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This study explores the multifaceted challenges universities may face as a result of alterations in immigration policies. Tightened regulations lead to decreases in international student enrollment. By drawing upon various theoretical frameworks, including transformational leadership, change management, and cultural dimensions, this study offers a comprehensive strategy to address the financial, social, and cultural implications of immigration policy shifts. The study examines the impact of policy changes on employees, highlighting potential challenges such as burnout and disengagement. Proactive measures, including flexible work arrangements and mental health support services, are recommended to mitigate these impacts. Financial implications are addressed through developing contingency plans and reassessing financial strategies to maintain operational stability. Furthermore, the study underscores the importance of preserving campus cultural exchange opportunities and diversity initiatives through virtual programs, partnerships, and curriculum integration. Leadership models, particularly transformational leadership, provide a guiding framework for navigating organizational change. The study advocates for clear communication, employee empowerment, and alignment with the institution’s values to foster resilience. Additionally, Kotter’s 8-Step Model of Change Management offers a structured approach to addressing challenges, emphasizing the importance of urgency, vision, and cultural integration. Through proactive measures informed by theoretical insights, universities can navigate the challenges of immigration policy changes while upholding their commitment to diversity, inclusion, and academic excellence. This study contributes valuable insights for higher education institutions grappling with regulatory shifts, offering actionable recommendations for fostering resilience and adaptation in a rapidly changing landscape.

Although exclusionary immigration policies are associated with fear of deportation and avoidance of public benefits, relationships between immigration enforcement policy and public charge policies are largely unknown. Using a California population-based survey of 1103 Asian and Latinx immigrants in 2018, we tested the relationship between immigrants experiences with law enforcement and their concern about public charge. Direct encounters with various forms of law enforcement, including being asked to show proof of citizenship by law enforcement, staying inside to avoid police or immigration officials, and having known someone who had been deported, were associated with immigrants avoidance of public benefits due to public charge concerns. Latinx immigrants were more likely to be concerns about public charge than Asians. Intersections among immigration policies deserve further consideration. There is a need to provide accurate and reliable information to immigrant communities about public benefits and advocate for inclusive immigration policies.

Following scholars who critique integration with a homemaking lens (Boccagni and Hondagneu-Sotelo 2023), this paper studies the impact of immigration- and integration policies on Syrian and Eritrean women’s homemaking processes in the Netherlands, and produces knowledge on the gendered effects of migration-related policies on individuals (Freedman 2017). Based on analyses of legal and policy documents, and life history interviews, observations, and mapping- and photo journaling exercises held with forty-five Syrian and Eritrean women in the Netherlands, I show how procedures to obtain legal residence, reception centres, different legal statuses, spatial dispersal policy, the Integration Act and the Participation Act pursue a ‘politics of discomfort’ (Darling 2011). While designed to promote ‘integration’, these policies construct a demanding, opaque and punitive system that restricts individual control and subjects homemaking to ‘path dependencies’. This discomfort is gendered, as policies occasionally reinforce women’s dependence on men, perpetuate racialised and gendered stereotypes, and break down especially women’s work- and social roles. As the system renders homemaking in public difficult, it induces women’s isolation. Contesting state-inflicted uncertainty, exclusion and isolation, many Syrian and Eritrean women eventually do manage to (re)make home. However, the Dutch state works to produce rather than repair their generally underprivileged position in Dutch society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigrants comprise a sizable proportion (15%) of the population living in the United States (U.S.). Given these proportions, it is imperative that we understand immigrant experiences of well-being and stress toward improved well-being and integration. To examine the experiences of first- and second-generation immigrants using a comparative approach, we utilized data from two surveys collected under Trump (n = 490) and Biden (n = 306) administrations. Both studies employed non-probability quota and convenience sampling techniques. Questions about experiences of stress (PSS-4), discrimination (Everyday Discrimination Scale), resilience (Brief Resilience Scale), border stress (Border Community and Immigration Stress Scale), immigration policies (general questions) were included in the surveys. Each study sample included diverse racial groups across both immigrant generations. We report frequencies, descriptive