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Journalists, through the media, cover and frame corruption scandals, which gives them a relevant role in how citizens inform themselves about this phenomenon. The aim of this article is to investigate whether information professionals are influenced by their ideology when assessing the level of corruption in different institutions, as well as to explore whether they believe that media coverage of this phenomenon is influenced by polarization. To achieve this, a representative survey was conducted between March and July 2023 among 391 Spanish journalists from various types of media across the country. They were primarily asked about their political ideology and their perception of corruption in different institutions. The results reveal that journalists tend to perceive corruption levels differently based on their political ideology, with a tendency to perceive greater corruption in parties and institutions they consider opposed to their ideological orientation. This phenomenon is not limited to political parties (which, obviously, have an explicit ideological position), but also extends to other ostensibly neutral or politically unaligned institutions. Additionally, most journalists agree that political polarization in Spain encourages media outlets to seek and prioritize publishing scandals occurring within parties of opposing ideologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Related Articles Generation X often receives less attention in generational analysis due to its perceived lack of distinctiveness compared to preceding and succeeding generations in the contemporary United States. Politically, there is little justification for distinguishing Generation X as it is commonly defined, yet it harbors significant political divergence between its older and younger cohorts. In terms of partisanship, ideology, and public policy preferences, Generation X is markedly divided, essentially comprising two distinct political generations. Generation X can thus be viewed as the in‐between generation representing the political dividing line between young and old. The dividing point is the birth year of 1973. Due to the considerable differences in the political climate during their formative years, those Gen Xers born before 1973 lean considerably more conservative and Republican than those born in 1973 and afterward.Fisher, Patrick. 2020. “Generational Replacement and the Impending Transformation of the American Electorate.” Politics & Policy 48(1): 38–68. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12340.Shaykhutdinov, Renat. 2019. “Socialization, Rationality, and Age: Generational Gaps and the Attitudes toward the Chechen War in Russia.” Politics & Policy 47(5): 931–55. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12323.Stockemer, Daniel. 2016. “Is the Turnout Function in Democracies and Nondemocracies Alike or Different?” Politics & Policy 44(5): 889–915. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12174. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work focuses on analysing two issues that do not come together but are inseparable like railway tracks: law and desire. Based mainly on authors from the Frankfurt school and other authors from the French school, the philosophical approach describes how human beings, little by little, voluntarily lose their rights thanks to the promise of desire and new pleasures that they do not yet possess. The pleasure principle in all its splendour. There is emphasis on two aspects: the segregation stereotype for discrimination and economic isolation to privatize rights and promote life among those who have money to pay their rights. The second part has to do with the question that Slavoj Zizek posed in The Sublime Object of Ideology: Are we in a post-ideological era? And Nick Land's questioning regarding the forces of production and the relations of production and its new dimension of an existence entirely dedicated to capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Objective: To identify the ideological discourse on narcotrafficking in the Americas expressed by documentaries and the values that, based on them, are accepted as a portrayal of reality. Method: We performed a film analysis (Medina, 2020) of 4 documentaries produced from 2017 to 2020, available on the Netflix streaming service, that address the illegal cocaine industry in the American continent. Theoretical Framework: From Mészáros (2004), we understand that the dominant ideological system presents the rules whereby human beings understand, deal with, and act in the world in order to solve social conflicts. Results: In the films, the relationship between the high drug consumption in the USA and the respective drug manufacturing in Latin countries is based on the production of two antagonistic imaginaries: a positive one about the USA, and a negative one about Latin countries involved in drug trafficking, which unfolds in the formation of the victim-villain-hero triad that legitimizes the common consent of American interventions in the war against drugs and its victims, regardless of their nationalities. Conclusions: The selectivity in the depiction regarding the appearance of the narcotrafficking phenomenon in different countries demonstrates a favorable dichotomy to the capitalist order, breeding a fetishized collective subjectivity that hinders class consciousness.

