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Introduction: For achieving just transitions, it is crucial to address Indigenous perspectives and knowledge systems. In the North of Europe, the fast pace of transformational actions toward the decarbonisation of society has caused much controversy associated with the (further) endangerment of the traditional modes of life. Reindeer herding is a traditional activity of the Sámi, the Indigenous Peoples of Norway, Sweden, Finland, and North-Western Russia. For many Sámi, reindeer herding is of economic, social, and cultural importance. However, increasingly, pressures are being put on reindeer, as human activities, such as the building of roads or wind turbines, further encroaches on grazing lands. Methods and objective: Using semi-structured group and individual interviews, this article investigates Sámi perspectives on drivers and stressors impacting reindeer in Norway and its connections to sustainable development activities, in the context of the energy transition. It also focuses on the communication of Traditional Ecological Knowledge to better address inclusive decision-making processes. Results: The results highlight the divide between Western and Indigenous ways of thinking about land management and use. They provide reflections on why Traditional Ecological Knowledge, including from the Sámi is still far from being actively integrated in the processes toward Just Transitions. This work also brings to light some of the reasons behind the hesitance of many Indigenous Peoples to integrate mainstream transition processes as well as make available their Ancestral Knowledge for the benefit of nature conservation and sustainable management of the areas they inhabit. Lastly, the article offers some insight into how to facilitate communication of Traditional Ecological Knowledge and its potential impact on the current Norwegian strategy toward nature conservation and societal decarbonization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ethics panel held for the ANU IR Department's 75th birthday asked panellists to respond to the theme of resistance, power, and the new global ethical order. Vasuki Nesiah, Lana Tatour, James Blackwell, George Carter and Bina D'Costa painted a rich picture of the very political nature of ethics and the contests for ethical leadership currently energising global politics, as well as our responsibilities as academics. Inspired by their comments, this article draws out the themes common across their presentations. First, we focus on the political, practical, and material nature of ethics, and the current ethical contestations and power shifts taking place in global politics. Second, we turn to the need to generate new ways of imagining just political futures and contesting existing hierarchies. Finally, we focus on the ways to tackle these challenges through going local, engaging with communities, and building solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article investigates diverging heritage practices in plurinational Bolivia. It draws on the Aymara concept of taypi to address heritage conflicts from a cosmopolitical perspective on memory and territoriality. Place-based histories and socio-material assemblages redefine Indigenous heritage as a multi-temporal meeting ground between state, local communities and more-than-human-beings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following almost 25 years of work, the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 2007. UNDRIP has been widely recognised as an authoritative statement of human rights norms concerning Indigenous peoples around the world. However, meaningful implementation of UNDRIP has been slow. To better understand the pace and challenges facing implementation, we identify and analyze four key recurring themes that emerge from the growing literature on this topic. This includes (1) Indigenous self-determination versus state autonomy as a driver of potential conflict; (2) the meaning of Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) in the context of UNDRIP; (3) the nexus between land, culture, and self-determination; and (4) Western/Global North influence over non-Western/Global South state implementation of UNDRIP. We examine several specific examples from across the globe to reveal the continuities and discontinuities across these four themes. The article concludes by offering ideas on how the limits of the present study and wider literature on UNDRIP might be rectified. That is, by incorporating a greater number of Indigenous perspectives on UNDRIP and adding more studies of governance and implementation challenges encountered in countries located in the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the normative justification for special rights for Indigenous peoples whose traditional territories straddle contemporary international borders. Examining the Mohawks of Akwesasne (Quebec, Ontario, and New York state) and the Tohono O'odham (Arizona and Sonora, Mexico) as cases, I demonstrate how state claims to territorial jurisdiction and border regulation often interfere with the lives of Indigenous people whose social, cultural, economic, spiritual and political practices and relationships cluster across contemporary international boundaries. Through the concept of group occupancy interests, I argue that members of Indigenous nations whose territories straddle borders possess special rights to access and use lands presently claimed by states of which they are not recognized citizens. Moreover, I demonstrate how border-straddling Indigenous nations challenge the unlimited sovereignty of contemporary states with respect to border policy: the occupancy and self-determination interests of Indigenous peoples may ground the moral rights of their communities to co-manage international border crossings with states. Finally, I argue that collective interests in cross-border political identities and self-determination can ground the rights of Indigenous peoples