statistics, and ANOVAs/post hoc test results. Findings highlight that levels of both stress and discrimination among non-White participants under the Trump administration were significantly higher than those of White participants, though neither relationship was significant under the Biden administration. Further, White participants exhibited higher resilience under the Trump administration, but not under the Biden administration. To our knowledge, this is the first study to comparatively examine immigrant experiences under the two most recent federal administrations. This study is seminal in highlighting discussions and making policy recommendations to limit immigrant exclusion, curtail exclusionary policies regarding travel bans, and improve pathways to citizenship, enhancing immigrant integration in the U.S. Roles of social workers in supporting immigrant communities and pathways for future research with immigrants are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This pan-Canadian study examines the information practices of STEM-trained immigrant women to Canada as they navigate workfinding and workplace integration. Our study focuses on a population of highly skilled immigrant women from across Canada and uses an information practice lens to examine their lived experiences of migration and labour market integration. As highly trained STEM professionals in pursuit of employment, our participants have specific needs and challenges, and as we explore these, we consider the intersection of their information practices with government policies, settlement services and the hiring practices of STEM employers. Design/methodology/approach: We conducted a qualitative study using in-depth interviews with 74 immigrant women across 13 Canadian provinces and territories to understand the nature of their engagement with employment-seeking in STEM sectors. This article reports the findings related to the settlement and information experiences of the immigrant women as they navigate new information landscapes. Findings: As immigrants, as women and as STEM professionals, the experiences of the 74 participants reflect both marginality and privilege. The reality of their intersectional identities is that these women may not be well-served by broader settlement resources targeting newcomers, but neither are the specific conventions of networking and job-seeking in the STEM sectors in Canada fully apparent or accessible to them. The findings also point to the broader systemic and contextual factors that participants have to navigate and that shape in a major way their workfinding journeys. Originality/value: The findings of this pan-Canadian study have theoretical and practical implications for policy and research. Through interviews with these STEM professionals, we highlight the barriers and challenges of an under-studied category of migrants (the highly skilled and "desirable" type of immigrants). We provide a critical discussion of their settlement experiences and expose the idiosyncrasies of a system that claims to value skilled talent while structurally making it very difficult to deliver on its promises to recruit and retain highly qualified personnel. Our findings point to specific aspects of these skilled professionals' experiences, as well as the broader systemic and contextual factors that shape their workfinding journey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims at discussing the involvement of "humanitarian" actors, stemming from civil society, in treatment of the issue of refugees' reception. It suggests the concept of "de-bordering solidarity," to express the political meaning of such mobilizations. With this term, it refers to various forms of support provided by activists and volunteers, through which these actors contest policies of asylum and borders in practice, even when they do not advance overt political claims. Furthermore, the article factors four types of actors involved in the reception of asylum seekers, namely NGOs, other Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), social movements and common citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Papers: Revista de Sociologia is the property of Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Internacional y Comparada de Relaciones Laborales y Derecho del Empleo is the property of ADAPT University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper reviews historical, economic and social reasons for working people to migrate from five Central Asian Republics (CARs) to Russia in the early 21st Century. Relationships between Russia and the five Central Asian States changed dramatically after the USSR collapse and in the ensuing three decades, large numbers of workers from Central Asia migrated to Russia. It became imperative for migrating workers to learn Russian to mingle socially and gain economic benefits. Russian-speaking workers amalgamated well in Russia and their remittances improved the GDPs of their home states. However, with greater numbers of migrating workers, Russia imposed new migration laws that required better competence in Russian, which resulted in new difficulties and challenges for migrants and those who aspired to move to Russia for work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As an essay, it is argued that the treatment given to immigrants is related to the current crises of democracy. The strategies of Hungary during the 2015 immigration crisis are analyzed. The corpus encompasses 20 