaremos el entramado colonial, en particular la etapa belga, sus intereses y los trasfondos ideológicos; el proceso de independencia del país, así como las primeras presidencias; todo ello contribuyó a las nefastas consecuencias conocidas. De todas maneras, no nos encontramos ante una peculiaridad ruandesa; muchos de estos factores, y de sus resultados, son comunes a buena parte del continente africano. (Castellano)

El objeto de este trabajo es abordar algunas de las causas que condujeron al genocidio en Ruanda de 1994. Para ello nos hemos apoyado especialmente en una fuente peculiar, la transcripción de las emisiones de la Radio-Televisión Libre des Mille Collines, una estación informativa y propagandística del extremismo hutu, empleada como prueba fundamental en el Tribunal Penal Internacional para Ruanda. La riqueza e interés de esta fuente radica en la inmediatez de sus informativos, la brutalidad de sus mensajes y la eficacia movilizadora entre una población masivamente analfabeta. Para acercarnos a la realidad de Ruanda en los años noventa resulta imprescindible repasar las complejas interrelaciones entre hutus y tutsis, empezando por reflexionar sobre la naturaleza de dichas identidades: ¿estamos ante etnias, castas, grupos sociales…? ¿evoluciona la naturaleza de estas relaciones con el paso del tiempo? Así mismo, repasaremos el entramado colonial, en particular la etapa belga, sus intereses y los trasfondos ideológicos; el proceso de independencia del país, así como las primeras presidencias; todo ello contribuyó a las nefastas consecuencias conocidas. De todas maneras, no nos encontramos ante una peculiaridad ruandesa; muchos de estos factores, y de sus resultados, son comunes a buena parte del continente africano. (Castellano)

A partir de la década de los noventa, la Región de los Grandes Lagos de África Central (Ruanda, República Democrática del Congo y Burundi) ha sido epicentro de conflictos étnicos entre hutus y tutsis provocados por un clima de opresión y discriminación social, económica y política. Pese a que tienen un aspecto interno, su cercanía histórica y cultural acompañada de fuertes dimensiones transfronterizas e identidades étnicas trasnacionales han hecho de estos, fenómenos interconectados que se han extendido por toda la región. Sin embargo, más allá de su internacionalización inevitable, las pugnas entre hutus y tutsis se han caracterizado por una vulneración desmedida de derechos humanos atribuible a un amplio repertorio de violencia extrema y la participación activa de la sociedad civil en los enfrentamientos,la cual ha asesinado decisiva y brutalmente personas que consideraba cercanas, e incluso a familiares. Lo cierto es que este resultado no hubiera sido posible sin el apoyo de un discurso de odio étnico impuesto por las élites a través de los medios de comunicación, pues estos tienen un gran impacto en la sociedad africana y se han utilizado desde la época colonial como instrumentalizadores del odio étnico a fin de crear divisiones profundas entre individuos y provocar movimientos sociales violentos que trabajen hacia un fin e interés específico. Por ello, la presente investigación tiene el objetivo de analizar cuál ha sido el papel de los medios de comunicación en la promoción de la violencia en conflictos étnicos entre hutus y tutsis de la Región de los Grandes Lagos de África Central a partir de los años 90 hasta 2019. Esta se divide en tres capítulos: el primero, corresponde a una contextualización histórica de los conflictos étnicos entre hutus y tutsis en la región de estudio. El segundo, expone las estrategias de odio étnico implementadas por las élites de poder hutu y tutsi en estos. Finalmente, el tercer capítulo identifica las técnicas utilizadas por los