to form unified cross-border jurisdictional units that demand recognition by states, alongside the rights of Indigenous peoples to regulate group membership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indigenous participatory rights, as set out in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (undrip), are collective rights for Indigenous Peoples to have a say in decisions affecting them – something these communities are envisaged as doing “through their own representative institutions” (Article 19). However, the conditions of group representation are not clearly spelled out in the undrip or in commentaries on its provisions. Our article addresses this in two inter-connected ways. First, we distinguish genuine spokesperson speech from three other kinds of representative speech (speaking about the group, speaking as a group member, and speaking in behalf of a group). Second, we identify two minimal conditions of genuine spokesperson speech: that the spokesperson be authorised by the group in whose name they speak, and that the spokesperson speaks for the group willingly and knowingly. While relatively simple in theory, each of these conditions throws up a number of questions, such as who gets to authorise a spokesperson and how individuals might be compelled into acting as spokesperson. We conclude the paper by turning briefly to the issue of how states and the law ought to better ensure that Indigenous Peoples are able to have a say through their proper spokespersons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we conduct an analysis of the Pathway to Canada Target 1 biodiversity conservation policy process to determine its level of inclusivity towards Indigenous Peoples and their knowledge systems. Also known simply as the Pathway, the policy focuses on Target 1 of Canada's efforts to meet Aichi Target 11 of the Convention on Biological Diversity by 2020. The study aims to showcase the importance and meaningfulness of Indigenous involvement in the policy process. Simply including Indigenous actors does not automatically mean that their knowledge contributions to the policy were considered. Knowing why, when, and how Indigenous Peoples were engaged in the policy process helps us to see the role their presence and contributions played in co-producing policy knowledge for informing the Pathway to Canada Target 1 policy process. This is fundamental in reconciliation and in the improvement of conservation policies. After a review of the history and structure of the Pathway, paying attention to the importance of building relationship with Indigenous Peoples early in the policy process, we use the policy cycle model, outlining five stages of the policy process, to enable our analysis. While we have chosen the policy cycle model as a general framework for analyzing the stages of the policy process, it is a Western model, which falls short in its ability to reflect Indigenous worldviews adequately. Its use reveals, however, the degree of Indigenous engagement in each of the stages, demonstrating that the Pathway to Canada Target 1 did engage Indigenous Peoples at certain stages, in ways potentially reflective of what the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) Calls to Action demand. We conclude with recommendations for more collaborative governance in policymaking that would be more attentive to including Indigenous Peoples and their knowledge systems at all stages of the policy cycle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This review of Elizabeth Esterling's monograph Indigenous Cultural Property and International Law: Restitution, Rights and Wrongs, emphasizes the complexities of cultural property restitution rights under International Law. The article examines the language of customary international law, expanding on Esterling's analysis of UNDRIP (United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples) with a comparative analysis of ICRIN (International Covenant on the Rights of the United Nations. Following Esterling's use of textual, purposive, and contextual lenses, particular attention is given to Article 11 of UNDRIP in relation to paragraph 11 of ICRIN. The legal language surrounding culture and its relationship to territory is significant in these texts. Even under these frameworks, the self-determination of Indigenous peoples has been historically minimized and complicated by the formation of international legal codes. Human rights discourse too often becomes an obstacle to indigenous rights, given the pitfalls of essentialism as a political strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the narrative of the co-created community theatre show Aillaquillen: The Island of Nine Moons, presented at the Liquen Cultural Centre in the town of Villarrica, Chile, in 2022. The show was the result of a practice research project, in which I partnered with local Mapuche activist Alejandra Aillapan Huiriqueo to explore how the intrinsic values of the Mapuche worldview or cosmovision and (new) animism could be translated into intercultural theatrical practice and the performance of an environmental narrative. The intercultural process of co-creation transformed my own approach to my surroundings and culminated in a performance that told a story out of local cultural and environmental necessity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On November 24, 2023, the Siekopai indigenous population residing in the Ecuadorian Amazon won a claim for the titling of their lands to their Nation. Ecuador recognized indigenous land ownership within a protected area for the first time in history. This decision also acknowledges the value of land management by the indigenous population, who, through their profound knowledge of the place, environment, animals, and spirits that inhabit it, are the best stewards of this green space as a common heritage of humanity. This paper challenges the Western logic that typically drives conservation efforts and examines the role of Indigenous self-determination