articles; 6 books; 4 book chapters, and 2 dissertations. It highlights the connection between the disregard for human rights and the attack on immigrants, providing data for the relationship between immigrations policies and democratic erosion to be verified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does exposure to terrorism affect attitudes toward immigration policy? If so, is it the sense of threat that impacts these attitudes? Previous studies could not find conclusive evidence of increasing hostility toward out-groups as a direct consequence of terrorist events, as they struggle to separate attitudinal migration policy preferences and reactions to terrorism. Drawing on intergroup threat theory, we conducted two original public opinion polls (N = 954) in Israel, using a unique model that refined both the measure of the intensity of exposure to terrorism–more intensive (Study 1) and less intensive (Study 2)—and differences in the measure of different levels of geographic proximity to the attacks (high/low). Results indicate that in times of intense terror attacks, high levels of exposure to such attacks affect people's conflict-related threat perceptions, which drive their support for exclusionary migration policies. These findings improve our understanding of the spillover effects of terrorism on public opinion about migrants who are not involved in the conflict that prompts the terror attacks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine two economic self‐interest hypotheses regarding the determinants of public attitudes toward immigrants: (1) the labor market hypothesis, which states that the employment and wage impacts of immigration determine the public attitudes, and (2) the welfare state hypothesis, which states that natives hold negative perceptions of immigrants due to concerns that they may strain the country's welfare budget. The first hypothesis predicts that natives' education will affect pro‐immigrant attitudes more positively when immigrants come from lower income countries. The second hypothesis predicts that natives' income affects the pro‐immigrant attitudes more negatively when immigrants come from lower income countries. We use the Japanese General Social Survey, which asks respondents' tolerance toward immigrants from different countries, allowing us to control for unobserved individual characteristics through a method akin to the fixed effect estimation. Our results indicate no difference in the effects of education and income on pro‐immigrant attitudes regardless of whether immigrants come from high‐ or low‐income countries. We conclude that economic self‐interest does not explain Japanese public attitudes toward immigrants. We discuss the policy implications about how to improve public attitudes toward immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fear; throughout history, it has been a powerful tool used by authorities, governments and leaders to shape social reactions, manipulate public opinion, influence the masses and shape the political environment. Today, the common feature of the politics of fear on a global scale is that it is directed at immigrants. Leaders and political parties are instrumentalizing the fear of immigrants in order to gain legitimacy and support for their policies and to gain the support of the voters in the election processes. Fear on immigration is used in ways that reflect immigrants as a threat to economic stability, national security, nation-state and cultural identity through a process that emphasizes political communication methods. As a result of the manipulation of the public with the fear of immigrants, travel bans, border walls, mass deportation and restrictions that make citizenship processes difficult are accepted by the societies; political attitudes and preferences of individuals and masses are shaped. Therefore, fear as an effective emotion in political decision-making processes and politics towards this emotion can shape the political conjuncture of countries. In this study, the feeling of fear; it has been tried to determine the psychosocial factors in the channeling of immigrants to immigrants, and how it is instrumentalized in order to shape political policies and elections in a psychopolitical framework is embodied with examples. In this context, the study analyzes the effect of fear on political policy and elections by revealing the historical and current situation of fear of immigrants in the United States, European countries and Türkiye.

In the last decades, the migration phenomenon has become one of the greatest humanitarian crises. The generalized solution by the international community has been the reception in refugee camps as a temporary solution to the displacement. Nonetheless, conflicts are frequently prolonged in time and migrants are stagnated in protracted situations. The objective of this project is to explore alternatives to refugee camps, namely, the reception of migrants in cities. The project is centered around the idea that this strategy will not only be beneficial for the migrants, who will be able to break the dependency built in the camps, but also for the development of the economies of the host countries, by creating more employment, generating a more competitive market, and promoting the development of the infrastructures of the cities. This is going to be studied from the perspective of Ecuador, the country of Latin America that hosts more refugees and migrants, without the establishment of camps.