En este artículo se presentan los resultados de una investigación doctoral cuyo objetivo fue generar aproximaciones teóricas a las paradojas que surgen en la Educación Física frente a la diversidad de géneros. Dicha disciplina se basa en las ciencias, el sentido común y la evidencia observable; educa al ser humano en movimiento. De ahí la importancia de develar los significados otorgados por los informantes ante la introducción en el ámbito escolar de una ideología que emplea el género como marca de identidad sentida y desestima el saber científico. Se adoptó un enfoque cualitativo, utilizando un método fenomenológico hermenéutico enmarcado en un paradigma interpretativo. Se aplicó como instrumento la entrevista semiestructurada a tres docentes licenciados en esta disciplina, dos de ellos vinculados a la educación pública y el tercero a la decanatura en la educación superior. Como resultado se constató que la Educación Física es una disciplina pedagógica interdisciplinaria con una visión propia de la axiología del ser humano, y se identificaron siete paradojas a las que se enfrenta el profesorado.

En un mundo despedazado por las contradicciones de clases, estados y nacionalidades, el fútbol, funcionó como una eficaz ideología de justificación del orden existente en un ambiente dominado por las teorías del darwinismo social y por las corrientes neomalthusianas, que defendían la desigualdad entre los hombres. Una época donde se vinculó la práctica futbolística a unas medidas bio-políticas orientadas a combatir los factores disgénicos, fue un modelo a seguir por el nacionalsocialismo y el fascismo. El fútbol, se convirtió en un escenario propicio para la afirmación de las identidades colectivas, de los antagonismos locales y regionales estableciéndose una relación metafórica entre estados nación y fútbol. En cuanto al método empleado en el trabajo utilizaremos preferentemente el análisis de fuentes primarias, la hemerografía de la época y el análisis de revistas científicas de índole deportiva. La investigación la desarrollaremos partiendo de la heurística histórica y textual, aunando la metodología léxica deportiva a partir de la hermenéutica. En nuestras conclusiones resaltaremos las consecuencias de la utilización ideológica del fútbol acaecido durante este periodo, el proceso de adoctrinamiento, la censura y represión ejercida sobre futbolistas, clubs y directivos en aras a perpetuar unos sistemas políticos totalitarios.

Given the irruption of Morena Party in the electoral scenario of 2018, a rise of the left is observed. The purpose of this research is to show the possible scenarios and movements of the political forces of the left and right in the next general elections of 2024 in Mexico, starting from the ideological analysis offered by the Spatial Theory of Vote, which measures electoral preferences based on the location of voters and parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article aims to analyze the ontological construction implicit in the Currículo Paulista (2020) and its intentions. Starting from the conception of the curriculum as a field of disputes that impact the ontological formation of social beings, it is worth asking: which ontological conception does the Currículo Paulista (2020) propose to develop? To answer the question, qualitative research methodology was used with document analysis, taking the critical study of Norman Fairclough's speech, (2001) as a tool for understanding documents as a materialization of social, historical and ideological conflicts. In this way, we started with Michael Apple's (2006) conception of the curriculum as a field of ideological disputes and Paulo Freire's (2019) with the ontology of "being more" to understand the impacts of the neoliberal discourse on the ontological formation of São Paulo students. It was concluded, therefore, that the ontology developed throughout the Currículo Paulista (2020) document is strongly committed to the formation of social beings adjusted to capital for the market, with the ideology of "entrepreneurship" as a central element for ontological formation of students as "self-entrepreneurs". Thus, the official curriculum document operates as an ideological instrument in training, constituting an "ontological architecture". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to reflect politically and ideologically on the representation of the 2008 crisis and its repercussions on the rural habitat in recent Spanish literary fiction. To this end, it proposes the analysis of five (neo)rural novels, but not before a brief historical-cultural introduction to the post-15M repoliticization process of the novel in Spain, as well as the explanation of the problems surrounding the nomenclatures "rural" and "neo-rural". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to underscore the significance of Grlica as a pivotal journal for youth music in Slovenia from 1953 to 1988. It explores how Grlica played a crucial role in conveying the ideological and socio-political aspects of the socialist system prevalent during that period. Applying historical-developmental and historical-comparative methods, the paper presents three key findings. Firstly, Grlica was primarily a professional journal, with little to no ideological components. Secondly, the ones we do find were predominantly present in the initial period of Grlica's publication, i.e., until 1965, becoming increasingly rare as time wore on. Thirdly, composers who published their works in Grlica held diverse ideological and musical orientations, indicating that Grlica was not only a professional journal but also characterised by broad-minded and open perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Political Science Studies / Studia Politologiczne is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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O presente artigo tem por objetivo analisar a relação entre mito, história e ideologia, averiguando seus usos no presente. Por vezes, sobretudo no continente africano, os mitos são matérias de utilização em meio a embates de ordem política, sendo incorporados a inúmeros aspectos ideológicos. Dessa forma, os mitos têm sido emparelhados em retóricas das mais diversas, o que torna interessante analisar as diferenças entre este e a História.