as a means of ecological advancement. It further outlines the complex role of International mechanisms like Free, Prior, and Informed Consent, ILO Convention 169, and the Rio Declaration as enforcers of sustainable resource management. The court's decision sets a valuable precedent for government collaboration with Indigenous peoples worldwide and the inclusion of Indigenous stewardship practices into environmental justice frameworks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Employing a descriptive qualitative case study methodology, this article postulates that land grabbing is a man-made situation of coercion and oppression for the indigenous Santals in Bangladesh. The violent nature of land grabbing in Palashpur, a remote village in Bangladesh, has dispersed and dislocated the once closely-knit Santal community, destroyed Indigenous social and economic institutions, traditional ways of life, pristine and serene milieu, and the community's rhythm of life. The article analyses how land rights as essential components of human rights are being violated because of the colonial nature of the nation-state and its failure to protect the land of the indigenous peoples. By disregarding various international Indigenous land rights and the many state tenancy acts, the nation-state provides covert support to the land-grabbers. Thus, the state violates basic principles of human rights and acts as an accessory to the misery associated with territoriality. Moreover, the article explores a deep-seated nationalism engaged in insidious ethnic cleansing, resulting in an identity and existential crisis perpetrated through the dispossession of the Indigenous land in Bangladesh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Winter 2025 issue of the Fourth World Journal explores themes of Traditional Ecological Knowledge and Indigenous sovereignty over land and resources. Contributors discuss topics such as access to natural resources, international legal mechanisms, and the role of resilience and activism in preserving Indigenous territories. The issue highlights the importance of Indigenous peoples maintaining control over their lands to ensure survival and global ecological balance, emphasizing the need for collaboration and recognition of Indigenous rights in global governance frameworks. The journal also addresses the impact of land grabbing on communities, the influence of religion on Indigenous identity, and the significance of integrating Indigenous perspectives, particularly those of women, into environmental and social solutions. [Extracted from the article]

Forensic science has a complex and often oppressive intersection with Indigenous peoples, which influences their access to and involvement in forensic services and research. This review explores the historical context of this intersection, and the ongoing impacts of colonization and past research on Indigenous communities. We propose a framework for bi-cultural research that respects and supports Indigenous rights, values and knowledge, and aims to achieve equitable and appropriate forensic outcomes for Indigenous peoples. We also suggest increasing the diversity and cultural awareness of forensic practitioners and developing trusting and respectful relationships with Indigenous communities. By learning from the past, we can create a more inclusive and collaborative forensic science for the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates how majority societies’ common ignorance about Indigenous peoples and ongoing settler-colonial reality (“settler ignorance”) has been negotiated in the educational sciences literature. Understanding settler ignorance not as a simple “lack of knowledge” but a powerful issue undermining Indigenous rights and decolonial aspirations, this review sets out to gain new understanding of its dimensions in educational settings. The reviewed literature covers 51 peer-reviewed qualitative records from six settler-colonial contexts – Finland, Sweden, Norway, Canada, Australia, and Aotearoa/New Zealand. The emerging conceptualisations of the phenomenon of settler ignorance and ways of addressing it were explored through thematic synthesis. The findings suggest that settler ignorance has many faces: it is conceptualised as emotionally and ideologically contested knowledge-making, as wilful avoidance and resistance, and as a structural mechanism that transcends the question of individual cognition. Similarly, the proposed approaches to dismantling ignorance are diverse, emphasising the potential of educational content, building relationality, and critical reflection. Discussing the findings’ implications, the article suggests how harnessing both context-based and transnational understandings about settler ignorance and its many dimensions could benefit reconciliatory processes between settler and Indigenous populations and signpost one approach to decolonising education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bolivia is the first country to incorporate the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples into domestic law, yet some have suggested that Indigenous People (IP) remain subjected to extensive rights violations that may amount to cultural genocide, or the effective destruction of a people by systemically destroying or undermining the integrity of their culture and system of values. This study examines whether there is empirical evidence to support such claims in civil society organizations’ submissions to the latest United Nations Universal Periodic Review (UPR). The analysis confirms evolving rights and governance reforms yet details how IP are subject to discrimination, denial of land rights, exclusion from decision-making, violence and suppression of indigenous languages. We argue that whilst this currently falls short of cultural genocide, the present constitutes a critical juncture. Unless there is urgent action by government and other parties, over coming years this is likely to lead to the cultural genocide of