In recent years, recruiting international students has become a strategic issue. International students have social, economic, political, cultural, and scientific benefits, and they improve the quality of higher education. Leading countries create the conditions for attracting and retaining students and talent by aligning and cohering policies, increasing actors, and establishing institutions. "Recruitment agencies" are one of these players. These agencies have a large network in various countries and are familiar with the higher education systems of the destination countries, providing useful information to future students and assisting them in selecting the appropriate university. They also assist the university in attracting qualified applicants. While increasing international student recruitment is the goal of higher education in Iran, the capacity of institutions for recruiting students has been underutilized, and their activity has been fraught with difficulties. This research aimed to identify the challenges of recruitment agency activities in Iran. Using the "thematic analysis" method, we discovered twelve challenges categorized into four categories: structural challenges (lack of appropriate policies and laws; lack of sufficient actors; multiple decision makers); contextual challenges (economic, cultural, and social); procedural challenges (incorrect executive procedures; incompetence of executive actors; misconduct and corruption in recruitment processes); and also content challenges (linguistic barriers; limited and low-quality educational programs; limited international cooperation). Finally, solutions and policy recommendations for better utilizing the recruiting institutions' capacities were presented.

Drawing on qualitative research conducted in El Salvador, the author examines the transnational fathering practices of Salvadoran immigrant men who were deported from the United States. By using a transnational fathering practices conceptual model, the author was able to examine the transnational fathering practices of deported men in El Salvador who had children in the U.S. This study revealed the harmful effects of U.S. immigration policies and enforcement practices on Salvadoran transnational families. The author focused on three key areas including deported father's (1) role in providing financially for their transnational families, (2) their efforts in maintaining their transnational family networks, and (3) their communication with transnational family members via information technology. First, Salvadoran fathers in this study shared their experiences attempting to provide financially for their transnational families. Secondly, deported fathers shared their desire to keep their transnational families together, their attempt to restore their strained relationships with their children, and recover from past traumas within their parent‐child relationships. Lastly, Salvadoran fathers reported using technology to communicate with their transnational families. This study provides insight into the issues that transnational fathers and their children experience and the need for new policies to support family reunification efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Erciyes Communication / Erciyes İletişim Dergisi is the property of Erciyes University, Faculty of Communication / Erciyes Universitesi Iletism Fakultesi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objective: To explore the impacts of parental deportation on the health and well-being of U.S. citizen children of Mexican immigrants. Methods: From 2019–2020, this ambi-directional cohort study recruited U.S.-based families with an undocumented Mexican immigrant parent and U.S.-citizen childrens (ages 13–17) recently exposed to parental deportation (N = 61), and similar families without a history of parental deportation (N = 51). Children health, behavioral, economic, and academic outcomes were measured via phone surveys upon enrollment and six months later. A subsample of “exposed” caregivers (N = 14) also completed in-depth semi-structured interviews. Data were analyzed using fixed-effects regression models and thematic analyses. Results: Childrens exposed to parental deportation had significantly worse health status, behavioral problems, material hardship, and academic outcomes than children in the control arm (p