Resumo A celebração do bicentenário do constitucionalismo brasileiro incentiva uma reflexão sobre a relação entre a história profissional e a memória coletiva, destacando como a última é frequentemente moldada por ideologias. A historiografia ajuda a identificar essas visões ideológicas e pode contribuir para uma análise mais equilibrada dos eventos históricos. O presente artigo examina a Constituinte de 1823 como estudo de caso. Durante seu funcionamento, emergiram três correntes ideológicas que explicaram de forma distinta os acontecimentos da época e se cristalizaram depois na forma de historiografias partidárias - conservadora, liberal e radical -, cujos ecos ainda hoje se fazem ouvir. O estudo da historiografia revela como as ideologias e tradições partidárias se mantêm ao longo do tempo, transformando a história em um campo de disputa política em que diferentes perspectivas competem para validar suas interpretações dos eventos.

Dentro do processo de produção de um material de divulgação científica, diversas mensagens são transmitidas implicitamente, como “o que é fazer ciência” e como essa atividade se dá de maneira “neutra”. Contudo, ao analisarmos mais a fundo esse processo, percebemos que a divulgação científica é muito mais do que uma “simplificação” dos conhecimentos científicos: ela se configura em um novo discurso, produzido em um determinado período histórico e cultural por agentes inseridos nesse contexto. Dito isso, o objetivo do presente artigo será compreender a natureza da divulgação científica e conectá-la ao conceito de ideologia, utilizando uma abordagem materialista histórica. A partir dessa ótica percebemos as potencialidades de tal material, seja para sustentar uma ideologia hegemônica, seja para desenvolver utopias a partir de novos olhares e novos jeitos de se viver.

La tesi principale di quest’articolo è ‘nessuna identità senza confini’. Risulta perciò necessario interrogarsi sull’identità, nella consapevolezza che si tratta di una nozione polisemica: vengono distinti anzitutto due modi dell’identità, la coincidenza (il soggetto indiviso) e la non-coincidenza con se stessi (il soggetto diviso). Questa distinzione è essenziale per comprendere la differenza tra ideologia e teoria: l’identity politics è soltanto un’ideologia dell’identità; e come ogni ideologia è schematica, dogmatica, ed estremamente povera. Ecco perché si occupa unicamente delle forme di soggettività più semplici, e che possiamo definire mediante proprietà (donna, nero, ecc.) oppure mediante parti. Uno degli obiettivi di quest’articolo è mostrare l’arretratezza filosofica, che è anche arretratezza politica, della identity politics. Viene poi indicata la via della complessità, anzitutto tramite la psicoanalisi. La rivoluzione di Freud (Psicologia delle masse, 1921) non è stata però compresa da Lacan. La concezione di un soggetto diviso e flessibile potrà venir sviluppata, da un lato, andando oltre la scolastica lacaniana e, dall’altro, esplorando la dimensione strategica, che continua a venir ignorata dalle teorie dell’evento così come da quelle dell’istituzione.