some of the more vulnerable indigenous groups in the plurinational state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the complicated terrain of immunization acceptance and access among Indigenous peoples in northern Ontario by drawing on conversations held prior to 2019 that explored knowledge about Haemophilus influenzae type a (Hia) infection specifically and attitudes toward vaccines more broadly. In the decade preceding COVID-19, Hia emerged as a leading cause of morbidity and mortality in Indigenous communities in northern Canada. Before developing new vaccines, it is imperative to hold conversations with the communities most affected and to learn more about Indigenous peoples' perceptions of and knowledge about vaccines, both generally and Hia specifically. We conducted focus groups and one-on-one conversations with Anishinaabe Peoples in northwestern Ontario. Our findings illustrate that decisions to vaccinate are informed by a host of social, institutional, and ideological factors and historical and contemporary relationships with government institutions and health practitioners. In particular, Indigenous community members perceived their relationships with social and health services and education institutions as coercive. Thus, public health approaches cannot continue to operate in ways that prioritize interventions for Indigenous peoples and communities so that they "do the right thing." More emphasis is needed on health service and social service provider knowledge, skills, attitudes and practices-redirecting the onus onto those within the health care system. Solutions must respect Indigenous nationhood and the right of self-determination. Finally, we suggest the term vaccine hesitancy may not entirely capture the breadth of experiences that many Indigenous Peoples and communities have and continue to have within the health care system in Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Khoisan were decimated, dispossessed, and assimilated into the mixed-race group ‘coloured’ during colonialism and apartheid, spawning the myth of their extinction. However, Cape Town, where colonial history is most deeply entrenched, became the focal point of ‘Khoisan revivalism’ after the dismantling of apartheid. The origins and aims of the movement remain poorly understood, largely because of a lack of scholarly engagement with Khoisan revivalists. This article draws on governmental documents, media items, and interviews with key Khoisan revivalists and traces shifts in activist discourse, different ways of engaging the state, and significant academic, legal, and political developments. It presents a three-phased historical overview of the intellectual roots and political aspirations of Khoisan revivalism: from the 1970s, the criticism of coloured identity and writing of Khoisan revisionist historiography; in the 1990s, the identification by a group of coloured intellectuals as indigenous people and their demand for recognition by the state; and since 2012, the initiation of direct-action campaigns by a new cohort of activist, coinciding with legislative developments regarding land and traditional leadership. A new phase is arguably emerging since 2019 as Khoisan revivalists challenge and circumvent the state through party politics, land occupations, and private sector partnerships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dilemas Contemporáneos: Educación, Política y Valores is the property of Dilemas Contemporaneos: Educacion, Politica y Valores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The document provides an index of authors, titles, and reviewers featured in Volume 52 of Reviews in American History, spanning a wide range of topics from Abraham Lincoln to the Battle of the Little Big Horn, and from Blackness and Homosexuality to the American Civil War. The index includes a diverse array of perspectives and historical analyses, making it a valuable resource for researchers interested in American history and culture. [Extracted from the article]

Transitional justice is a particular approach to justice for periods of transition to peace and democracy. It has been standardised in handbooks by profiling experts, often from the Global North, with meagre local participation in practice. It is criticised for having a liberal conception of justice that reproduces forms of structural discrimination against ethnic peoples. The Peace Agreement between Colombia and the FARC-EP signed in November 2016 addresses this criticism through a System for Truth, Reparation, and Guarantees of No-Repetition that includes a Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) that must impose sanctions following a dialogical process with victims. The tribunal requires their participation to determine how perpetrators must repair the damages caused during the armed conflict. When victims belong to ethnic groups, their participation has influenced the tribunal to make decolonising decisions. In a ground-breaking process, the JEP incorporated indigenous perspectives into its justice procedures, acknowledging the role of the Territory to ethnic groups and officially recognising it as a living being that is a right-bearer that deserves reparations. This article analyses the achievements of such a process and underlines some challenges. From a practical perspective, it contributes to broader debates regarding indigenous rights and victims' participation in transitional justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rights of Nature or Pacha Mama (RoN), as recognised in the Constitution of Ecuador, are developed through an intercultural dialogue with Indigenous Peoples, encompassing various forms and senses of justice and nature conceptions. RoN has been embraced within their struggle and should support their legal instruments, such as the Kawsak Sacha or Living Forest declaration. This declaration serves as a legal and political tool for achieving self-determination and autonomy, with the Kichwa People of Sarayaku as legal and political actors, designating their territory in the Ecuadorian Amazon as 'a living and conscious being, the subject of rights.' In this article, I explore the interplay and sometimes conflicting relationship between RoN and Kawsak Sacha or Living Forest law, in which the Living Forest itself is the source of the law. Through co-theorization, ethnography, and scholar-activism, I delve into the legal foundations of Kawsak Sacha law, its collective intercultural and intercosmic translation into written textual form, and its enforcement grounded in forest moralities, kindred knowledge, and Sacha Runakuna – the Living Forest entities that shape the legal landscape within the territory of the Kichwa People of Sarayaku. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Institutional racism within Australia, grounded in the country's settler‐colonial structure, has sidelined Indigenous interests in public policymaking since federation. In an attempt to redress this, the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) was endorsed by the Australian government in 2009. UNDRIP is an authoritative international standard that could inform the ways that governments engage with Indigenous peoples and protect their rights. This paper introduces Indigenist Critical Policy Analysis (ICPA). While mainstream policy evaluation assesses whether policies and processes have met the governments stated objectives, ICPA assesses whether they uphold or violate Indigenous rights. ICPA involves reviewing policy documents against the key principles and specific Articles of UNDRIP. Presenting a worked example of ICPA, the NSW Regional Health Strategic Plan 2022–2032 is assessed against the five phases: (1) Orientation; (2) Close examination; (3) Determination; (4) Strengthening practice; and (5) Indigenous final word. This analysis finds that the Strategic Plan is poorly aligned with UNDRIP. Specifically, there is little evidence that Indigenous values influenced or held any authority in the process. ICPA offers a practical approach to analysing policy for compatibility with Indigenous rights under international law that could be used by Indigenous organisations and policymakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book review discusses Endalew Lijalem Enyew's monograph, "Indigenous Peoples, Marine Space and Resources, and International Law," which explores the interaction between international human rights law and the law of the sea in relation to indigenous peoples. The review highlights the gaps in recognizing indigenous rights in marine areas and the urgent need to address these issues. Enyew's comprehensive study covers the legal issues concerning indigenous rights in marine areas, emphasizing the importance of bridging existing gaps and recognizing indigenous customary law. The book provides valuable insights for scholars working in human rights law, the law of the sea, and natural resource management law, offering a critical examination of the international legal framework and the transformative capability of the law of the sea in recognizing indigenous rights. [Extracted from the article]

The 1945 Constitution, Article 33 paragraph (1) grants the State the authority to regulate and manage natural resources, including land, for the welfare of the people. This authority is further elaborated in the Basic Agrarian Law (UUPA), which establishes regulations concerning land ownership, utilization, and management. The UUPA recognizes the state's right of control (recht van beschikking), customary land rights (hak ulayat), and land use rights for business purposes. However, these rights must align with the principle of prioritizing the public interest. In practice, the subordination of customary rights and land use rights to public interest policies can potentially lead to conflicts and economic losses for the rights holders. Issues such as inadequate compensation, lack of consultation, and improper recognition of customary rights often arise, particularly in regions where land is closely tied to indigenous traditions and livelihoods. To address these concerns, there is an urgent need for a standardized regulatory framework that balances the principle of public interest with the protection of customary rights and business land use rights. Such a framework should ensure legal certainty, equitable compensation, and mechanisms for conflict resolution to prevent injustice. By harmonizing state authority with individual and communal rights, the regulation can contribute to sustainable land management while upholding justice and public welfare. This study highlights the importance of legal reform to create comprehensive and inclusive land policies that safeguard the rights of all stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Restrictions on Indigenous peoples' contributions to policymaking pervade post-settler societies like Australia, Canada and Aotearoa. Such effects are observed in spite of agreements like Te Tiriti o Waitangi in Aotearoa and the United Nations' Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Te Tiriti, negotiated between the British Crown and Māori (Indigenous peoples of Aotearoa), may have been entered into honourably by both parties, but the Crown has consistently resisted its implementation. Contemporary colonialism is characterised by the entrenched and on-going displacement of Indigenous people's authority by settler states, rationalised by race as a determinant of human worth. Impacts include land alienation, unsustainable resource exploitation and marginalising Indigenous voices from opportunities to make policy consistent with Indigenous values and preferred ways of living. Colonialism normalises institutional racism so that public policy outcomes are persistently unjust. This article describes Critical Tiriti Analysis (CTA), an original contribution to transforming colonial policy, which retrospectively evaluates whether any specific policy document is consistent with Te Tiriti. Substantial interest in CTA from