Although exclusionary immigration policies are associated with fear of deportation and avoidance of public benefits, relationships between immigration enforcement policy and public charge policies are largely unknown. Using a California population-based survey of 1103 Asian and Latinx immigrants in 2018, we tested the relationship between immigrants' experiences with law enforcement and their concern about public charge. Direct encounters with various forms of law enforcement, including being asked to show proof of citizenship by law enforcement, staying inside to avoid police or immigration officials, and having known someone who had been deported, were associated with immigrants' avoidance of public benefits due to public charge concerns. Latinx immigrants were more likely to be concerns about public charge than Asians. Intersections among immigration policies deserve further consideration. There is a need to provide accurate and reliable information to immigrant communities about public benefits and advocate for inclusive immigration policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I explore the link between local socioeconomic gains from refugee acceptance and subsequent support for refugee immigration. I leverage unique Finnish panel data about politicians' policy preferences and their electoral success. Using a difference-in-differences design, I find that across the political spectrum, politicians in areas with the highest rates of asylum seekers per capita (i.e., poorer rural areas) become more willing to take refugees after managing a reception center for asylum seekers. This is in contrast to the national-level negative narrative on refugee intake. This favorable change in position in highly affected areas is most likely due to the depopulation these areas suffer from. Receiving asylum seekers makes rural communities think of refugee intake as a solution to their socioeconomic problems. These results have policy implications and offer lessons for rethinking the role of local economic context in immigration attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of political polarization in Europe has intensified divisions among citizens regarding immigration, inequality, and racism. The present paper investigates the use of ver-based ("see"-based) evidentiality in positioning and repositioning strategies by conservative Spanish readers of the digital newspapers ABC and La Razón. The study focuses on their responses to two different controversial measures involving immigrants and refugees taken in by the Spanish government. Such measures relate to the Aquarius (2018) and the Open Arms (2019) incidents. The analysis will be corpus, content-based, and grounded in positioning theory and theories of visual evidential perception. The ultimate aim is to explore the instances of ver-based evidentiality introducing positioning and repositioning strategies that are present in the corpus. Subsequently, we will classify and analyze the viewpoints expressed by conservative readers through these ver-based evidential markers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ÖZ: Cumhuriyet'in ilk yıllarında Romanya ve Bulgaristan'da görevli Türk diplomatlar, Türkçe konuşan Hristiyan Ortodoks inancına mensup Gagavuzlar'la yakından ilgilenmişlerdir. Türk Ocakları Başkanlığı görevinden sonra Romanya’ya Elçi unvanıyla atanan Hamdullah Suphi bey, Gagavuz halkının toplu olarak Türkiye'ye göç ettirilmesi fikrini ortaya atan ve bunu savunan en önemli diplomatik figür olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır. 1930-1940 yılları arasında Türkiye-Romanya ikili ilişkilerinin en önemli konu başlıklarından biri Romanya'daki Müslüman Türklerin Anadolu'ya göçü meselesidir. Düzensiz olarak gerçekleşen ve Müslüman Türklerin maddi ve manevi olarak zararına yol açan bu göçler konusunda Romanya ve Türkiye arasında 1936 yılında bir göç anlaşması imzalanmıştır. Sözkonusu dönemde önemli bir bölümü Romanya sınırları içerisinde yaşayan Hristiyan Gagavuzların da Türkiye'ye göçü ve bahsekonu göç anlaşması kapsamına alınmaları konusu tartışılmışsa da bu proje gerçekleşmemiştir. Gagavuzların Türkiye'ye göç ettirilmesi fikrine dönemin Türk elitleri arasından destek verenler olduğu gibi buna itiraz edenler de bulunduğu, ayrıca Yunanistan ve Fener Rum Patrikliği'nin de böyle bir göçe karşı çıktığı, öte yandan Romen makamlarının da Gagavuzların Türkiye'ye göçü konusuna mesafeli yaklaştıkları görülmektedir. ABSTRACT: During the early republican era, Turkish diplomats assigned to Bulgaria and Romania were closely interested with the Turkish-speaking Christian Orthodox Gagauz people living in these countries. Hamdullah Suphi, who was assigned as the Turkish ambassador to Bucharest, appears to be the first diplomatic figure to propose the collective immigration of Gagauz people to Turkey. It is observed that, during the 1930-1940 period, the immigration of Turks from Romania was at the forefront of Turkish-Romanian bilateral issues. The uncoordinated and irregular immigrations were causing material and moral damage for the Turks in Romania. In order to plan and coordinate properly the immigration process, an agreement was finalized between the two countries in 1936. Even though the immigration of Gagauz people to Turkey within the framework of the aforementioned agreement has been debated, this project was not achieved. Whereas the idea of Gagauz immigration to Turkey was supported by some Turkish elites, it was rejected firmly by others. It is also observed that Greece and the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Phanar in Istanbul were also against the Gagauz immigration. Concerning the Romanian authorities, they also were reluctant about this immigration project.