O presente artigo tem como objetivo refletir sobre a educação repressiva como fundamento da sociedade capitalista que, de forma latente ou real, é permeada em sua estrutura social e política pela violência. O aporte teórico é o materialismo histórico a partir dos escritos de Antonio Gramsci, para o qual o modo de vida e as formas de organização coletiva vivem um processo formativo permanente. Iniciamos com os escritos políticos de 1916 a 1920, nos quais a reflexão sobre a censura exercida pelo Estado italiano no período da Primeira Grande Guerra, o recrudescimento da reação e da violência quando a ordem do capital perde o domínio das forças produtivas, até a pressão permanente na luta política e na posterior repressão ostensiva do movimento fascista. Na sequência, recuperamos, em notas, as reflexões do autor sobre educação repressiva nas Cartas do Cárcere.

RESUMO: Este trabalho de pesquisa visa discorrer sobre o conceito filosófico gramsciano de ideologia hegemônica e contra hegemonia, além de fornecer descrições de ideologia em Karl Marx, de onde parte a visão de Antônio Gramsci sobre o conceito apontado e do escritor Michael Löwy. Além de apontar o Projeto de Lei Nº 867 de 2015 como instrumento comprobatório da existência permanente e legítima de mecanismos de conservação e transformação ideológicos. Os tópicos estão elaborados em torno de três eixos temáticos: Ideologia e Verdade; Ideologia Hegemônica e Contra Hegemonia Gramsciana; Criticidade e Autonomia Intelectiva. Alguns estudiosos da filosofia gramsciana compõem a minha fundamentação teórica para esta pesquisa, como Carlos Nelson Coutinho, Paulo Freire, Demerval Saviane e Michael Löwy. Outros autores serão também citados para firmar o propósito da pesquisa. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Gramsci; ideologia; Marx ABSTRACT: This research aims at discussing the Gramscian philosophical concept of hegemonic ideology and against hegemony, as well as providing descriptions of ideology in Karl Marx, from which Antônio Gramsci’s view of the concept and writer Michael Löwy starts. In addition to pointing out Bill No. 867 of 2015 as a proof of the permanent and legitimate existence of ideological conservation and transformation mechanisms. The topics are elaborated around three thematic axes: Ideology and Truth; Hegemonic Ideology and Gramscian Hegemony; Criticality and Intellective Autonomy. Some scholars of Gramsci’s philosophy compose my theoretical foundation for this research, such as Carlos Nelson Coutinho, Paulo Freire, Demerval Saviane and Michael Löwy. Other authors will also be cited to state the purpose of the research. KEYWORDS: Gramsci; ideology; Marx

Identificamos, en una serie de ejemplos de El conde Lucanor (CL) de don Juan Manuel, un rechazo a la actividad financiera ligada al mundo mercantil y comercial, propio de la incipiente burguesía. Frente a la posibilidad de ganar fortuna a través de un negocio, Patronio recomienda al conde no fiarse de asuntos inciertos y, en cambio, consolidar el dominio patrimonial sobre la tierra, de este modo reafirmando el modo de producción feudal. No obstante, los cambios de fortuna, la inestabilidad y la conflictividad representada en los relatos son evidencia de un régimen inmerso en la crisis del siglo XIV. En este trabajo rastrearemos los procedimientos textuales en los que se desarrolla la ideología señorial en el CL para sustentar estas posturas y enmarcarlas en un saber tradicional, supuestamente universal.

El objetivo del trabajo es ofrecer una perspectiva crítico-histórica sobre el capitalismo desde sus orígenes hasta el siglo XXI, reflexionando sobre las transformaciones más significativas que experimentó a partir del siglo XX, en el que de ser estudiado como sistema-ideología predominantemente afín a la esfera de la económica y la producción por Marx y el marxismo ortodoxo, se convirtió en un imaginario bajo el cual acontece la vida humana y no humana en su totalidad. Se propone una revisión del enfoque analítico y crítico para actualizar y reconstruir su estudio. Lo anterior, se hará partiendo del estudio histórico y económico-político que propone Piketty, donde muestra que el capitalismo ha sido siempre principalmente un sistema de apropiación de riqueza por parte de las clases dirigentes en detrimento de aquellas subordinadas su poder, resultando invariablemente en un régimen de desigualdad, dominación e injusticia, lo cual, durante el siglo XXI se ha exacerbado. En una segunda parte, se expone la necesidad de actualizar nuestras percepciones conceptuales y metodológicas para captar las complejidades del capitalismo del siglo XXI, el cual con la globalización transnacional devino en su fetiche: el neoliberalismo, el cual Fraser ubica como el principal enemigo a vencer.