policymakers, practitioners, and scholars led to the development of the tool as a prospective guide to making policy that is consistent with authoritative interpretations of Te Tiriti, and therefore, more likely effective in producing public policies which eliminate inequities. CTA was initially focused on health policy and built on a series of questions that arise from our interpretations of the text of Te Tiriti, contemporary Tiriti scholarship and jurisprudence, and our observations of the ways in which the method is being used by ourselves and others. Although deeply grounded in Aotearoa, we argue that CTA may be transferable to other colonial contexts, such as the Australian where treaties between First Nations and the state are being contemplated, and Canada which has passed legislation to implement the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the core pathways under the European Green Deal to achieving climate neutrality by 2050 is ensuring a secure, resilient and sustainable supply of the critical raw materials needed for a net zero economy. The emphasis on supply, however, risks overlooking conflicts that critical raw material mining may give rise to, including land disputes, social unrest and displacement of local communities, which, in the case of some Member States, involves indigenous people and perpetuates colonial legacies. These conflicts are polycentric in the sense that they are formally independent of actions under the European Green Deal but still create a complex cause-and-effect relationship that involves a vast number of unrepresented but relevant interests. Mapping these relationships requires addressing colonialism – past and present – as well as the role of indigenous communities in EU law, and the significance of sustainability in supplying resources for the functioning of the internal market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article delves into the concept of permanent neutrality in international law, using Turkmenistan as a case study. Turkmenistan's foreign and domestic policies are heavily influenced by its permanent neutrality, which is enshrined in its constitution and national monuments. The text also explores how autocrats, like Turkmenistan's regime, may use international law, specifically permanent neutrality, to legitimize their rule both domestically and internationally. The analysis suggests that Turkmenistan's use of permanent neutrality aligns with the concept of Authoritarian International Law (AIL), showcasing the regime's strategic manipulation of legal norms for non-democratic purposes. [Extracted from the article]

"The Shrinking Nation—Response" by Graeme Turner delves into the complexities of Australia's shrinking national identity and offers practical solutions to reverse this trend. Turner emphasizes the importance of collective envisioning and action to shape a better future for the country. While nostalgia for past eras of cultural growth is present, Turner also challenges readers to question the existing system and consider alternative modes of relating to one another beyond the constraints of the nation-state. The article raises thought-provoking questions about the need for meaningful change and whether a renovation or revolution is necessary for Australia's future. [Extracted from the article]

The article explores the concept of boundary objects in collaborative work, focusing on a planetary health project in Boruca Indigenous Territory, Costa Rica. Boundary objects facilitate communication across groups with distinct goals, allowing for convergence on some issues while coexisting with others. The project involves youth researchers documenting cultural traditions and environmental issues, revealing tensions around commodification, land rights, and community benefits. The use of boundary objects in the project highlights the complexities of collaboration and dialogue in addressing planetary health concerns across diverse perspectives and power dynamics. [Extracted from the article]

This article calls attention to the critical potential of heritage and Critical Heritage Studies to contribute to what I argue are urgent entwined critical justice issues of Indigenous rights in the Anthropocene. Recent shifts in recognition and affirmation of Indigenous rights, during a period of rapid acceleration of climate and environmental change, demand (k)new approaches in Critical Heritage Studies. The article questions what heritage does and can do, highlighting the potential for positive transformation through recognition of Indigenous rights, laws, relational kinship obligations, and ecocultural heritage stewardship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the journey towards First Nations data sovereignty in Canada, with a focus on the pivotal role of the First Nations Information Governance Centre (FNIGC) and its First Nations Data Governance Strategy (FNDGS). Framed within the context of Canada's commitment to reconciliation and recognition of Indigenous rights, the FNDGS represents a significant step towards self-determination through ownership and control of data. The article discusses the historical context of colonization and its impact on data governance capacity among First Nations, highlighting the emergence of the FNDGS as a transformative force. It explores the foundational principles of the FNDGS, emphasizing the importance of data sovereignty as a tool for empowerment and self-governance. The implementation phases of the FNDGS are outlined, showcasing a multi-phased approach that prioritizes data capacity building through community-driven and nation-based principles and approaches. Additionally, the commentary discusses the lessons learned from the COVID-19 pandemic and the imperative of Indigenous-led data strategies to mitigate the risks of a future pandemic. It concludes by reflecting on the prospects of the FNDGS and its critical role alongside Canada's continued commitment to Indigenous rights in realizing true data sovereignty for First Nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Canada, emerging discussions about colonialism and ongoing retrenchment from the welfare state, including social housing, accentuate the urgency of addressing housing need in ways that uphold both human and Indigenous rights. Through questionnaires and interviews with 28 non-profit housing providers in British Columbia, Manitoba, and New Brunswick, this paper examines the intersection of human and Indigenous rights with the provision of low-rent non-market housing. It identifies barriers and strategies to advancing the right to housing in Canada's settler-colonial capitalist context and, in doing so, articulates possibilities for new policies upholding housing as a human and Indigenous right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista Ciência & Saúde Coletiva is the property of Associacao Brasileira de Pos-Graduacao em Saude Coletiva and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Contestations around forests and lands have a long history in Sabah, Malaysia and the divergent interests of the ruling State, private business and indigenous and local peoples have played out in narratives shaping policies and debated in media since colonial times. Coalition building among actors is one avenue of influencing policy and securing benefits from policy outcomes. Here, we examine print media related to the Nature Conservation Agreement (NCA), a controversial carbon trading proposal, to identify policy coalitions based on actors' narratives about development and forests. Relevant articles from October 2021 to January 2023 were coded to identify the media frames, actors, and their arguments. Using discourse network analyser (DNA), three coalitions were identified: 1) Local rights defenders; 2) NCA promoters; 3) Process sceptics. Actors for or against the NCA both emphasise the importance of managing forests and local development within Sabah, but closer examination of arguments reveal that coalitions have different visions of who is to be included in decision-making and who will benefit from it. NCA promoters use the same narratives that have been historically used to legitimise state control over forests and land, and frame the NCA as an effective "win–win" solution for climate change and local economic development. The coalitions of dissenters highlight lack of transparency and free, prior, informed consent, and inequities for local and indigenous people. Discourses on development and resource management in Sabah are not without contestation, even though alternative options for more just development are still absent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Jurnal Ilmu Hukum, Humaniora dan Politik (JIHHP) is the property of Dinasti Publisher and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This research investigates the complex dynamics surrounding the term "Igorot." Despite its origins as a neutral descriptor for various indigenous tribes, the term has been marred by historical misrepresentations and stereotypes perpetuated through media, literature, and educational materials. Through a qualitative-descriptive approach, including content analysis, interviews, and focus group discussions, the study delves into media representations, community perceptions, and the formation of Igorot identity. The findings reveal persistent misrepresentations of the Igorot community, perpetuating stereotypes and fostering discrimination. Educational materials, media presentations, and cinematic portrayals often reduce the rich cultural heritage of the Igorots to simplistic clichés, reinforcing negative stereotypes and misconceptions. Despite efforts such as legislative protections and international frameworks affirming indigenous rights, misconceptions persist, impeding the community's social inclusion and perpetuating marginalization. The study highlights the complex nature of Igorot identity, with divergent views within the community regarding the term "Igorot." While some embrace it as a link to their cultural heritage and communal lifestyle, others prefer tribal-specific identifications or reject the term due to its negative connotations. The research emphasizes the need for portrayals that reflect the diversity and authenticity of Igorot culture, fostering understanding and respect. The findings of the research call for educational reforms to accurately reflect Igorot heritage and sensitization programs for media professionals to promote authentic representations. Collaborative efforts between the Igorot community, scholars, and media organizations are recommended to promote respectful portrayals and effectively challenge stereotypes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper examines the emerging professional expectation that school psychologists will be able to demonstrate competency in delivering services to Indigenous students. We argue that achieving this competency requires an underpinning Indigenous rights-based perspective embedded in professional education and practice. We discuss the historical context of psychology in Australia, the competencies needed for psychologists and the critical role psychologists might play in advocating for the rights and self-determination of Indigenous Peoples both internationally and specifically in Australia. Additionally, we explore the challenges within the Australian education system, the deficit perspectives surrounding Indigenous students and the need to shift to rights-based approaches to support these students effectively. The paper also covers topics such as the cultural competency of teachers, the impact of settler colonial education policies on Indigenous youth and the intersection of Indigenous rights and psychology. Overall, the paper provides insights into the evolving role of school psychologists in the requirements of Competency 8 and argues for the significance of an Indigenous rights-based approach to providing professional services in education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]