As two neighboring countries, Iran and Afghanistan are affected by each other's political-security, economic and cultural-social developments. The large-scale migration of Afghans to Iran began in the early 1980s due to the Soviet invasion. The first generations of Afghan immigrants were generally concerned about security, survival, work, and daily life, but the new immigrants have more social, scientific, cultural, political, and social concerns. In this regard, an increase in their willingness to educate can be observed. Anyway, these people experience challenges in their own lives and have opportunities as well. The current research seeks to study the challenges and opportunities of Afghan educated people living in Iran. The theoretical lens used has been constructivism. To achieve this goal, the grounded theory method has been used. Using the purposive sampling method, interviews were conducted with 27 Afghan-educated people living in Iran and 22 experts on issues related to Afghan immigrants. The findings show that Afghan educated people face socio-cultural challenges (educational limitations, the experience of humiliation and insult, living with a fear of being powerless, and a negative image), economic (occupational limitations, economic weakness, investment limitations), and political-security (structural discrimination, instability of policies, inefficient laws and polarization of immigrants). On the other hand, In contrast, they have opportunities Including social- cultural (Educational benefit, cultural commonality, self-governing schools, and creation of coordination networks), economic (Iran's welfare level and benefits from defined jobs), and political-security (Iran's security and the opportunity to become a refugee). These challenges and opportunities should be explained in the context of political developments and the Iranian immigration policy system, which is a multi-layered phenomenon.

Using the 2020 regularisation of irregular migrant workers in Italy as a case study, the paper inquires about the role of Civil Society Actors (hereafter CSAs) in (de/re)bordering processes. Conceptualising borders as filters that draw distinctions through the sociocultural, legal and administrative constructs of deservingness entailed by immigration policymaking, the paper shows that, when implementing the regularisation programme, CSAs reproduce governmental distinctions between deserving and undeserving migrant workers and employers. However, CSAs can also find ways to challenge or circumvent internal borders, broadening the range of legitimate potential applicants through more or less visible and confrontational struggles, bending or even breaking the rules. In doing so, they redefine internal borders through alternative definitions of migrants' deservingness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the early republican era, Turkish diplomats assigned to Bulgaria and Romania were closely interested with the Turkish-speaking Christian Orthodox Gagauz people living in these countries. Hamdullah Suphi, who was assigned as the Turkish ambassador to Bucharest, appears to be the first diplomatic figure to propose the collective immigration of Gagauz people to Turkey. It is observed that, during the 1930-1940 period, the immigration of Turks from Romania was at the forefront of Turkish-Romanian bilateral issues. The uncoordinated and irregular immigrations were causing material and moral damage for the Turks in Romania. In order to plan and coordinate properly the immigration process, an agreement was finalized between the two countries in 1936. Even though the immigration of Gagauz people to Turkey within the framework of the aforementioned agreement has been debated, this project was not achieved. Whereas the idea of Gagauz immigration to Turkey was supported by some Turkish elites, it was rejected firmly by others. It is also observed that Greece and the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Phanar in Istanbul were also against the Gagauz immigration. Concerning the Romanian authorities, they also were reluctant about this immigration project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

9/11 has played a major role in renewed discussions about racism, national identity, and multiculturalism. The wide discourse on racism is deeply rooted in American history and complicated by the "us" versus "them" divide which seems to dominate the post-9/11 political and cultural discourses. One aspect largely neglected by scholars is the presence of Al-Andalus as a trope in a considerable number of political speeches, and how the cultural history associated to this place was appropriated and distorted in different manners by various political players. This paper, however, investigates the revitalization of the history and the reshaping of the cultural memory of Al-Andalus (Moorish Medieval Spain) and its deploying as an important element of contemporary political ideology in post-9/11 political discourse to create further divisions and cultural exclusion. It is also the aim of the present study to provide instances of Andalusian counterdiscourse as reflected in narratives written by Arab-American women writers, in order to reactivate the Andalusian heritage as a source of inspiration for convivencia, for a harmonious multicultural coexistence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, growth coalitions and growth critiques are examined by using the example of in-migration policies in the context of Jena case study. This is based on the following questions: Which local growth coalitions