En este trabajo se exploran algunos conceptos relacionados con el control ideológico en una línea de pensamiento marxista. El objetivo es mostrar cómo es que las vías de integración y búsqueda de sentido, en la sociedad contemporánea, se encuentran subsumidas bajo relaciones fetichistas con mercancías. Así, se pretende mostrar que el sistema capitalista ha conseguido el monopolio de la integración al concentrar los posibles sentidos de vida, las opciones de pertenencia y de identidad, en el mercado.

El artículo analiza e interpreta las posturas expresadas en una mesa de discusión de 1967 en la que participaron Leopoldo Zea, Luis Villoro, Alejandro Rossi, Abelardo Villegas y José Luis Balcárcel, así como el debate posterior, respecto a cuestiones como la relación entre filosofía e ideología, entre filosofía y reflexión sobre las propias circunstancias, y entre filosofía y profesionalismo, con base en las participaciones y los textos de estos filósofos. Además de organizar las ideas que generaron la mesa y el posterior debate, el autor desarrolla su propio punto de vista en lo que corresponde a los temas tratados. La relevancia del artículo reside en la vigencia de dichas cuestiones y de los argumentos en torno a ellas, en las claves hermenéuticas que aporta para una mejor comprensión de la obra de Zea y de Villoro, y en la reflexión que suscita respecto a la naturaleza del diálogo filosófico y de las comunidades filosóficas.

El objetivo es estudiar la materialización de una ideología y cultura que utiliza el arte como instrumento para transmitir una nueva realidad política, administrativa, religiosa y social con el surgimiento del Estado en Egipto. Este es un arte cuyas escenas no deben interpretarse históricamente ni de manera exclusivamente estética, sino buscando las bases de una memoria cultural que hundió sus raíces en tiempos predinásticos, al tiempo que estableció unas narraciones y unos mensajes visuales que perduraron más de tres mil años. Un arte que es reflejo de unas realidades y sentimientos, un nuevo sistema de modelos culturales y sociales al que se iría uniendo la escritura.

O artigo analisa as ideias e os espaços de produção e circulação dessas ideias que foram articuladas na ideologia que informou e legitimou o protagonismo político do Exército Brasileiro no século XX. Para tanto, discute o emprego da categoria ideologia como ferramenta analítica para a ação política sustentando que a polissemia do termo demanda uma definição articulada com o objeto investigado, uma vez que a produção de um determinado discurso ideológico deve ser investigada junto aos agentes, aos espaços e às crenças daqueles que o formulam e o empregam nas suas lutas políticas. Posteriormente, o texto aborda as ideias predominantes entre os militares do polo intervencionista-controlador do Exército e os espaços institucionais nos quais essas ideias foram articuladas e difundidas a ponto de se tornarem, não sem disputas, dominantes no meio militar durante o período abordado.