do exist with which growth goals? To what extent do growth boundaries lead to an expansion of local growth coalitions with the urban hinterland? What kind of growth-critical positions are there in urban politics and to what extent do they question growth policies? The paper particularly ties in with the theoretical discussion of post-growth planning and enriches it by an empirical reflection by examining forms of municipal growth scepticism as well as limits of regional cooperation. The results show that there is a distinct growth coalition in Jena, which pursues the goal of attracting skilled workers to secure economic growth. However, due to natural growth limits and the resistance of individual residents, in-migration policies are reaching their limits, so that intermunicipal cooperation in the urban region is being sought as a fallback solution. Explicit critiques of growth and a fundamental public discussion about growth policies, on the other hand, just begin to emerge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is on migration and migration policy transition of Turkey. The focus is on the Turkish National Development Plans from the 1960s until today and the socio-political and economic context. We identify three distinct periods. The first period of the 1960s is characterized by an explicit support of out-migration to reduce population pressure and on remittances to promote economic growth. The second period from the 1970s to 2000 is marked by diaspora policies of Turkey relative to Europe, thereby acknowledging the role of the Turkish diaspora in the promotion of Turkish economic development and international relations. Since the year of 2000, Turkish migration policy turned to the promotion of highly skilled immigration, aiming at the promotion of technological progress towards a knowledge society with the support of intellectual elites. The policy transition towards the promotion of highly skilled immigration goes hand in hand with institutional and legal changes, which we specify. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bingol University Journal of Economics & Administrative Science is the property of Bingol University Journal of Economics & Administrative Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Immigrants are among the most vulnerable to Coronavirus pandemic conditions due to limited access to health care. Therefore, any action by governments must address the needs of vulnerable groups, including migrant women. Increasing the rate of women's migration; raises concerns about safety, health, and wellness issues, and makes it inevitable to pay attention to review existing laws and policies. One of the aims of this article is to study the right to health of immigrant women in Coronavirus crisis situations with a descriptive-analytical approach and seeks to answer the main question: what are the harms caused by the corona pandemic in the field of right to health of immigrant women? The results show that there are major challenges to the right to health of migrant women in the coronavirus pandemic. Indifference to the feminization of immigration leads to the lack of relevant policies and awareness in the countries of origin and host, and the protection of the rights, safety, and mental health of immigrant women in a difficult crisis. paying attention to the complexities of gender and immigration in programs and policies reduces the health costs of immigrant women. Cooperation at the international and national levels by emphasizing the Global Compact on Migration and other international instruments, allocating sufficient resources and empowering migrant women by removing barriers and facilitating access to services can be effective and helpful.

We examine racialization processes experienced by women of Mexican origin in a northern border community during a protracted period of restrictive immigrant policies that have disparately affected Mexican-origin communities, and consider pathways through which these experiences may affect health. This grounded theory analysis draws on interviews conducted in 2013–2014 with 48 first, 1.5, and second generation Mexican-origin women living in Detroit, MI. Racialization processes blurred boundaries between Latinas/os, immigrants, and undocumented immigrants. Racialized policies and interactions required women to negotiate shifting and often precarious social and political terrain. We describe racializing markers used by agents of multiple institutions to assess the legal status of women and members of their social networks, shaping their access to the resources over which institutional agents held power. Specifically, we consider the dynamic mechanisms by which multiple legal, social, and employment institutions exacted immigrant policing and bureaucratic surveillance. These include: (1) interior and border immigration enforcement agents’ active surveillance of residents; (2) local law enforcement officials’ assertion of authority over driver’s licenses and contact with immigration officials, often in traffic-related encounters; (3) Secretary of State clerks’ discretion in assessing legal status and issuing driver’s licenses and state IDs; (4) social welfare agents’ scrutiny of citizenship status in determining access to nutritional, economic, and medical resources; and (5) employers’ exploitation of these structural vulnerabilities to justify unfair treatment of immigrant workers. We theorize several mechanisms, by which these processes affect health, including: stigmatization; hypervigilance; and restricted access to health-promoting resources.