Copyright of Journal of Social & Political Psychology is the property of Leibniz Institute for Psychology (ZPID) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Universitas, Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanas is the property of Universidad Politecnica Salesiana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this second paper, which follows on from the first one, published on a previous issue of this journal (n. 26, 2), David Bell responds to the various criticism he received. Here again he focusses on the dysfunction of the Tavistock clinic GIDS (Gender Identity Development Service) service. The author considers that a very large number of children have been seriously harmed through the penetration of the "trans" ideology into child and adolescent services leading to their complex problems (such as family histories, internalized homophobia, complex comorbidity problems) being seen only through the prism of gender, thus neglecting the complexities of the intrapsychic and interpsychic nature. The paper also looks at the broader socio-cultural processes that have contributed to this phenomenon. David Bell has continued to be deeply engaged in the understanding of disturbances in gender identity in children and adolescents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: The goal of this article is to analyze the extent to which ideology intervenes in citizens' trust in the news that appears in traditional and social media during COVID-19. Methodology: To do this, a quantitative approach based on the online survey technique is used. The questionnaire was launched in July 2021 through the Qualtrics platform and was answered by 2,803 citizens residing in Brazil (726), Spain (682), the United States (694), and India (702). Results: We found a connection between ideology and confidence in traditional media, strongly conditioned by the socio-political context. In addition, right-wing citizens tend to trust the information they receive from digital platforms such as Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, or WhatsApp better than left-wing citizens. This uneven impact of trust in the media could result in a heterogeneous effect of fake news, with right-wing citizens most likely believing political news appearing on social media. Discussion and Conclusions: This article contributes to expanding prior knowledge about the trust in mainstream and social media, with considerable emphasis on the factors that have a predominant influence in four countries with different social and political structures and media systems: Spain, United States, India, and Brazil. In this context, it has been observed how ideology is an essential factor in all of them. When this relevant variable is controlled for, and despite what previous studies had determined (Newman et al., 2021), factors such as educational or income level do not seem to play a significant role. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we will take a detailed look at the ontological and categorical system of Georg Lukács’s posthumous work Ontology of Social Being. A comparison will be made between the problematic that arises between the first historical part and the second systematic part. The ontological systems of existentialism, Nicolai Hartmann, Hegel, and Marx will be brought into play, ending with Lukács’s proposal of a fully social ontology. The categories of labour, social reproduction, ideology, and alienation, all of them determinants of social being, will also be approached. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to analyze, from the Critical Analysis of Lexicographic Discourse (ACDL) (Rodríguez Barcia, 2012), the Aymara word amauta in the Hispanic dictionaries of the Academy. For this purpose, we study the omission, incorporation, definitions and conceptions about this voice in the dictionaries of the Royal Spanish Academy (RAE) (1780-2014), the Diccionario de Americanismos (2010) and the Diccionario de Peruanismos of the Academia Peruana de la Lengua (2016). In methodological terms, we proceed methodologically to carry out a study of the evolution of definitions and comparative analysis. The research concludes that the lexicographic treatment has been dissimilar and through the voice, unclear representations of amauta have been made. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite hoisting the flags of Marxism-Leninism and of revolutionary change, the activity of the organization Shining Path fell, in numerous occasions, at the opposite of those ideologies, working with an orthodox interpretation of the classic texts of marxism that consolidated a political praxis based on re-archaization, hierarchy and violence. This process began to take place in the lecture halls of the San Cristobal de Huamanga National University during the midsixties, when a group of students and teachers assembled in what could be analyzed as a cult of personality centered in one of the teachers, Abimael Guzmán. An ideological hardening characterized the Shining Path as it went on to become the main actor of the internal armed conflict in Peru during the 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present work brings a reflection on the discourse constituted by an imaginary of woman, socio-historically constructed, in the lyrics of the song of Clarice Falcão - "I am my problem". For this discussion, we take as basis the theory of Discourse of French line, founded by Pêcheux, in which the indissociability between subject / language / history and ideology is not considered. The subject is not an isolated being, because it is affected by the society, the history and the ideology that circulate in all spaces, and its discourse materializes in the language. For our analysis, we are based mainly on Orlandi (2015, 1996), Moraes (2005), Bourdieu (2002) and Foucault (2003), mobilizing, among other notions, those of subject, language, ideology, interdiscursivity, imaginary formations and socio-historical context. In our opinion, in the lyrics of the song, the author seeks to deconstruct the set of images attributed to women in society throughout history. For this, it constructs