This paper investigates the effects of immigration and immigration amnesties on the shadow economy. We make use of an array of Italian immigration data and original shadow economy estimates for the years 1996–2006, comprising a panel of local‐level aggregate statistical information, and a microlevel survey of representative households. We find a robust and positive relationship between the presence of immigrants and the unobserved economic activity at the local level. Nevertheless, the impact of immigration on the Italian unofficial economy is relatively small in magnitude. We also exploit the discontinuity created by the implementation of the 2002 immigration amnesty, which increased the stock of documented migrants by almost 50%. According to our results, the Italian 2002 immigration policy only slightly weakens the link between immigration and the extent of the unobserved economic activity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The world is facing unprecedented numbers of people forcibly displaced, and there is a need for an enhanced global response. In turn, there are significant implications for those seeking asylum and the service providers working with them. Using thematic analysis, the current research analyses qualitative data from 16 semi‐structured interviews with individuals providing services to people seeking asylum in Australia, exploring the relevance of policy to service providers. There were two meta‐themes identified that linked government policies to their adverse impacts (1) on asylum seekers and on staff and volunteers, and (2) on organisations and their service provision. Participants identified changing and unpredictable policies, the uncertainty over lengthy application review processes for those seeking asylum, and the limited access to resources and financial supports available as impacting service delivery and overall well‐being. The findings highlighted the negative impact of federal policies on those seeking asylum, and on service provider and organisational capacity to provide services and to fulfil their duty of care. Participants highlighted how changing policies compromise their ability to plan for current and future needs and add further strain and uncertainty to the system. The findings can inform Australian conversations on policy and practice for people seeking asylum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The emergence of political polarization in Europe has intensified divisions among citizens regarding immigration, inequality, and racism. The present paper investigates the use of ver-based (“see”-based) evidentiality in positioning and repositioning strategies by conservative Spanish readers of the digital newspapers ABC and La Razón. The study focuses on their responses to two different controversial measures involving immigrants and refugees taken in by the Spanish government. Such measures relate to the Aquarius (2018) and the Open Arms (2019) incidents. The analysis will be corpus, content-based, and grounded in positioning theory and theories of visual evidential perception. The ultimate aim is to explore the instances of ver-based evidentiality introducing positioning and repositioning strategies that are present in the corpus. Subsequently, we will classify and analyze the viewpoints expressed by conservative readers through these ver-based evidential markers.

Latino communities in the United States (U.S.) have long endured trauma due to multiple intersecting social and political forces. New restrictive immigration policies since 2016 and the COVID-19 pandemic have each created novel stressors for Latino communities, while escalating the risk of mental health disorders and highlighting the communities' vulnerabilities. The effects of these stressors have been particularly pronounced in southeastern states, such as Tennessee and Georgia, due to their state-level anti-immigrant legislation. Yet, we lack sufficient data to understand how these factors present among Latinos seeking services. To focus attention on the specific experiences of Latino communities living in the U.S. Southeast, the authors analyzed the perspectives of 44 service providers working with these communities in the region using qualitative data collected in an online survey administered during the COVID-19 pandemic and while President Trump's exclusionary immigration policies were in force. Four themes were identified: (1) Latino communities' strengths; (2) impact of the Trump administration on Latino communities; (3) impact of COVID-19's on Latino communities; and (4) strategies to enhance service delivery in Latino communities. Results provide meaningful data to inform micro- and macro-level service delivery in two exclusionary policy states and beyond. Findings suggest future research should include other new immigrant destinations and explore perceptions of Latino community members.

This article offers a state of the art of research on migration policies, participation and the political construction of immigration in Spain. It starts with an overview of migration policy, addressing the impact of the 2008 economic crisis on the configuration of the political agenda. Secondly, it addresses the political participation of immigrants in Spain and their role as “new” voters. Finally, the appearance of the extreme right political party VOX has shifted the classic debates on the attitudes of the population towards immigration and built a new anti-immigration discourse. The article argues that academic interest and scientific production have been modulated in line with the various phases of Spain’s configuration as a country of immigration. The text ends with some reflections on the impact of the COVID-19 crisis, which has opened up a period of major challenge and uncertainty.