several statements constituted by a recurrence to the negation that points to the constitutive heterogeneity. In order to understand the discursive functioning of negation, we take as a basis the works of Indursky (1997), Maingueneau (1991), Pavan (2013) and Henge (2009). Knowing that everything in the text is important to think discursivity, we consider it imperative to explore the negation that is repeated so many times, on the linguistic surface of the song lyric analyzed (Do not get me wrong / But you do not have me / I'm not a hat / In someone's closet / I'm not worth a real ...). Our analysis points to the fact that this linguistic materiality is producing effects of meanings inscribed in the discursive memory that refers to the objectification of women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The crisis of utopia is an evil that has been installed for a long time, in a general way and particularly in Brazil, which has dragged down not only the social movements inherited from the past, but also those that wanted to emerge in such a bleak picture. This was the product of problems inherent to such groups, but fundamentally it was caused by the establishment of neoliberal hegemony, which will carry out a titanic effort to subjectify its predicates. Through this, it will crystallize its rationality as the only possible order, thus preventing the construction of a utopian horizon that can overcome it. A phenomenon that we will break down taking the Brazilian case as a witness, with a current approach but that takes up elements of the past in brushstrokes, on which we will weave our theoretical argument, showing how its introjection was central to building a warp of enormous consistency that imprisons most of the actors and movements that can constitute an alternative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The topic of this paper is the fascist ideology and how to study it from a historicist and realist perspective. The first section discusses the existence of a fascist ideology, contradicting interpretations that reject the originality of the movement. The second presents the main contemporary interpretations on the matter. And the third proposes a methodology that interprets the beliefs from the perspective of the intellectual context in which they were produced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South American regional integration has been part of the political rhetoric of South America governments since the creation of the first regional organizations in 1969. However, in each subcontinent (Central America, South America, North America), they have established their own systems of integration and governance. In South America, except for the Andean Community of Nations and Mercosur, the rest have had an important political condition, and their strengthening and permanence are related to the political convergence between the governments of the region, because they have the constitutional attributions about the formulation and execution of foreign policy. This article analyzes through the QCA, whether it is indeed the political dimension that effectively explains the promotion, encouragement, and consolidation of regional integration in the subcontinent. For this purpose, two dimensions are proposed: the first is economic, measured through two variables such as complementarity and commercial interdependence, and the political dimension, measured through two variables: ideological distance and whether the promotion of integration is part of the constitutions of each country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through the literature review method, this research identifies a non-exhaustive series of dynamics and mechanisms used by data companies such as Google, Facebook, Amazon, and also by the group of companies known as 'data brokers', for the reproduction of the ideology of consumerism. A definition for such ideology is also presented. Five dynamics and 17 mechanisms are described within these two categories. The combination of subsets of elements in the second categorization gives rise to the first. The research question addressed here is: how do transnational data companies act in the international reproduction of the ideology of consumerism? It is argued that they take advantage of a deliberate lack of interest, mainly state interest, in regulating how they operate in the International Political Economy, to capture data through general dynamics that result from the articulation of specific data capture mechanisms. Thus, these companies manage to naturalise, ideologically, the act of consuming. The general dynamics identified by the paper were five: personalisation, web concentration, architecture of choice, infrastructural imperialism, and lock-in. The phenomenon is discussed in the light of the Critical Theory of International Relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article has the purpose of establishing, describing, and analyzing the religious ideology of Venezuela following the theoretical assumptions of Bloom (2009), who proposes a religious criticism to understand such social issues and show that, in this country, there are six religious groups based on Christianity. and how textually and explicitly they differ from each other. For its part, for the analysis, the Theory of Action proposed by Argyris and Schön (1974) was used to establish the common aspects and similarities shared by the six religious groups selected for the present investigation. The results show that there are ten common beliefs among all these religions, so the Christian Religion in Venezuela has defined itself through publications that promote what they believe, statutes, and precepts having God as the only magnanimous and regent deity, Jesus of Nazareth as a connection of humans with God as well as being an incarnation of divine perfection in the world and that actively practicing religion in public allows keeping faithful believers as pristine as they are focused, who will receive everlasting rewards for their obedience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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